TAMIL CULTURE Xavier Thaninayagam Adigaiar 1952 VOLUME 1 TO 12 4768 PAGES Af ®^gj^^^®rrt^fl^iSgjiaifflnDi International Institute of Tamil Studies » 9J §11 J "Vj)llk Ml TAMIL Vol. I - 1952 c39i<#inflLurT: ^erfl^iriusib (^^aBoriTiT ^i^(pniTrTULii9=<^ nfi pi Qiflinr) INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE OF TAMIL STUDIES @(r«wn_iiii) (ip 5 «fr«Du>ff ^ireneo. «diduj^ Q^hi^wijjlLuu uuSleoa eviCTTiraib ^irifiewif). Q»6ijT6iD€OT - 600 113 VOL. I KO. S tB5Z TAMILCULTURE ji Quarltrlj Revteva dfdicaltd to the study of Tamiliana Cuiture IHE EDITOE T he- pjsDCTEOEA'aoir and disappearance of dominant cultures* is one of the most painful observations in the study of history. HiQr 6ay the Lion and Ihe Liazard keep The Conrt e where .bmel^d gloned dnok deep. Ca of sadnera and regret comes over the student culture that w^hs among the ruins, of Sumer or AlrVaH ^ Crete or Athene a^ realises that mpp could have altered the coiuse of history^ The^^disappeaxance of -cultures is not ex¬ plained by a blind and pr^etemriined <^clic process as OUo Spengler attempted to prove in his hook jm_the l^edine of the Westr While it is true that a culture may not be produced artifit^y or dm^eloped according to* a pre-eonoeived it Js no less true that the rational and spintual dssnents in a culture are those that determine its cr^lave activily, and these are contributed by the mind of man. It is in the power of men to contribute t he ca us es and -workatjho se c nnrfitTnnB . > nefifgRnay «f Q i^a«€mreri^^ £nd it is also in the power of men to conhat those intellectual errors and the cmotaonal prejudices which stand in' the way of such conditions. The Survival as well as the growth of Tamil Culture is. therefore, in our own hands. There need be no fear that the growth o^ Xndlmi or Cey* lonese nati o nal unity, or even the spread of a world culture threatens the survh'al of the culture of the Tamils. If the culture of India and C(*ybn is toJaave an-oganic and natunij development in the future, it will be in the interest'of these countries to promote a cui;ure whicu has been basic and is at the roots of their liistoiy, and to foster the language and the literature that has been responsible for the preservation of that culture. If the growt h of sep tate J^jJKaleSj-jn-ScotiHndr'in Ireland have been argued to be necessary for the development of Ei Jish Culture, with how much more justification may it not be stated that any attempt to interfere with the language, the literature, and the way of life of the Jniliions of Tamils or to weaken their culture by questionable politico-economic methods would spell min for that wealth, vitality and diversity which have been charac¬ teristic of culture m our parts ot the world.^ • From that dawn of history when Dravidian religiouflt ethical, and material elements entered Vedic and post-VediO' dvilizauon and made -a cultural conquest not tmhkft the classical one related by Horace, Graeda capta lennp yictoreDi-oeixt et artea •latuiit Qgresti latio. to the present day when Tamil artisans froin Tanjore-craata- Beauty with stone^and chisel at the Dalsdh llilalig^a “file edifices of the Ceylon Umversity, the T amil contribution to other cultures has been consistentiy considerable Smee a healthy diversity is necessaiy m a unity for the development of culture, any attempt in India or Ceylon ito impose the tyranny of one language, one outlook, one w^y of life woiild be uuiuixnount lo uic negation of culture, and would result in the failure that like experiments have encountered in ou?r generation in Italy and Germany. Even in a countiy_lik0 Malaya wheiiBJhejrfimU.jpealdmg-peoifie'iam aTminwil^ -tiierconarvation of Tamil culture will strengthen theinture development of the Federation. It is this belief that has made the IJniversity of Malaya organize a dep?rtment.of Tamil Studies and South Indian culture. It is the unfm^inative statesman that aims at the tyranny of a rigid uniformity and J C3aT8topJ»er Dawsoa/ Proffre.ts and Peltffion, p. 1X7, ff; Londoii, JBIS. THE SUJ'VIVAL 01' T.AMIL CULTUHE 90 tmbrace.s ^hc viev/ that any culture incompatible with hie ovETi should be foncbly uprooted. Nor i* it reaeona\)le to fear that dominan t cultures like .Ta m il, -and -a-fort4^.-«atellite culturee',' wduTd cease to exist before the advance-of a future world culture. T. S. Eliot harf stated very clearly what the reaction of a student and lover of culture would be to the evolution of a world culture 'Borh. as 7S envifaB;ed bv the promoters of a wo^’ld state and a world government. ** We can only conceive it (world culture) as the logical term of relations between cultures ... It must follow from what I have- already pleaded about the value of local cultures, that a wra’ldLculture wb’ch was simply a uniform culture would be no culture at all. We should have a hmuanity' de-humanised. It would be a nigh tmar e Tamil culture far from being absorbed in a world culture • • wnuld receive from it or>nortunities for growth and for eprvfca^- The United Nations P-dncat?onal Pc^entific and. Cultural” Ofiran^sation has thus defined its objectives: 1. To develop aad naintaui mutval underalandma &nd appreciation of Jthe life_apd culture. Jhe arts, the-humanities; ■and'lhe ^iences”^,the -peoulea of -the ^corld, as a basis far effective international ox^anisataon and world peace. 2. To co-opera*e in extending and in raaldng available to all peoplee-for the service of common' human needs the world’s full Ijody of .know* Jedge and culture, and in assuring its contribution to the stability, politi^ security, and general irell-being of the jjeqplea of the wodd. The activitira of the international body have been said to be vague .and imuractical, and such obsert^ationsare probably due to the n^ide^ tliat the organisation-fe^ -5ntrodu©ed"fif liiB* ^ucatiunal and cultural field. It is co^ainly giving an orientation unemphasised before by educators^^octor .^nanda Coomaraswamy realised the need to establish world unity and understanding on a knowledge of the culture, literature, and the ^irituaJ achievements of peoples, and be ad'’- uated that norms of conduct shouW be taken not only f* .,in Greek and Latin classics, but also from Tamil, from Arabic, from Peraiair ^ T. s. Eliot, Xotes toirarii the Definition of Cultyre, p. 62, iflsi. 300 TAMIT. rX'i/JL'RE and frojn Chinese- The Unesco up to now has not turned ita thouf^ls-to Tajml.'but we fervently hope it Triil. "Thelova^ of Tamil culture is not concerned bo much about a. possihle weakening o r inadequate recognition of Tamil ns. "about the world neglecting or losing a most precious herit^e. » • -• • • The manner in which Tamil cultiu^ has resisted all attemnls at beine absorbed by alien culture argues £«i inhe¬ rent vitality which strikes the student of culture as a most remarkable phenoraeno^ By the usual laws of change known to history there were periods when the_Tanuls. and theirJiul-- ture”^ould havTbeen so absorbed as to have lost uieir iden¬ tity; when their language she aid have been bo changed -as -to- hav-c • los^-its -origintil-structure;, and shoiild hiwe -been so Sanscritized as to create tod ay mn troyetsies regarding its origh’^ and-atB-olassifi»ttott The adviait of the Aryans, the activifiES of the Jains and the Buddhists, the patrona^ of excluave classes by Tamil Idn^, an exaggerated ^^preciation and imitation of foreign inodes,“the comnieslLof the Tamil coimtryTjylEiirbpwin nations, all these events' brought In their wake a number of tren^ unfavourable to the organic growth of the"”lultuie of the -Tamils. But -efi'ery^jeriod of danger was marked by a re¬ action in favour of maintaining its purity and identity, and thus has Tamil Society rEa<3hed it*? present sta^e with its dwn' system of values and its own cultural ethos. i * In the relations between a given culture and contempo¬ raneous cultures, there are always two forces! in action, the ■furee of attractioSIandThe torce oTrejphlsion. "E^ecially in our age is contact udth other cultures a source m new strength and inspiration. Even those influences mentioned above which occasioned a struggle for survival, eventually- served to enrich Tamil culture because Tamil society bad the vitality to react in time and assimilate foreign- elements of worth into its org^ism without any danger to its identity. The force-of- repulsion too, paradoxically'’ enough, is one of the most creative forces in ^he realm of culture. It is friction that producea the T1&E SURVIVAL OF T IMIL CULTURE iOl spark, and it is danger that augments the instinct of self- preservation. There' nre enough causes today for Tamil Society to be constantly vigilant, and vigilance fe as much the p rice of cultiire as oi liberty. When tre compare the state of the Tamil languego -and nterature and Tamil way of life fifty years ago with their pre¬ sent state, we see many encouraging signs to show that we are witnesmng 'the beginnings of a great revive. It has been usual to attribute this revival to the great patriot and poet, Bnlntb- maniva Bharathi.. “While we are wSlmg to ascribe to bim the chief influence in the reawakening of a national and political _,consciousne^ among the Tamils, and new trends in Tamil poetry, the literary and cultiiral revival, we fed,~2iduld be traced to another source. QJust as the populamaMon of the classics _Df Greece and ^^^e and the study of the oripns of European Culture occasionwllhe Renmssance, so too thnrpopnhtdzation throiudi print of the Cangam works and the classeal epics of ihemib- seouent epochs-are respon.«nble for th^ new life that, is manl¬ iest in Tam il lett ers, ind then^interest shoW in'TamiliaiuJ To no s^nide man-^ould rTbe possible to'Bttrib»»te“ti» Jbecinniho^ of thia_Rcnaip®aoee._ Jt is a movement tmvfl.nlo the judcess of which many outstandTnKmwliav£eQntributed*th€ir ^are-; religious reviva'lrB'ts ’ like Pamalinga AdP^nO, Ammuga Navalar, and Vedanavagam Pillai; schnlaJiB Fke “Meenaksh’PiTndaram Pillai iSnhdaraTp PiPai and V, P. Rubra- mMia Mudaliyar ; editors like C. Y, Thamothirain KUai a^nd Rwaminatha Aiyer; writers life' Maraimalai Adigal and .Thi ru V.~ l^van«*imdaga- Mu dal’ar, Intemreters In^En^iidi like Kanagasabai Pillai andTlr. Ydper~Thislnovem£STTias created a deep inter^ in the roots and ori^s of Tamil Cul¬ ture^ it has been responsible for the eschewing of superfluous words and phrases of Sanscrit ori^ which were introduced in Tamil vocabulary daring periods when Sanscrit was con¬ sidered ** the language of the gods and Tamil thought to be an inadequate medium of eogTression. This niovEinEnt haa caused a rerival of interest in Tamil Music bj Tamil dances and in Tamil drama. In brief, it has made the 3C2 TAMIL CULTUIlE Tamil coA^ious of his past, and that is the happiest augury /or the future gincs the future should he well ro oted i n the " past.— In the realm of poetry, th’s ia Bharathi’s a ge, but-venr little uf genuine 15'j^ry'irafi~been produced since his death. Tamil prose reveals the signs of conscions attempts by writers to ma l c e it the medium of expression of modem.thou^t and literary criticism. The output has been prolific In certain eections of Tamil prose, but depth, vigour, strength and char¬ acter have not been its notewnrtbv fe»t^ire*«. Arthur CluHohJ^ PflM pnrne yp«*^ ago Thp 'P'norlic^ P1«+o jg v«»t fr» be So too the Tamil Newman, the Tamil mton, the Tamil Q*onm,-and ^ven the Tamil Tagore are yet - to }5e. * • • • • survival as well as the positiye, growth of T amil 'CriTture is happily bas^ on the study of the past of the Tamils. The present revival is bound to be yet fr uitful in proportion-to thenstndy that the Tamils themselves are'able to make of their own language, their own-literature and Their own culturejFor the maihfenance as wellnsfor the transmit jaffl>--f)j^a-cujtin^rthereHB-^o~safeguafa~mbmfT^ah^^ ianwage. and no means better suited than the family. Tf Ts'in the family that the earliest and also the permanent .attitude towards JL culture is developed.- Hen^ in b l-lingual areas tan effoTfshould be niade in Tamil homes to 1|each the mpthef- tohgue in all its piirily, and inculcate the_|^er and nobler .'elemrats of the Tamil heritage.® * The. following lines shout satellite cultures from T- . in»v sdmulate thought in those that advocates ind-sersninate bi-lingnslwnn. 8. Eliot, ae., p. M, . ^T h R ^^ nmiirt HkBble-gat ^ t e u uHu i v i 8~nne'~wh*cb~pye9eT res'IS Tingns^Tbirt "iriiieh is Fo closely associated with, end dependent upoi, another, that not only certain claKses of the population, but oil of them. na%’e to be tn^mgual. It differa from the culture of the independent small nation in this sesiiect, that in the latter it is usoalV only necessary for some classes jto know another language r la the independent small nation, those who need to know one farei^i language are likely to nef^ two or 'three: so that the pull to-' Wards one foreign cnl^nio be balanced by the attmtion of at least one other. A nation of weaker culture at different period s ; a snre satellite culture ia one ychichr for geographical and other reasons, has a pErmanent' relation to a stronger one.** THE survival or TAMIL JLtUHE 103 The many Tamil festivals, lectures and conferences that ^ becoming popular in the Tainil coimtiy ar6 promotmg ^ very welcome enthusiasm," But enthuSa^ can be shortiivM unless it springs from inteUectual convictions. £uch c onvic¬ tions are formed by study, by the cultural dimafe in the family, and by an understanding of that" perfection and that ^ sweetness and light ” that culture bestows on the individual and on society/ Jt is because of persons endowed such perfection ” that life is livable. To quote the Tamil sage-: ueoTLfesiuJuir/ru fiicosu) QiajQpeA ueaiLfi^ ujiiuGujp -tcfiv * C/. MaUiew Arnold, Cullure and Atiarcl^. 3lw 3keonj. ^oikapplyxir T. P. MEENAKSlilSUNDARAM, 21^, bj#., m.q^ TOIiKAPPlYAM T olkappiy^ is the earliest book^ now availabl e in not only on grammar but on all the fields of Tamil langnage nnd literature—orthography, phonetics, phonobgy, motpho- ♦ » 4ogyr"entQmdogy,"syntax, semantics, - prosody, and =rhetoric» which can be brought, in modem times, imderXingnifr ties and Poetiia. Many of Tolkappiy^’s niles,^..ppintedjaut; 1:^ Ins comn^talors. have lost their force by the tinm d the Csnkam literature, now- extant, and it is, therefore^ Bfismned to !:« a book ^terior in time to .theJatterj ffving-pne'^ i nf^hprT Sini] imiintr y of the few'centuuecbfe^B thB^^iaalam Poems. According to the tradition, whilst the ^Uiolo^ imdfiT-diRcnKnnn^ belong to the Third Cankam, Tbi Mppt gtm goes back to. the Second Cankam, the master of-Tolkapl^aiv the sage Agastiya, having had a plac^~ in the Pi|st CankanL But it is curious to findj!;he SZime ar ^thnlngiral ' hRar aM***- -nf literature einphasised hy Tolkappiyai^ himself. 'The. theory of j)oetic8, adumbrated in his work, implies the very kind of anthology, hosed'on s ome thing fike jthe Cankam tradition.* Tt ^veiriirdetairelaborate^ines'Tor dffirih jpg the. individiial xnoxzieDtB’ioot in any" connected~narrative verse of epic gran¬ deur, but in s^arate unconnected lyri'caj stanzas. It makes, it is true, a passing reference to old stories (Tol) and'new. Btorifes (virurtui but this may, after all. refer to old_ and new themes,- treated in distinct dramatic songs. This artiesle is the cortinuation of the " The Theoir of Cankam Poeby," TUE TUEORY OE TOETRY IK TOLKAPPIVAR 1U5 Ja’s .Prosody XHe "Ceyyul~Iyiil or Uie* chapter on 1iicrai!y tjompo^ibif in Tolkappiyam is really a treatise on prosody'. Tolkappiyar’s conception of a verse is such as to give us ins theory ol poetry we are in search of» The "very £rstuCiitram enumerates the various constituents of a verse as its organs : (1) the alpha¬ betical sounds (Eluthu);; (2) their‘duration (Mattarai); (3>- their knitting together into -syllable (AcaiJ; (4) the various permutaliDns and combinations of these syllables as feet (cir); (5) the varied integrations of these feet into lines (Ati); (6) the caesura—the coincident with the metrical and grammati¬ cal"'pause (yappul; (7} lEe leri'cal"tradition" (marapu) ■;~t8) the baric poetic intonations or fundamental poetic tunes _^(^kku).;_(^)-the J nnnmerahle ga , rl?^nd like patterns of met¬ rical weldings such as assonance and rhyihe (Total); (10) the import, or the jiurporLof the verse, conlraDing and vivifymg all these as to make them expressive' of 'the sflf same' purport (Nokkuj; (11) the basic verse patterns as so many permanent natural sound configuratioM of the language rtrf theidl^ anf-th e langui^'iXpa) TT^12~jrthe~leD^^dfdiir^ sibns (Alavu); (13) the harking back "to the ideal behaviour patterns, oi'an ennobliii^humaiuty^CTliuu); (hi/4heir vary- ing. main~ cuifents jDf_activity. (kaikol);_ (15) ;1he tpeato (ktUTu) whose expression is tho poem ; (16) the person to yhom the poem is spoken (Ketpor) ; (17) the place (Kalan) and (18) time of the poem (Kalam) ; (19^ the resulting effect or purpose of the veiie (payan); (20) the sentiment or emo- - tion bubbling ^.OTth there; (21)'the elHptical construction or the'TEarmng'afternompleficufnf -flie-seoserat -eyery^stage-of its pipgress (Eccam);"(22)~lhe~context making -clear the meani^ (Munnam); (23) the underlying universality (Porul); (24) the-Ford in the poetic current where the parti¬ cularity enters into the flow of poetry or the particularity of the poetic aspect of the .verse (Turai); (25) the great linkings o r the retrospective and prospective constructions (Ma ttu); *(26)-the colour or the rhythm of the verse (Vanham); and (27) the eightfold poetical facades (Vanappu). These twenty- 106 TAiVJ;! CULVUliij seven are thus enujneriileu as the organs of a verse or ajUt©.- lary conapositkiiL- The -BiajuiE-or At first sight, this app^rars to be a confusing and psptez- ing conglomeration. LooMng deeper into this enumeration,- one--finds therein, the organic theory of poetry taking shape andioim. There is the ageiong Tamil simile that versels like the living body of a man. The sound and meaning tpgethet form one united whole. The bone, the marrow, the hair, the tooth, the mucus and their varieties of cells make up the body, of ivian ; one has to add to these the various mental condMons and other vital constituents of life, known and unknownH>-= in short all the physical, the chemical, the biological^, the. psychical- and the spiritual hierarchies, Tising as J^iera, one over the other, but all woven into a beautiful unity by feature —^=all these go to make up the personahty of man. Everything, there subserves higher pinpose^pf jthis .personalitjyi and finds a fagnificance.a^jnfi^ing therein. a^ange.in-a 'gnyunviahle "cdOTfor ihst^ce,. ofla gland ^ects flie pattern, Jhou)^ the organism may ccoitmue to live. So do the vapuns X)arts of the verse go Ip make up its m^\'idual ^ecific patten^ and life. -The Music op Poetb'x Some of the constituents of the verse, 1 ?Vp- the letters^ their duration, the -Byllables, the feet, the gaxWd like wdd- jnga, the hues, and intonation s jLre.£labnraii nn^f-our-^^ tic expenenees, whilst the Tesulting sound configurations, the rhytlrms, 'the linnensinns, and the poetic timi s are prosodic elaiborations of sneh an experience. AH these hypnotise the Jr.ider, by their basic poetic music, and TnaVe bim move and heave with the poem. He stands enchanted, believing in die subject matter and becoming one with it, carried away tythe mnltifcudinous concatenationB of canorous sounds of varying durations, modified by breaths frictions, trillings liquids hard and soft explosion!^ enriched Jby oral and n pc^l resonances,- THE THEORY OF POETRY IN TOLKAPPIYAR 107 and divided into hapjw coUoealicms of ^ignifficaiit-gnd oatoBl' ^Uabic pulsations, which in their flow hy their permutations and c ombinations, form int o various waves of feet , wh ich in their turn move with the poetic mood, by ^eir verj' force of movement fastening themselves into varying patterns of wreaths or eddies of diff ering Erections and «Ti glp.g of asson> ance and rhyme, the multifarions dispositiohs of these lines, giving rise, on this poetic march to varied and variegated poetic tunes, resulting in basic poetic configurations of differ¬ ing rh 3 rthins of many a hue and many a facade. AmiTOBY Imagixation ■ The • heading of this paragraph is_pf Hr. Elliot’s GCfming. and what he says in this connectum in Use, of Poetry, therefore, throws more light on thip conception’ of what-he-caiUs auditory imaguiation. * “Xt-is the feelihg for s y l lab l e and rhythm, penetrating iar below Ihe consdous levds of thought and feeling, invigoratang every word, gnTdnjg to the inost=priimg^ and forgotten, retnnsiiig^»-lhe’lDr^gii^ and bringhig somettung back, .Peking the bejphxung and flfie end- Jt works throu^. meanings certainly or not without means, in the ordinary sense, and fuses the old ^nd obliterated And the trite, the current, and Hhe riew and surprising, the most ancient and the most civilised mentality Thought Waves The other organs of the verse like the meaning mnde dear Xy the context, ~ther-daboraterraiiuficatSDns~by^^usiQns~and suggestions glowing into life, by sweet remembrances as des¬ cribed at length by Prof. Rdthards,- the lexical traditioiis of words and their significance, the elliptical construction or the yearning for the predicate after every pause in the continuous flow of the sense making the whole a continuity, and the re¬ trospective and 'protective constructions as looking back- ■ward and forward to bring about a well knit organised uriity are but ordinary grammatical themea These are the various ■ways in which the reader’s understanding of a poem and his T\M13. CrLTTOE IOC UEunl grasp of uie meaning‘‘arc utilised _for swaying his mind hither and* Oulherv-hk mind, thereby, heaving up with the crest of the poetic wave, and ebbing, away wifli its trough, and hifi^hvp n ntlgpd wbb f h ft-rrnTRift. «.VifT meaning of the poem, and thereby, becoming- one with the Life of the Poem The remaining constituents of the verse are its Speaker, the persons addressed, the time and place,' the effect, the sentiment, the generality, particularity and universality of the poem, the last head reminding us of Jung’s "arche- tvpes and the unconscious racial and individual memories*” These are all what one is accustomed to consider under the head of meaning and. subject matter,^ These fonn^tiie poetic theme in its concrete and specific reality, vivii&ad by its ing-emotion, appealingto every:heart by its universal or arthe- type, becoming of momentous value, as .the tgcpresaon. of a fundamental tnndp of. infadiiBically epnob lin g-hunian-beh ar ^oxnv*il^y^e cahyih^witlhJLtself the-imprimatur lif pei^ fv>7ial experience. The value of a work of art, as Read sug¬ gests. consists, not merely in the progressive organisatioir of iinpulscs for ffreedom and fullness, of life "(according to. Richards), but also of the open Tceognifion of a moral sanction which is. in the old phraseoloCT* revealed the-artigEr;^a ci^t fold facades and .the import’of the parts are attempts at telescoping these vaxioiis strata of poetry, pis., the sound., -the -miisiiJ, the "significance, its sweEp“and development the pmntinn. and th~ft_fin al^.xperience.—Everyth^g. thus, appeals' to be of great importance in the £nal make-up of"ihe poeticr personality of the verse, reflecting the i>erson^ity of the poet. For, as Neuman has said, “ literature is the! personal use or exercise' of language. Language itself, in ita very origination; would seem to be traceable to individuals* Their peculiari¬ ties have given it, its character. We are often able in to -trace particular phrases or idioms to indi\uduals. We Imow the history of their use. Slang, surel.v, as it is called, comes^of and' breathes ofjthe personal. - The-coiinection- between the- THE THEORY OF POETRY IN TOLKAEPIYAR force-erf words h) piirticito lan^age?. and the habits asd eentiotf-nts of the nation speaJdnc: theimias often been pointed And while the many u se, lan guage, as they find it, t>w> man of genius uses if, indeed but subjects it, withal to his own purposes and moulds 51 according to his own peculiarities. The throng and succession of ideas. thoufdiis, feelings, imaginations, aspirations whl^ pass, with¬ in him. the abstractions, the jmetapositions, the comparisons, the diseriminalionR, the conceptions which arc sn ori^nal hi him, his viewp of external things, his judsm^is won life,* manners, and history', the exercise of his wit, of his humour, of his depth, of his sagacity, all the^ innumerable and inces¬ sant creations, the very pulsation and—throbbing of his in- lellecl does he image for^, to ah does he give utterance in a correEPonding language, which is as mhItifQrm ns this inward ment^ action itself and.analogous.to it, the faithful expression of his intense personality, attending oh his own inwaxdworid of thon^t, as its v-ery shadow.; so .th^we might -as well say that one inan’s riiadow is ^anotheris'^ that the style of ji ~~KsJly gifted "joind"can'^belaDg'to~ any^nt biineelf.'- It foll o ws him-about as a riiadow. ^BSs thou^^ and feeling are^ierspnal and so his language is personal” This-is quoted in extenso, since it explains the_personality of thp Inrignapp ©f an age. as wen as the personality of -a. poenianddts author. This ifig- ression apart, Tpikappiyam emphasises the fact_ihe sphdt and form of.a poena, thus, become an indissoluhle unity—a tadalmya or advaita relationriim. pHAaianc Moments yor Dbamas_ Tn tiiiiE',."it. inay^l^e necessary, jfco ex plMW fhp implicaidans of some of these eouBtituents. Perhaps, in explaining the an¬ cient Tamil Idioms of Tolkappiyam in modern critical terms, we are trying to ^ in round pegs into 'square* holes. Buh at this, point, it is sufficient to note, that every poem is expected to be rooken by one, addressed to some other, at a particular -place and time, inspired by an urge-or-p • .-pose,- and result¬ ing in an effect, the whole speech being aglow with a living major sentiment or emotion or feeling. The FVench Theorists insisted on the~thre'6 unities of action^ time‘and no I'AMTL CULTT.'KE place. 'Jrhis poetr>% as tlescribed i rt Tolkan piyamr—efjD texjs:^ p^tes^potjMi]y--ihese-unitacs"*l3u^^ the unity of“iU~thcse trinities Tvithinthe unity df a poetical moment of one dramaGB Bpeech, and no more. T hat, f.hip is iurtber-confinned by the various chapters in Tolkappiyom on Akam, Puram, Kalavu and Karpu, all of which give a series of illustrative rather than exhaustive poetic -situatioiis, where the dramatic-persons Imay give essrpression to their lyried. feelings. In short, every poem is conceived as a dramatic speech. Absence op Drama It is, therefore, passing strange that this does not ghre' rise' to the growth of any dramatic literature. It is notjdthrae is" no drama in that -age j there are the actors (Porunars) fte dancers; and the Cankam poems speak of Puranic'OT myiko- logical scenes painted on the.'wallsniieir folk dramas, how¬ ever,-Jaave not. developed any literary and/pennanent form.. Dramatic movements-and verses do not add up-to a That'Ts 'wl^- the re is nqti^a. single* drama- coming frpzn Cankam poet; *It iQa)CBii,-1heir theory of poeliy, sto^ in their way of h a ndli ng the 'folk ^dratna in a poetic way.. Per¬ haps the paintings Md dances of jthe-C!ankmn..age are-ihei^ aelves but a series of poE&situatJonB, portrayed and acted without any attempt at hintin']^ the passage of tiTne, Art b^- com^ a geometrical ^unmetiy not a rhjdhmic ^aow,% compo- sitibh in space rather than in time ; it h^ its^uationSj -as Monsieiir IPbibandet in distinguishing the drama from the novel pointe out, composed not disposed. • The CankamJino 2 yL.o£. paintings of BiiyiC!MQiiS--always-TestrictedTd'3^ricular.^^ .-mayloSvelhfluenced £he-theory-of poetiy. pSkps, all these e^ressiohs of various nrts, follow the same thiSoy of situa^. lions. Reference may be made to the eleven^treat nlaRRi r^l dances of the Cankam age. ♦ The Dances ’ . The eleven ancient dances of Tamil land steep our minds with a flash of an aetion and no more. Of lie -deveuf THb TUEORV OKPOETHl’ IK TOLlvAPPlYAli 111 -axT-Wiire by—&ir—Knatiia.— Out ofHLlie-eix 7 five—relatcHo-bis* strale^c war a 45 ainEtT”anacurai. ^aiiaji imprisoned Krisbim’s grandfion An i r udha. wben found iu hLs paJace, baving been -toron^rt-t bCTe ' by VaJUin ’ s da n ab r er rna my-irriTw p, w itk “ him To get bim ndeased Inclrani, Laisbini, biaimiada and Krishna, to mislead the people of tbe City, danced separately in that city in tbe form of an enchanled image (Pavai by Laksbmi} or in the form of comic figures like an Kunucb (Petu by Man- mada) or pot dancer (Kutam by Krishna) or gate dancer tKataiyam by Indrani). In the end came the more serious and mortal aance of westlmg (Mai by Krishna) in which \ anan was kiilecl. -'Ub, unconnected with this episode^ is the dance where Kr ishna, by breaking away its tuck as though it were a iiiy danced over the elephant, sent-against hiTT> by biya along -with his concert, danced to bring about the extinction of the acuras (Kotti). die fl.isn danced pver the yictoiy he achieved by Jjuming to ashes the three castles in the air (Pantarangam), Lord Murukan with the parasol, bent so as to form a screen, danced on the battlefield when the aeuras_tODk to their jheels, and toiy, he danced the drum danc^ along with thB seven^’Virgins (Tuti). Durga the goddess .of war and victory danf»A d the dance of the Measuimg vessel, making it roll over and cru^ the acuras, when thpy, to beguile their enemies, a^uii^ Jhe. forms of serpents and scoipions. one nf represents a pariieular rituation rather than a movement- of a story. .These remind us of the most, primitive form pf tragedy as preserved, for instance, in Aeschylus. Beferring to ftaf. Murr ay says, ** There is o ne great situation in which the poet s^e ps our minds with~tdniost one or two s infflen flas!5te~of action passing over it-—woman pursued by lhe ingf. of un¬ loved man the saviour of mankind externally to the Toek, the suspense of great jieople expecting and recmvmg the news of defeat in war, the agony of a beseiged city— these are all the kind of subject that might be treated in a fiimple choral dance with nothing but wprds and music”. Whatever the case may be, it is dear, the poetic theory of Tolkappiyam contemplates occasional verses \ and not any continuous narrative poem or epic. ~ " 1-UilL CZLTV^ U2 KoVM MaIiAI" gs poyfr^ rajong a series -of situations of love or war, in their temporal order. The compositions can disposedto form a rhythmic flow of time. Boch a thing Jias happened in Ir^anar ppml and the innumerable £^'ais are the results. JES^ovai is also a collection but a peculiar collection, representing'a gar^ land or a necklace of pearls, where in the overflowing time, pattern, shines inside the separate poenus, as the connecting st^g, and ^es the require unity to the whole collection. Eacciappar the author of Tanilcai~p-puranam, an the basis of the Tolkappiyam rules, has woven together the love stoiy of Valli into a beautiful drama. The war .-poems can al s o be narrated as a succei^on of situations enumerated in Tolkap^ -piyafn by-ooUecting together.the poemia of dramatic speeches and arr angin g them in such a: way j&s to fl.ssume temporal pattern and rythm. Purapporvl Y'enpamalai of the latter .gives us~ an^examplemLa pioneer work-h i-th«t jfield. Again ; K a nchq apar^in m-lt6-BaEca&®; of the .war-with a- Cirrapanman has successfully-effected this .^^ringing iogeth^ of the poetic “war situations,^ enuznerated ThrTi)lkapf]^am,^n conlanuoiisnarratave. Thelithe?-Thmil poets, also,, whenever they come to sing of war, attempt the same task on a smaller scale. A i;at£b Cakkaju A^fTHOLocr' -Something-like"-this“has bee»-cioae,-^ven-with-iEferencR work tallfid **-Ta]catur~ describing the advance, to the Cankajn poetry. The hteraiy yatfirfli ” —the March to Takatur _ of the Cera army on Takatur the Capital of the Chiefteinpf the age and the Patron of Learning. Atikaiman, the ■foDowing that march, and the resulting war, Js in reality a collection of the occasional verses sung by the two jgreat Cankam poets, .\rIcUkilar and Ponmutiyar, on the various poetic situations of that war, arranged by some—later day ficholar-on-the-pat-tern of-successive events-of_a_ 5 EaiL. .lEhe -n 9 ems-of Cankam age are, thus, capable ol_being-arranged THE theory of poetry IN TOLKAPPIYAH 113 M aS'to sirggest-a-naimtiDii -of iuc^HSe.expste ^Dits^sosofictcd- story of love or war. The Absolute Therefore, the most important fact is that this is not attempted by* those rcsponable ior.the pahkam Anthologies, people contemporaneousjmore. or less with th^oetsTThepre' valent theory of poetiy of the age, stands against any auih artificial collection, artiheial in the sense it goes against 'tiie nature of their unique occasionalism. If any such fhmg is attempted, it robs the poems of their independent arid indi¬ vidual poetic significance. Each poem is a chinl? in the wall of its individuality giving the glimpse of th** whole universe. It is a beautiful dew drop, refiecting the whole u^f the heamens ^d the earth from its individual point of view, ItB cc^gji' of= vantage. To make this universal vision -shrink into' a. point, on the line of a narrative vei^ is to murder-its poetry. Many A gem of pur^ ray serene -may he hidden in the sea of ex^ pEnence/and many are::^ hidden Tvstysi^ the-subtle ' artis^ working on ih^ vahiablelgeihs. Many like ihe .epic.:pbS^ are great in weaving beautiful patterns, immortalised in the pearl-nenklace of a ^u^ _6r in the ^mnnd^iadem of King — the varying dispositions-of the maii^^aeet^^^^gems sati^mg_the varying tastes and \Tanifeies of the ricln Some like the Cankam poetV^are great in isorving out gHstening, and living forms of the Divine Dance (Ratna Sabhapati) of* the Female Beauty, in each individual gem, infn^g and vii^ying the dead stone, with their life breath and mystical ^dsion, making it,"m~ihort, tEFAbsd3iiter-FCpw-can-4ihis.Al>-_ Bolnte be reduc^ to the relative in a-pattem ? Thiriivalluvar is the greatest ^lamc In Tamil literature. His poem ThvnUtkwal is a masterpiece of iLoughtf^ poetical eompositioEL-on aU aspects-of life. It reveals a man pro¬ found learning, wide-experience and broad sympathies.'The word “ Thiru ” attached to both his name and poem means ** sacred ” ; ValluVar is the name of a class among the paraiyas honoured in the casteless society of ancient Tamildom; but degraded latterly by the imporition of caste ^rom the North Mid the spread of Sanskrit culture and Brahminism, and by the establishment of Chathurvedimangalam (reserved settle¬ ment for learned Brahmins and their familie s) a nd-^3y=the -organization''of tem^e ■worship on the lines of .cen emo n la l pmity based on food and occupation. In the interim period before their complete segi^^tion_to_ttejco^ti£KJDf-ihe-^u^ -tonci^rt3^7"then/aDuvirB~ enjoyed im hofmujed jposthm-ss ■Qfficers^f State, who mounted on the back of elephants, pro¬ claimed royal ^cts. Hven now though outcastes, iBgjected ns able astrologers^ and are consulted by=^. classes and communitiBs. The name of the poem ^ Kural ” meaip anything short, and is derived from the metre of the poei^ — the sh or test in the language — which is a couplet of four feet in the tet liu^-and three in thc^cond line. The-Knrki-Btan^iB QintB Bppodt^td convey'^eat truths in epigrams v^ often charged with poetic lire and illuminated by apt HimliBs. Though a short treatiee with only 2660 lines, its value is iar-reachmg because it has entered into the very soul of the Tamil people. It was to them what the, English Bible was to the English Puritans and Pilgrim Fathei’S. It is the bed-rock of Thmil eultme and character. A. C. Paul Nadar B. A., B. L., is Prcadeal, The Cnlbme^SoiMly, an^ Tuticstiii. TA:MIL CLXTUHE in THlEir^'AlXtrVAB 115 Acc-orduig "to trzditip n Thinr\'Blli3T^ Tras'bprii at Ivlyi^drc, now s> part of IVIadros City, where a temple is dedicated to him. Madurai, the well known seat of the TamB Anwd^Tpy, >>««« equal claim m tradition as the place where he published his work. But nothing certain is known about his life and times. Several legends not all of them edHring or creditable, many "of them contradictory "to each other arid devoid any histofri^ background; -were invented at a later age to account for bis •greatness. T^e invention is due to the fact that the people of a later age could not reconcile themselves to tihe idea that a VaJluvar branded as a low caste man could have been author of such a noble work. (One legend ga\'e him Brahmin — JPaiiah parentage). In the light of modem -research, no Jegend relatmg to him can stand scnitiny. At this distance of time in the absence^ of any-reliable data, it is difficult to fix his age ewm approidmalely. Prom. ihe_ second centuiy B. C."- to the Sfitth (^tmy A.3). '^ous dates are given by different sdi nlara A good maiotity of them are inclined to place him -i ^J ‘ h e_B rst jxr .see and ceidany^ of-tiieU^Ihi TOtami^ eiaLj?.The of Sanskrit mfliien ce and ffie use of parficular w n wl c IVtoiI are mainly the basis omihidbi the date is sou^t to be' fixed. But the' diffici^ is -about the text. There bas.been no aoim'd textuiQ aificism' to settle t he tert itedf. Studies ire'’ not yet directed to trace the growth of ideas. In thp nK^nro of a. r eliable text, and history of ideanwith the necesaiy back- groimd for devdoping ffiem, it seems to be arhopeless task to fix his date. - - _ the text idjr.hinjkkura l now stands, it hi eelegth% matter and artificial in arrangement. It is possible that all Ae verses are not his pwn : some he has adopted from the inarms and proverbs, floating down the centuries *as the abfiling possesaona of the people. It is ala) clear that some chapters and ^verses have been added to suit the ideas ntirl sentiments of a later age when Sanskrit culture was gaining ^l-ound. The chapters on_fate and instability of things are obviously drawn from Sanskrit sources. But ex^en in re- ediiing, the underlying idea_seeins to have been to approxi- mate as much as possible to the original'frame work, sls^ for TAMIL CITLTUPJE lift in stance, the chapter s OTLja^Cfctibian-^Jeal-with-dptJipLiTienT But’ liot 'wi;ft.lot£d renunciation by goirm .out of the world. Even in spite of such approxinia‘»ion, jther*: are some eontradi^timia Trhifh a ro not co j ^llv feuuire alablel It is not'known when the poem was divided into books, sections and chapters. One of the earliest commentators, Pari-.- mdalagar. is only of‘the 13th centiiiy after Christ. He f^ves.. the present aiTa»Eement with reasons for the order in which it i& arranged'. The reasons are. however, not always ^tis- factory. -In some places they are strained and inappropriate and artiScial. He is a great Sanskrit .scholar and a votary of that language. He thinks that- Thiruvalluvar borrowed lavi^> ly from the Code of^Mami for his book on virtue and Kauri- lya’s 'Arthafostra for his book on wealth. This is obvioudy an error. There is nothing in common between Manu and Thiruvalluvar on virtue (jfjDih). Manu treats the virtue nf a‘man from thVstandpoint of hjs bheth or his caste-calSng. He treats of duties as varying according to a man^s stati^ in life. But the bade principle of T hbuv alhnrar ris-fha^lt- men]W^;biH3f^ual ^mdThat-virtiie is xmiversaL'The concept^ of ' Tamil tArram) is different -from that of Sansl^t Dharma. In the same manner Kautilya’s politics is Machia-^ -yriKan. Indeedr;4fautilya*s other" name^'^C hanaky a. which* -has ^ven-birth to a word in the Indian languages, namely, CSjanalcyam, which has acquired as Tnjieh ill-ddour as Marhia;^ vdlism-in"Eiurcpe. On the other hand, ThinrJ^alliivar dsmural to the core, in eveiy aspect of life, wHethfer it is politics, economies, or family life or any relationshi]|i between TnaTi and man . ParimddB.^ri«jgii>ig-has^ntamraged-someriiroclem' stholars to say “that Thiruvalluvar has borrokred from"Vat- dyana's KenTtbsastra dor his book on love. Ncjyw, Vatsiyana's Kamasastra is a' Beienee of sex and depicts thfe sexual life of his age about the beginning of the Christian era in the. urban areas of Northern India not dissimilar to the debased sexual life in the Homan Empire which called forth the burning in¬ dignation of St. PauL On the other hand, Thiruvalluvar*B • book on love depicts the Romance of a couple-devoted to each other, from first sight to the stage ^ family life,_a£tec-imiozir- “and jt Ib onriv^ed for its purity and delicacji-Df. feeling. TA^^IL CUT.TURE IN THIRUVALLm'AR 117 It is ob\aous tihat the Thirakkural has two sources—one based on Itoil culture, and the other on Sanskrit culture. Ii i£ jio t- difficiil rt o -diBeTrtgftgTg the ori^nal'diieTo Taiml cul-~ ture as distinct from what was derived from Sanskrit culture. In the first place, the language will indicate it. Ideas expressed in pure Tamil words will prove iheir origin. Nest in import¬ ance are the nature of ideas.. Broadly apeaking, the early Tamils believed in world and life aflSrmation. Sanskrit lit^ rature, at least the post-vedie literature is the other way about; world and life negation. The ideas relating to fate, in.?tability of life and cycle of birth are apparently of Nor¬ thern origin. These are Tnostly due to historical and climatic causes. The waves of invaaons pouring, through the Norfli- westem Passes uprooted life in northern India and crea t ed a perpetual refugee problem. No wonder, people beeame pessimistic or other worldly. The cycle oiJnrth beeame a m^tmare. The'Iaw of Karma was ^ the centre of that think¬ ing- This is the soil on which arose . feiTiism, Bi id dh\gm and 3rahininiBmj-=fljQngh— eda5-. when it developed the language of hlalayalam with a greater admixture of Sanskrit. Until the 16th centpry 'A-D. when the Portuguese invaded South India, there was no danger of naval iniTLsions of Tamihiad, and it was well protected from the ‘N^^h'inifil the 3rd cebtury B.C. by the map^etrable forest of ** Dhandakaranyani ” of'Bamayanam fame. But seas on three sides afforded facilitTes for Commerce and Trade to the Far East and the Western Aaan and Me^terranean coun¬ tries- The early Tamils were a trading and'sea-faring people. There is e^ddence to show that they had contact with the Jews in the days of Solomon about a thousand years before Christ. The w^ords used in the Bible for " Peacock and ^^andalwood” are pure Tamil words'" Thokai ” and "San- ' danam *' Tcspeetively. The discov e r y o f hlalahur Teak in the ruins-of “UIl” of the Chgldees-in Mesapotemia points to^the TAMIL CrLTUeE MB st r ai g b t - ^ iDectioa-hotxcecn-Soiilh'LadiaraiidHhft coast of Pearsian CSilf eeveral centuries before Solomon, The word for "God” in Tamil iiamel 3 ' “Kadavul” («c-sy»r) (that whidi Is beVohd ihe mind of man) and "Iraivan” (SfoijDaj^) (He who is3 show a. simflarity to the Semitic conception of Deity-~. the transcendant one God described as “ I am that I am ”, The growth of moral-ideas in the early Tamilnad has an aflSnity to that in China. There is considerable similarity between. The ideas of Thiruvalluvar and Lao Tse, Kaviripoompattinam at the mouth of the Kaveri. Korkai at the naouth of the Tha- 'miravarni, and Musiri at the mouth off the Periar, are the great ports which acted as clearing houses between the East and the West-. According to Warmington. the Tamils acted as intermediari^ in the trade between the East and the Wei^. The land of the T a mil s has sm equable dimatey salubriouaui its effect on both mind and body and admirably calculated to nurture a fine race of people with simple Hfe, noble thinking, and high endeavour. They had no tr^^^itlon of divine reve-. lation a i m i lar to that of the Jews-; n6r were they possessed A bodk^ike fh&^igveBu-vrYiitti berame'for.all rime~die'tes{L of truth and standard of -conduct for its followers.- They de^ veJoped their^id^ from precedent to precedent, stal^mg .the idea that the world and_ life were true and good. «They- fonnd the world pleasant and not-fcragic. The cycle of birth was never a nightnmre to th'^ so as to drive them to find out a means' of escape' from it with trembling and Jfear. greatest problem was to achieve harmony in one’s own-life and In society. lEarly thoii^ they discovered moral conscious¬ ness, and they^wem able ^scrimhfat^ good and avfl. and ■found but thafevery man gaalnthin'E^S^Hmtfahdnoul a scale and standard. To them everything that is good la an imperative duty (972, Rural). They Solved a system of ethical thought handed down as badit-ion *from generation to graerdtion. Their ide^ men -roe “Shantor” (literally mea nin g full men), and their ways and conduct called as *‘Hiantnmeri ” (^rrarO^j-Qjs ^—the path-of perfect men. JTnnivaiinvffr says ’* ureat is the joy of the mother when a msDe chdd is bom unto her; but greater far is fier^deli^'f TAMIL CULTURE IN THIRUVALLUVAU * 119 TrheiL^e heareth him-called'“■Shanupn ” («=/rCTt£ — the quality and tJaaracter of "‘shantor.” He describes the full men as persons to 'whom everything that is good is a duty .(dSl). l!heir conudmess is a oomelineBs of charaxrtCT (982). Xove to all, sensibility lo Rhs-m p, beued^cence^ be ni g nan t grace, and ti'ulhfulness—these fivo are the piUais to support their character (983). Thej'^ abstain from scanda^ lous epeedhi (984j. Hiunility is their armour against their foes (985). They are ready to acknowledge defeat at hands of men inferior to them -whenover they find any in the latter. That is the touchstone of their fullness. What is the value of fall men if they do not do.good even to those that do them injury ? (987). Even po-verty is no disgrace to.tbem -(988). RThey wiR not swerve from the path of reclitude if all eisB .should change in a general conviilsaozi.. They are the palladimn of worth (989). Verily evm the earth itself will riothe-able to support .the burden.'of human life if the ahantor fall, from their wor^* (990)'. The stanza 983 above'refrared to seems to afford a clue* to the author's mind." He-says' that L sain .-" -Love io all; 2. fir^i}jesit-.GSiut" Scnsitmity'to shame. 3. Benifieence according to the nature and circumstance of any situation. 4. ” Benignant grace compass sionate S 3 anpathy for all kinds or suffering. 5. “ eunuam ” Truthfulness,- makeup the character of the idealjuen. - SfBJXjfsrr-Q^^^utyrsy ~ssiiiQf^i~tijh-&}rdjB5>uSiLT]r -^— BOLjpffiiFB'ii l^fsrJSij .sresr^ Now **^^sau.eiwb^’ 5s dealt with in chapter 8 of the section on domestic virtue in book I on virk-.:i. (jypu>), ^ jsrgggeai^esiUi ” is dealt with in chapter 102 in the Miscel¬ laneous sectioD in Book 2 on (Wealth). But ” that is beneficence according to natur.*^ and errenm-' stances of any situafion is treated in chaiiter 22 in the section on dnm pRtln virtue “benignant grace and cconpasaonate sjTnpathy for all kinds of Buffering 120 TAIVlllv (JULTUKJb is the object riMHiicr of the chapter r.R f;h»i ■Politics-t3y^S?Lo ” refer to the assembly oi the learned but cer¬ tainly not either to th^ King’s council .ot-village administrar live condnittee as is well pointed out by Nilakanta Sastri. These two chapters ill-fit in the present arrangement where they are meant to serve the purpose o' political or adminis¬ trative councils. These matters require further research for a better understanding of the KuraL TAMIL CULTUMi IX THIUUVALLUVAIl A21 -Bride s (diflpr‘9J#^-iJier€ a r e t *i \o ~otfaer~ chapters deallug wiib the subject distinctly of Tamil Cultural Origin. One is “ uxgsu .» (Hunour) dealt Tvith in chapter 97. l»"orbe&r from these things that would lower thee^ even Ihnngh they should be indi^ensable for the very preservation of thy life (9B1J. Behold the men that desire to leave an honoured name behind 4liem : they will not do that which is not xig;ht even for the fiake nf glory (9B2yl. -Cultivate modesty in the day of prosperity: but in the day of thy decline hold fast thy digmty (963). Behold the men that have soiled a n ame that was honourable; they are e\'en as locks of hair that have been shaven off the head and thrown away (964). Even men who are grand as a mountain will look small, if they do an ignoble thing, though it should be only of the measure of the smallest seed (965). The deer («a/i?i«rar) givelh up its life whereat looseth its hair; there are men who are sen^ve nni^ they put an end to, t he n * lives, when they eaimot ^ve their honour (969;?. Behold the men of honour who refuse to outlive their good n a me ; the world will-join its Knuds and worship Ihe altar-qf their'gJory-(97ffjL----— — The other is “ (Greatness) cl^t with m rh^p- ter 98. An inspiration fornoHe achievement, that is what ja called greatne^_(971). The manner of birth is ihe Rarna for all men ; but their reputations‘vary because th^ differ in the bv^ that they le^ (972). Greatness can be maint^ed only by being true -to one’s own self (974). Greatness is ever unpretending and modest; but bitterness vaunteth its merits before all the world (978). Greatness' iB“gniciDus tcnall i'bul' bitterness"is~the~yery~acnse nf"inBolenDe (979jr “GrestnesS is"alwsys for screening the in¬ firmities of others; but littleness will take nothing but scandal (980). So far fcr the perfection of the individual; but tihe individual can devdop only in society. The great sodal virtue of “ L/eariy6su-eni£ ” is file crovm of perfection. 'It is dealt with in chapter 100. The word “ udiriysni-cau! ” js rendered by Beschi into Latin as Bo7ia indoles in^enuitas. Graul trans¬ lates iFinto German as Boni mof^T art, Ariel finds” 122 TAMIL CULiX'RE C^i^toisie the Blench equivalent. Pope follows Ariel for th e yinglish rendcrinfe as rouTt em _Aysrar-prefenrcDO^ Tfipofinees. Purnaljugain PiUai thinks that “good nature” is better. But uone of these great European languages has-any j^^givjLlPnt -irnrH itm uunufc if. ig iiRPd Ky ThBrurvallm-ar. It is really mingling of unaffected Irindne fg with consummate tact. It is a combination of Love as defined In chapter 8 .-and dismterested'" benevolence~'aud graciousuess as defined in- chapter -25.. “The word " i-'ewt^*ni_6s.u. ” is according to Poi)e de- .ixved from “ ” (harmony) and harmonises all tbiiigs^ while ills the result of a happy and harmonious combinaticfn cf good qualities. According to Thiruvailuvar the men posses^d of this virtue “ ” sustain the wwld—-the world abides only because of them. Were it not for-them it- -would fall to dust* <996). ~ Even though people are abarpJn iheir wit as a file if they lack “ uawi/wu-ssuc ” they aiemo better 4han wooden blocks (997). To-hirn who .knows not how to' j^Fgnile in kindly mirth (as the man of this quality would clo).^ .dsrkneksin iday time broods over all the vast and xm^^ly eai:^ * Tls tnsuhtlDDB of lh« Kurd versa are saostb taken fcom 8. Tomon. QuotaL^ Quotes “ The Tamil is the. oldest and most influentia^of the Vsmaculair hteratures of Southern India. This lanj^mge, in structure aiid its vocabulaigr forms the best r^resentative of cultivated Dravidian Speech. It has not feared, lo mcorpofate such philosophical, r^jtious ^d abstract terms as it required from the Sanskrit. But its borrowings in this respeet are the mere luxuries or delicacies of the language, apd they have left unaffected its robust, native fabric.” Sib William W.-^^hnier _ *? Tamil can readily_di£pen^ ^uth the grealer_partHDr “the *w}iole of 'its Sanskrit, and by dispensing with it„ iises to a purer and. more refined style.? Xl]L"Cm>WExii~ Ejir^Jfiih?.in^er|uecaofJan^ literatnie.-p!nB of- the highEBt and purest ej^essjons of hnman fhought.” \ _ “ ‘^That which, above all, is wonderfnl in Ihe J^nraTis the fact that its author addresses himself withont regard to castes, peoples at beliefs, tv the wbote conmiimily of mankind; the fact that he fformulates sovereign morality'and* absolute' iea^ : thathe pro^ims in-their very essence, i n th eireteamal ^siiictedn^^ vlrtne* and truib ; that he presents, as it were in one group the highest laws of domestic and social life ; that he is equaDy perfect in thought, in language and in poetry in ihe anstere mEtarphysical contemplation of the great mya- t^es of the Divine Nature as in the easy and graceful analysas of .the tenderest emotions of the heart.” M. Abiel 124 T-\MTL " Even SaneVrit literature trith all it? multifonn dcvelop- ment and ita teehnieal perfectloin of language, is not guperior in tlie matter of philosophical and religious speculation on poetry to the highest cxamplet of the art of_Pravida^--espe- cially as exemplified in Tha 3 nimanavar and in such miracu* lous verses ^ the Ode -to SaHbl and in the works of ^Rharo- valluvar, Nakkirar and Manikkavasagar. Sib C. P, R.v^iabwamy Aiteb "God permeates and vitalkes all things, has ndther name nor form, is beyond speeeh and thought, time and qiace. This conception of the absolute is well brought out in the ordinary Tamil word. for God- Eadaviil—-meaning .that which transcends (Kada) all thin gs and is the heart (td)- of aH thin^.” _ - Sm Pr^AHtJKatnsDaattt — " The^If^radikaram bears evidence pif'Brahminical, Jain jaDd“BnadH»niifluence, thou^ the core certainly TamiL It h remarkable that while Sanskiit_heroes and heroines are mostly Brahmins and Eshatriyas, the heap and heroine hcre-are Vaisyas and merchants. The Tinmila ahsays edheemed themselves more with the^mmon people, and were more d^ocratic in the real cense, than the Aryas who were obsessed with their fourfold cas^e .Qrstem wifli its unpardonable preference for the first two pastes, who mono¬ polised almost everything great or good in this world or in the other world and even in the world of potion.” A. *B- P. -Aytae "The Tamo temperament was optimisticj where as the Aryn temperament was pessimistic with regard to the seen world. Tho Tamils of those davs were not dhnded into castes, but the Aryaa were divided into four VamaB. tSig conventions of early Tamil poeiiy, were utterly different firom those of Sanskrit poetr^^ Even after the beginning of the Chri stian Era,, there was ab solutely no intrusion of Sanskrit culture into the minds of Tamil poets.” and die dpreadTo^ dSuXdliiML in ^iwranaAa BR. P. C. ALEXANDER, i.ius.n T he history of tte spread of Buddhism in Cherauadu is still obscure. It is not known clearly when and by what particular agency the reMgbn of Sakiamuni got pronml- gate^ in this part- of India. The evidence available in “the scanty literature and insraiptions of the country throw litUc lijhttnrrthfi-or^his of Bu^hism.- With ihE~EXcep_^pn of a few recent converts there arejio Buddhists in any part of the CShera country now, and so we do notisame .across even popular liar ditianaandJfigenda^which m^teielpful ior our inve^ga- tionsL - But onelHS; Tsideffi^iyhatever -ni^t hav!el)efin”fiik age and agency for the qpread of Buddhism in Cfieranadi^ the» could not li^lpieenJ qiutB, dif ferent from those of her neoj^bours, ihe Pandia-and-Chola counlB^. The"bonds' dI Cheranadu with the Pandia and Chola countries were so rioa that any religidus or cultuRd movemenf which affected the. latter was'bound to have its reactions in ^Cheranadu also. TamUakam constituted by the Chera, Pandia and CJffila coun¬ try was one cultural entity and the political walls* within TamHahim were no bfflriOTTof'theTree'^ctiorr-and inter-^ action of cultmaTanR reli^dus ideas. Buddhism was one siuh reh^ous movement whirii enveloped the entire TanUaJcam •and it would not be wrong to say that it spread in_C3ieranadu more or less by the same means and at the same time as it did in the Pandia and Chdla countries. It is a well accepted fact that it-was the missior-ry aeal of .\soka and his efficient methods of organised propaganda .that_helped Bu ddhism to develop i nto a world religion. The steps taken by Asolm to propagate the l^^bf Bhafma and to «A&«ihtt»naiinlrifn! which came under his “Bharma Vjjaya” cr moral oDnquept arr- described m hr- famous in- iwiptiohs. These ir.&criptiorjs arc the most reli^le^data f or traciii^; die" history of tlie spread of Buddhism in India and a critical study of them would show that like many other ROWitrieB-of Tndia.j fhPTAnfljhi, fluence through the religious propaganda of the Great Em¬ peror. Some scholars are disposed to -think that Asoks, had- no- ihing to do with the origins of Buddhism in the Tamil coun¬ tries. THty argue that if Buddhism had been introduced mhT this region by the efforts of -4soka’s missionaries there would have been some reference to this fact in the Literature of the country. But it is pointed out that even the Manimekalai a preeminently Buddhist work wTitten for the "actual ^orifica- tion of Buddhism has not made any reference to Asoka. It is a fact that there is absolutely no reference- to Asoka in the ManimekcUn while there are many references to northwn rulers and Saints. But the absence of any reference to Asoka in the Mtmimekalai cannot be accepted as a ground for the. contention that South Indian—Buddhism.-had nothing to do .'sriihcAfioEIiritmiiist be-reanembered :that th^ Mgm ^kalm- was compos^ xnlahy centurils after Asoka’s Ihnre is no n eca si on in_the-epic to refer to the histpry of 5io' spread of Buddhism in_the country. It has been pointed out that there are no South Indian traditiops assomated with the” name of Asoka. But mention must be ihade here of theiradi-j tions about Asoka referred to by the C^iincse traveller Ywan Qiwaiig when he jdves 'his account pf. “Malakuta”.- He speaks of the remains of an old monastery built by hfeihendra on .the eastern side of fhanapitaLand th^ tope built by-Asoka. to p^eluate the”memory of the Buddha.- Of cdufre“thfi- monastery or the tope referred to b 3 ' t^e pil gr im must be treated as fictitious. Put it can be argued that the jHlgrim wxruld.nothavE' spolven of these with great show of acciuacy if thrare had been absolutely no traditions conneeSng fhft pp-ma of Asoka with the country. ~" In the list of places to which Asoka is said to have'sent^ missionaries for the propaganda of Buddhism,, no mention is .\SOKA and the SPR]-.AD OF BUDDHISM 127 inadfc of ChereiDfltJii or any of lb's Tamil countries and zo it has been argu^ that the introcl»jetion of Huddhlsm. in^^lhesB plac-e>> could tot have been by Asoka’s agents. The JtfoAa- vamia giv^ ihe list of these places \riith the"names of thf. ■*^thEras^ seni“foThem respectivehr; In tins lirt mention is made of “Vanavasa ” (probably Banavasi) and of “ Maixisha- mandala” (probably Mysore), but the names of no southern kingdomBTro^ound. ButJhere ^am, the al^nce of -^ y menr tion of the Tam^ countries in this list cannot be jo, sound argument iu support of the theory that Buddhism was in¬ troduced into these countries by agencies other than thoBB of • Asoka. Let^us examine the hunous edicts of Asoka and see what light they throw on this problem. There is onfy one Amiran edict which makes a direct reference to the Chera county anfl that is Rock Edict No. 2. It "sayfi^‘ ' - "&er 3 rwhere within the dranmion of His JSacred-and Gracious Majesty the King and hkercise aimmg theirontages-' such as the CSiolas. Pandiyas; the Satiyaputra^ the KerdLar zntirii;.j3ihtasr^knownias> ijamrajitmiJL Antiochiig and. diose' idngs' tDD~who are the^n^ghtymr^of AptiQehus;_eyEiywhfir e hav e been instituted -by E^ Baasd-' Alajesty two kinds of medical treatment—medh^ iita&Zflmt of man and medical treatment of-beast. Medical herbs alsoj- those wholesome for man and wholesome for beast have caused to be imported and to be planted in all j>]iaoes wherever they did xpt exist. Roots also have been ^used to be. import-. ^ and to be planted everywhere 'Hherever they did not exist; On the ro^ wells h^’e b een c aused -to. be dug a^d ’tw^ cau^ to be. planted-for the enjoymemt of man and bemi.” ' Six copies of this ecfict have been disco^red at different places in India. They-nre ■ Gimar in the Junagari'. State (Kathiawar)j Kalsi,"a town in the Dehra Dnn JlkMct of the United Provinces, Sha bazagarhi, a village In the Peshawar District of the North-West Frontier Province, hf'msehia in (1) Mukkerji, Asoka, pp. lol-132. 12% ta>ul ^.CLTL liie Hazara District the Xorth-Vj *st Fron'-.-gr "Province, Dhauli, a village I12 the Puri District d Orissa acd JaugaSa in the Gaujain District. But In the Dhtoli and Jaugada edicts the words referring to Cher^adu we Ttorn out. In^-t^Diiier four copies wc hnd some differences in usuage of the term Inferring to Cheranadu. In the Gimar edict* liie term used Se Ketalaputo, in the Kalsi edict* it ^ Ketak^to, m fho Siabazgariri edict^ it is Keradaputro and Ih 4 ite lidanse!:^ edictlit is Keralapuira. But Jn the-esmmon Pgr glinh twawL lations pf the edict the term is general put do^ as jmtra. ^ Keralaputra pp^ntioned along wiih the C hnhm and the Pandiyas undoubtedly refers to the Cbera countay. Ihis edict says that the Emperor instituted hospitals for men-and beasts eveiywhere within his domimsa and aho ^nong .the frontier countries like Cheranadu.* Providing comforts for men and animate, planting trees on ^sy sides^ digg^g wdOs and other such thii^ mentioned in tt^s edict were important items on ihe-programme of Buddhlstac Propaganda puzsoed by :lhe .Emperor.- -Qbvioud;^ Ihe Chjaa_epunt^p=alch|pB3^ her n&ghbonrs, iheCChola and -Pan^ya countde^^'C^e ihiida the influence of I fae B uddhistic propagsnda of Aroka: O th»- he •could ji.QtJjnvfe made it one of the centres of 1^3uinia<. nitarian activities which formed -part of his reli g niiH .pro{^ ganda. But thero is a aignififiant^unisgqDn of Kerolaputra in Asoka’s KockEdict Na_13 which'^veskhe names of tire coui^ tries where the Dhaxma prevailed. Bock Edict Hd. 13 "Indeed His Sacred M&jesty Heakes to wards AH'living “bongs freedom from harm, restraint of| pasaons, Imp ar ti aliiy mid‘ -dieerfulness. - And what is DharniaTijaya^•moral quest, is considered by his Sacred Majesty the printupal con-' jpiest. ..And thishas been repeatedly-won^ his Sacred-Majesty S Hukesch, The Instripu’ana 0 } Aeoha, pp. 2-3. ^ Ibtdf -pp. 28^29. ^ Tbid, p. 61. * Ibid, p. 72. * Mukkerii. Atoka, pp. 162-170. .n}:> TH;. aPllEAl; OF IjUDOHISM. 120 both hero (in :::s domir/;',.n) and .'imojig all the frontier peo¬ ples ^•en to tbe_extent oi six hundred Joj&nas where (are) the 1 0 jia King, Antiochui b}* name and beyond that Antioch us the four kingdoms named Ptolemy, Antigomas, Magas and Alexander j; helow the Cholaa, Pandiyas as far as Tamraparnl likewise here in the King’s dominions among .the Gonas and Kambojas among the Kabhakas and Nathitis (Kathapantiesy . ^od Pitmikas, among the ^Jidhra and Palindas, everywhere are people following the religious injunction of His Sacred -Majesty Among the Kingdoms mentioned in Hock Edict No. 2 Satiyaputra and KeraUivutra are not specifically mentioned in Rock Edict No. 13 and so it may be argued that Asoka did not miroauce Buddhism m the Uiera country. As we Jhave ^eady observed, Uamilakam was one cultural unit and it is impossible that Asoka^s Eharma Vijaya would Jiave .^topped at the political frontiers of Chera If the Chola and Pandiya iiangooms were under the mnuenre of Asoka's pro- paganoa, it is oovious tjmt me Unera country also was, in 4act a; careful reading of Hock Ethet-No, 13 would ihow* that the C Siera territory was not actually janittecL. Beferring to the Southern Kin^oms the edict says, " be¬ low, ^ Cholas, Pandiyas m jar as. Tammparm TamK* •panii obviously refers lo Ceylon-, The expresaon far as Tamrapami" should be taken to include all countries- of the south, Ihifortunately in Mr. TOneent SmilhV-translation of thenedict the eigiressaon "asiar as” is not used. He uses Qie _TTOrd ‘ nnd ’ which makes a different meaning. His franalafion of the passage is aa follows': ^d this is the chiefest conquest' in His Majesty’s opinion--the t»nquest ly the law of Piety 3 this alio is that effected by His A'lajestyl>oth in his own dominions and in aH Mgbbon^ jealms as far as m hundred leagues-even to where (he Greek King named Antiochus dwells, and beyond Antiochus to where dwell the four kings severally jn.mH Ptolemy. Ant%onus. Magas and Alexander—and in the south "> -Smith, j!soto,-pp. 131 - 132 . 130 TAMIL C'VLTUllL KiTJ^s oi the-Cholfls and ,i^aDdi 7 ^ a7id oj Ceylon/' The ex¬ pression' ** and ” in hie sentenoc'^ould mean exclusion of the Cheranadu. But in the Ixanslaiion of J5r. Mukksrji which -we have rjuoted shove and. the iranl&lations ol I>r« Tfnltzcpiy pnd of Mr. Bhandarhar^ the phrase “ as far as ” ia used and tluE is considered to be the correct tnuislatlon alsa When to 4Jie soiU^mJkingdoms Jr£LTefers tuMie king¬ doms' of’the^CSiolaBjr J^diyas as fax as Cfeylon and sq should be token as/inckiding the Ghera country also, thou^ a fpecihc mention of the Ohera coimtry is not made in toe edict. Wc have no evidence to show that Buddhism in the Ch^ country was pre-jtookau. It is quite possible that C^jdone^ jmssionaxies inusb have 'visited the Tamil counto^,. .and established monasteries ^d propa^ted Ihe 'faith. The monuments popularly called ■** Fancha davamalai ” in the Pandiya country whi^h according to schet- lars are the oldest 'TnnTmmp.TitR of. south .India^®”-h^e; been pr oved to h a ve-been abodes of TtnrlHKiKf. Tnnnlg«~-w-jlvp.-i ^^ .sJtiape~^~the60^^^EhsaDxL^^3i of their fonnation hava siionm ar-ciose r esemb la nc e to the • Buddtust'Ca'vems of-Ceylon. It is also admitted JJia't““tiw serz^}!- of 'the inscriptions on the rocks ias e'mble8lu~ina jy 'rfesr pecEs t^ft character of the Ceylon cave records of Jiie same period. The jefefence in thOfdhauomsb pf the'nctiyalies'ttf C^lbnese m pnkR abroad is alsn sgnificaaih. The Jdahavam^. say's "The. five ’principal Theras whti had acccoi^janied -'Mn>iTnHn.- -fro m~ .TflTnbndipa as-'well as ibose pT5^£c mjAxltt a ' theT ir^*^^p aI~a^d m iike'jEiamer the thousandsTrf-sang^ f Ad priests, nil native3“of LankaT and 'iiclusivenif“Saii^iar mitta the t^ve Theras \vho“oaxne from J^mbudipaand many B JnaxrrptiojiS 'oj Atoka^ p. 4S. 0 Atoka, p. 302. 10 For a critical stady of these laonximeuta, vide article ' cnC i tlBri caxlicst Bionuments of the Pa.T:diya country and their ans£riptiona by . 4 ?—gT-J^itii -TTiTiiK Tynr Tn the Proceedings of the Ori e nt Ctmferaiiee ^ pp. 275-30^ A‘C)KA AND THE -PREAD OF BEDDHIftM 131 thqusards of pioof prieste*£es all nanveR of Lanka, all these profoursjy learnt and* infinitely -wise personages having spread abroad the lidat of the Vinaya and other iucandies of the faith in due course of nature at jsnhsequent periods sub- Toittod io the lot vi mortality It v.'ould not be \vrong to sur¬ mise that the first countries irhich the Ceylonese roissibnaries n'ouM hare visited trere- the Tamil-coinitiiefitjf South Ind^_ In fact in some these inscriptions there is a spmfie refer¬ ence to ''Ha’ or Ceylon. It has* -also, been suggested that Arittapatti in the Pandiya country vas the eetflemeht of the Ceylonese Apositte-Aritta. But it has not been proved that these inscriptions and monuments, and Biese missionary -flcti- \ntie8 bgdong to the pre-Asokan period. It vrould be better.if Fcholars vrould falce up the history of jnissaonary activities qf-the CevloneseBuddhists in Sou&Tnd^a for a detailed stnd^ so that more lieht- can be thrown on this subject. But from the scantv evidence uvailsble at present we cannot condude" that Cevlonese missonories had visted the Tamil Kingdoms of South India even before ABoka’&’iniBaDnariea had com- -mmjced-their ^igionarvJiiamgg^da-ihere. It aFtnihe mis-- soimry'aclivities of Aaaka that WE JmvB~to tree* Ihe-bq^ ning of Buddhism in the Cher a Ctn mtry as in the Chola and Pandiya countries. ^lie ^um •SinkuieM XALLUR SWAAn GNANA PRAKASA^ T he buddhistic chronicle Mahavaima^ often jnenfioned 5n this work, iraa composed in Pali verse about the sixth centuiT A.D. The Dipavamsa, an older Pali cSbroniele was written about the fourth century A J>. The earlier part of these annals is mostly legendary with some kernel of-fact to be ascertained by collation with other sources which are them¬ selves very scanty. Alany scholars have tried to make out a credible narrative of the antecedents of Yiiaya tiie reputed Central Indian Conqueror of Ceylon, someifive centunes be^ fore Christ.. Various fairy t^es are told about this, shadowy pei^nage. We give below an account put? together by a 'Sin¬ halese writerJMr. John'N. Seneveratna, i?.b.h. 8:, in the C^rlon Antiquary andlitenuy R^bter: About 600 years before Christ, there was bten -to the king and au^n of Bengal On India)-a daughter whom.fhey’named. Suppadevi. Wlhen she was grown up the princess ran away" from the Palace and. iohring a caravan, ioumejung to the lilagadha country, reached the territory then Imown -aslAlar Here the-caravan was attacked by an ou^w or.robber diief- named Sinha .who, ta^g Suppadevi as his prisoner^ married- her. Suppadevi in tim e gav e birth to a son and daugh^r, .Siiihabahu and Sinhasivair When s inhflbnh i^ was 16 years" old he fled from his father’s cave in the Lai a forest', lalnng hi§" mother and sister nith hun. Happening t :> meet on the way the Governor~of the district a nephew of he king of BerigaJ, and tlierefore a cousin of Suppade\d, the fugitives WQ*e res¬ cued by him and taken to the capital. Here he married Suppa- dervi and adopted the tv.p children as his own. Meanwhile the robber Sinha, maddened by the disappearance of his trife and - —-Thia-articliv-ic Uia pKoptoi. q[ ft_jiilhwto_uiu)iAli8hed book va¬ ulted “The Kinjcs of Jaffna,’’ Tlie jfirst thapter appearfd-in VoL 1. KO. i* JkOamtiLAMiu^’’ THE T.^MILS TURN SINHALES'E 133 children, comimtied such excesses round^bouUthe countrj*- side that the king of Bengal had it prodaixned that 3,000 pieces of money vrould be paid tw reward to aaiyone bringing the outlaw’s head. Sinhabahu. desirous of wraning the re¬ ward, set out to kill hie father (thou^ his mother twice tried to nrevent-hiin^. shot-Sinha as he.canaejunninc."forward.to em¬ brace "hip pATi. and Severing the head from thebndv. brought it to the canital. When he arrived the king of'Bengal was dead. The ministers, finding that Sinhpbahu was an intrepid youth and was moreover the deceased Sovereign’s grandson, offered the throne to him. Sinhabahu formallv acceptejl it but soon hand¬ ed it over to his step-father. Stricken by remorse for the slay¬ ing of his father, he returned to the country of Lala along w^ Sihha*dvali, and “there he built a city whiA he named Binha- pura after his father. In time he was crowned king eff TaV with Sinhasivali as his aueen. Many-sons ware bom to these two'm due course, the eldest of whom was named Vi5aya,-tlie second Sumitta. Vijaya proved to beaa,ev 3 l-conducted~yoDth,- Eo much BO that his lather was constrained fn pvnel him freon the country. Tracing n-jaya and some TOO other Sinh alese fread companions)'as wild apd lawless as he, on board a riiip. ki n g Sinlmbahu sent thehi forth upon -the se^ They landed at Supparaka (now Sopara) on the west coast of India, but .soon re-embarked and, setting sail> arrived in due course in Lanka, on the same day or year (it‘ia said) as that on whi^ Gautama Buddha died at Kusinara in Indi^ ?.c., in3.C, 543.^ The lilahavamsaAfom which the above account was smn- marised states that the king of Vanga (Bengal) iflie' • daughter of the king of ^lingas (Orissa) and Binhabahurthe grandyn of the former built his new city e^ed Sinhapura in the land of his birth.^ TVhere Lala or Lada is still dis¬ puted. But that SinhapuriTwas'm Orissa seems-to be almost certain. The Tamil epics Sihppatikuram and Manimekaltti written, probably, not later ^an hlahavamsa, speak of Sinhapuram as a “town in Kalinka-Nadu'.’ It should' be l. The Ceylon Antig’.iary & Literary BeKiater VcL IX, p.p. 3, 4. ■2. - Mnhavaroaa-Chi -VI. 3. Silap. xsdiu 13S-H0. ^fonivlekalal boa-l, 15, 17. noted Lhat Kalmga v one cxf ilie earHset kingdoms cstab- lisb^nbynDiirvidjanTTlbesln QieTVekkaiL ~l3rigmi^^iFcbver- ed Orissa, and a part cf Bengal The Ramayana mentions it ns .one of The flourisbJns states of. the IDSikan and theH/oSa” Wiarata refere to Anga. Vanga and Kalinga as mlechcha, i.e., Draridian Kingdoms. Its ancient canitaB was Sri Kakolanow corrupted .into Chlcacole, '.JBuddhist :3Titers„aJ80 repeat¬ edly mentian Kalinga.. The remote anthrnity of Kalinga and Tf^hon-Aryan origin are facts sihfii'tted'hy all' historiaJisr " About Sinhamirs Mudaliyar Rasanayagam’s "Ancient Jaffiia” has the folloTring": “ An insigniScant town, by name Sinhapnra, still exists in the Ghiascole district of Ganjam ^Ua in ahlft that Ihs Tamils^- Jndia conJd have-heerj ignorani-of thc-cristeTrce of the'lElairfT before the A'ijayflii tolonizatjLei. Sir William Jone^ is oi opinion that tlie Island was ^beyond Ihc of memoiy'^ inhabited by the Hindn ; and he.Tefers to the ‘Tanguags^ letters and old monuiarcnts of its various inhabitants-to.ag- port If.' And CaslejCSietty expressIhe'Eame opinion (Gaze- feer p. 5i; Air. Clou^, the author of the Sinhalese dictionaiy^ thinis that Elu was the language of prior to the halese conquest.* Berrolocci (p. p. 12. IS.) and Bennet (p.p. 21Z 325), in their accounts of -Ceylon, enumerate sei’a^ facts which tend to 'diew that the Tamils of India knew’a^ colonized Cejdbn long-ajiterior to the Vljayan conquest, notices of Ceylon contaijied in the Ramayana ami the Maia^ hharata fawur. the same view."^ Again the same writer remarks: '£‘-The term according to Sinh alese ^torie^ w^_invented by Vijaya smt\ had a reference to^he parentage of his father SihahaluiT'TIie derivation is uhmistak^ly a fancaal one and the wholaimy of the rape of Suppadevhby a lion is an.ingenioiisinvsBntia^ The term Sinhalese-tos hot a^ear to have lieen ns^ fiy; or with reference to Sihabahu on continent: and it could not have been- used-without a anggestion of ahame and de^ gradation, if it really had any. co'nnedin with the.destrudaon of the lion. The esSstence of such-names as Siohahahli and S hiha Afuwara carried no necessaiy pn tof nf •ir tage, any more th a n £[a8tipiira .and Asvmpura "prove *tJfe Existence of races girong fromnlephaiits or honse^ iJor eii it be supposed that the pure Tamils^ Ceylon invented the m^tmg term and apphed it to Ihajj^xed lace jn_nra«=to ifisfmguish themselves from that race. Jt had no. refeppiM^ to the lion, the Hon-ldller or the' lion-bom. It was- derii^ as the Va ipavamalai derives it and has been stated ekewhEre, 5. Yaljiana-Vflipwra-mahi .p.p, slrii, ^vii, THE TAMILS TtjRlv BllSlHALESE 137 fr^ the name by tvliicli the. island was Imown iit the^jme, namely Sinhalam.”® One could thus see that the uame Siuhala is-bui a later form of the origuial ilam combined with the qualifieative Si (Sree) “illustrious.” We have other names of important places qualified similarly, e.g. Si-Kali^ Si-rangam etc. in India and probably SLgiriya in Ceylon despite its later connection with the lion> -And-have we not Sree Lanka-itself which old Tamil name the State Council has lately decreed ^ould be employed as the official name of our Island ? Latnka like Ilam is from the same Tamil root and means “ resplendent.” In Telugu it is the ordinary word for an island. Whom .did the hew form Sinhala desi^tale 7 The same old inhabitants of Ceylon. The i^mc of some seven iumdred central tndian fugitives effected no racial transformation aa wc'shalLsee presently. The story of the Central Indians' al- lianoes -in Ceylon will be related by Mudlr. W. F, Gmmwar- dhana^ another Sinhalese, writer of^arote, whom .we have al¬ ready quoted and wil soon quote again.- “ ■Vljaya” he-says “ allied Tumself with Kuvaiii,^reBum- jhbr a~na^£ T)riiiceBB .with curly hair, as the name imphes";* and by her aid and the aidi of h.is bravos, unexpectedly fell upon the chieftains of the Yakshas at a wedding feast and put them-^o the swoid.- He thusrhy one strokenof treaebery, made himself master of the Island and with the object of strengthening himself by a foreign alBance; cast off 'Kuyi^ who had sacrificed her ^lor himrand sent an p.mbas?y soli- dting-aprincess from the Court of Madhura, in thelQngdom of Pandya in Southern India. A princess duly came and with her seven hundred maiden of good birth as wives for her •hud)aiid’s followers and one- thousand families of artisans, besides, as camp-followers in her train. All th^'settled in the land. Pandya was a Tamil country, and this new contin¬ gent was therefore Tamil,” ^ 6. Ibid pp. hi, Iv:’.. ' 7. The~^ri{^ of Sidbidae LaacuageY^ 138 TA3VaL CULTtJRE Wo fc6e that oiJy stven hundred jnen from Central iT^ia formed the nuoleuE of a people later called Sinhalese. Iihfy made alliance with Dravidians from South India and mtTged gradually with the aboriginal Dravidians of C^don. i»aw, to what race did the new-comers belong ? Were they Ajyans or were they Dravidians like those with whom th^ ;aSied themselves ? Let ns hear Mudahyar Guiiawardhana agazn > “ History does prove that Vijaya Sinha who, with seven hundred followers, founded the Sinhalese nation, came fiom Sinha-pura (City of the Sinhas) the capital of a new pzxici- pahty in the kmgdom of Kaling^ not far removed from the frontiers of South-Western Bengal. Erom the geographical situation given, it is reasonable to identify the princjpshly with bmBnum (Land of the Smhas) in Chutia^cagpur even at the present day, is a Dravidian. cradle, vijaya and his seven hundred rnained' from Fandya in South Lmha^ another Dravidian country, from whi^ the hiides came widi ^ large' Allowing. These ^o cou^gents, the^pne from the Kortb, the i>tib£r h:om the Soutbr were thus hath from Desr. vidian lands and'histoiy_8how6 nothing inhannonious'with the presumption that they were both Dravidian, and tik*^ two TOntmgentB were the dominant components in the-nasemt^ Sinhal^ race. As a subordinate element was the native popn- lation> the Yakkhas aud-the-Nagas,| who,- being aborigine^ came under the general appellation n^LDravidians. Thn^- as-, -far as hdEtory goes to ^ow, all the Component parts of the Smhalero nation ^were Dravidian. Thd Aiyan nlaim on hdialf of the Sinhalese is an idea of recent da te,~ ori ^nriEng 'irbm~the lectures of Max Muller, based .on iinigmation,_and aided hyj the fact that the vocabulary of the Siiihalese i^guage is to a very considerable extent Aryan. Vocalbulaiy.like Jthe ideal in thOkcase of the clock, is the surface view of a. language ; and, in the case in hand, its Aryan complexion led to the conviction t^t the hmguage in all respects is Aryan. From this to the conclusion with regard to race is but one step in a superficial process,-of reasoning.”* Literan’ Heeister VoL VIIL THE TAMILS TUR>’ SINHALESE 13d Therfi lias been much misunderstanding with regard to the race to which those who now speak the Snhalese langimge belong. Hr. Mendis. a -Sinhalese scholar imnself, assures us that it does not follow that those who came from Central Jridia “are necessanly the descendants of the original Indo- Europeans. Similarity of language is not sufficient e\'idence to establish a connection by blood. No one will,try to prove that all the North Indians ori^ally 'belonged to the same •racial grouD because they all speak Aryan languages. The fine use of English in Ceylon today shows not only that the language of a more progressive civilisation can grow at the expense of others which have not kept pace with the times, but. also that those whose chief medium of expression is Eng¬ lish _need not be Englishmen.!!^ The mistake is made by concluding from a. similarity of language to connection by blood. As It IS preferable to hear again a-Sinhalteserhimsdf faking cm the subiect of his race, we make no apology to quote a long extract -from Mudal^ar Gunawardhana once morenae Tmt^"m 1924': “ ■ "Some six years ago, a'Fouhg Men’s Assoc’a-ficm'in Co¬ lombo organized a courEe''6f lectures on Sinhalese literature; and 1 W 2 S Invited to operi^the course witii a lecture on fhe- Origin of the Sinhalese languHgel I acc^ted the honour, and as ihmething new-and striMrig of scien tifir^ alue had to l^sa;^, -L looked into the structure of the language for ihspiration. My preconceived ideas at the time were Those of the school of fought inspired by the writings nof _hlss: MuHer, and 1 -believed that the Sinhalese langciage'and its speaker^ the Sinhalese people,-yere Aryan.- For one tl^g, the vocabulary of the language is, on the whole, of Aryan origin, andTound that. as. a good moocrmg,.all our Aryan ideas had found secure •berth. JBut my scmtiny gavr jQe asuipnsel .1 found that some of the main features of Sinhalese grammer are quite out ol tune with their Arj'an analogues, while all principles of funda¬ mental importance, billy .harmonize wiSi their Tamil equi- valentsj and. fall in natural with Hravidian idio'm. This _forced on me the conclusion that the structural foundations of 9. The Early Historj* t>f C5eylon by-G. G, >lendis B. A., Ph. D. p.l5. un TAMi: m/n:RK the fc'inhiilese language arc? T^ravidiau, while its superstructure, ue.- the Tocabubry, is .\r:*‘2Ji. Hoiv was such a dual aspect to be accounted for ? Turzing to histoi^', 1 found that the CTplanatinn is there imt laise for thfijy whoxould read. The Sinhalese are .a composite race, with three elements in their composition, viz., the abori^al inhabitants (the Yaiksas and Images) a Pandyan contingent which was Tamil, and contingent from Jforth India, to which I gave the credit of being Aryan. This last Idea was due to my thou^ts siail running on the theories of the school after Max Muller. 1 have since found it to be entirely wrong and discarded it. I drew Ijhe conclusion that by the intennixture of these three elements the Sinhalese nation arose, and with it the Siiihalese language, which evolved in homes where the motihcrs were Pandyan Tamils, and the fathers were "North Indians using an. Aiyan speetdi, a form of Prakrit, which too was not uh- mixed with Dravidian-idjums. Tn^any case, it is"plain'"thaf .it is an intennixture of the .tongues of these parent^'the -Idiom of the mothers to which alone the mothers wa®-ac-‘ customed -will prevail -as the one alwa ys die aidrin~dhedipuse=^ hold, and the nascent language will unconscaDuriy, but joone the less siirely. be moulded on the idiom"of the mothers, JLc. Tamil. The fathers may contribute to. the vocabulary or supply the whole of it in time, but that w21 not affect the structure below, which formed itself on Tamil principlies.*’^ For a convincing proof of fliese aiEertii>ns one should study his Siddhonta Pariksomaya ~ from whi^ this quotarion is made. . The Sinhalese then are T)ravidian ii l origin. -The-Tanoito turned Sinhalese not indeed ovemi^il Dut in the cbiir^ of a few centuries. The new language create i by the introduction of a superstructure of Indo-Arj’an vocabulary would hass. sounded as a strange jargon at the beginning. Tt became settled, however, in course of timie, the new words having been assimibted to the old Tamil dialect by ^ving a twist conformable to it. As the influeiice'of'the riew.rulOT 10. ^dd^nta l*arik.«an nvn. I ntrod. p. 12 - 15 , THE TAMILS TURN SINHALESE 141 extended, the reformed languajce also spread among high and low by slow degrees, Tn the third century B. C, Buddhlam brought an accession of Pali and Sanskrit words by the hun¬ dred and the thoueanch words relalmg to monastae life n-nd institution, to philosophy and the then known arts and sciences. The land began to be studded with Viharas and other religious buildings^* and the yeFow clad brotherhood was found in every nook and comer teaching the people under high royal uatronage. Ko better means^ could have been devised to’ex¬ tend the knowledge of the new speech among the nopulaoe. Buddhism brought not only a vast, amount of non-Dravidian words to enrich the nascent Sinhalese language but also the spiritual cement to weld the people together into a homo¬ geneous society. All those who embraced Buddhism felt a sense of solidarity and community of relicrious interests. Caste and colour did not stand in the way. Birth and occupation mattered little. The 'solidarity.created bv flie Dharma not' less bv a’ common language made the Sinhalese, spealring Buddhists-rally together as a nation.^ Those inhabitants who keptjaloof from-the-prpgressive jnoye were^-doomed b ehind .^d eventualhTJidl into barbarism. The Veddas of the present day are indeed said to be the descendants of those Takkhas who opposed the Buddhist movement and^ refusng to join the ranks of those who adhered fcTit^ preferred the wild freedom of the forest. In the north of the Island, it would ^ern that the old Tamils riid not whole-heartedly embrace the new faith, al- thou^ “they had been, carried away by the Sinhalese wave, speaking thrir 'owiLjdialeci' with n new intonatidh-ahSL^^Ii^ ing the jaoli-T)ra\ddi&n element'to the fullest extent. They spoke Sinhalese ; their land was full of Buddhistic monu¬ ments. As^a people were all Buddhists themselves. We know that Bud^isra was not entirely a foreign reli^on. It 11. In the .T affnit peninsTil.'i many planes jue still known by names con- nocted with Viharas. c^. CuUpuram’for Sulu Vehero, Tolpuram for Tula Vchem, Cuddipnxam for Sittiye Vehera & c. Other places are knowh. amply as Veram for Vehera. Some lands are known as Poyiddi (Bo hittb’a) Puitn- kftladdy, Putla I vowladi . Cankatuar M»yal, cic. .342 TAMIL CXJ3.TUR.E was but ihe twin sister of Hinduism both having Hmanted from Brahmanism or more truly, Buddhism represented the rdews of a reformer who assailed the enslaving ritcalisin of Hinduism and directed his attention to li^t conduct alone The -sympathies of the people of the North with the old reli- ^on out-lived the reformation brought to Ceylon. They were, Tnoreover, in constant communica^n with their hre- thren in South India. Their Naira-temnles xlid not cease to exist ev^ under Buddhist ascendancy. The numerous Amman shrines of North Ceylon, resuscitated after the short sndl of Portuguese rule here in later days, tell their own tale. On the other hand,' Sinhalese Bovereisns were remarkable for their tolerance of Hinduism and did not interfere overmuch with the beliefs of their northern subjects.' And if we may-believe tiie tradition handed down in the Vawava-mdlai Bome old temples of-J^na had existed from the time of-Viisp?a*s con- , quest doim to the Portuguese period. Similar stories are told ^ut the antiqmtv of Tinikkonamalal. Tinik-kBriecTifam and Munissuram. TheJast. mentioned Hindu shrinBti of celfilHty would-natoallv.have drawn throngs of-pakrim? from South India to North Ceylon, asHameswaram. undouhfc edly a very old place of pilgrimage on the East coast of India; would have had its visitors from Nagadipa, with "whose ajb* cient Idngs the island of Hameswaram s^ms to have had some.-cbnnexion from the earliest lin^. Moie eonuUunicar with South India was kept up thr^u^ a floating^ppptilar tion of merchants "and traders who tdok Ceylon products to the celebrated marts of South India quch as Nnrlrfllj Hayal, Pukar and Musiri known so well tqi^oneniclans^and other sea-faring people of the Mediterranejan countries. M^tai and Kutirm-malai w'cre busy ports oi trade on the north- west coast of Nagadipa and it is very iikelv that the counfry aroqpd them never came fully under Sinhalese influence.* e. K JVIYLEEU, M T he study of loau-words in a language is an extremely interesting and profitable branch of work, because it throws light on the civilization ail'd the cultural and other contacts of the people whose language, we Btud>'. Through the ages, the English language has brarowed freely from CJel- fic, S candin avian, Ercnch, Greek, Latin, Italian, "Hi gh aad Low German, Russan, Turkish, EgjT)tian,.Africaans, Persian, Hindis Urdu, Chinese Japanese, "MalaS', the .Australian l^ibal languages, and last buf not the leasts from the Sonfh Indian Lhavidianlangnages.. In the matter of enriching the Engl ish language, trade has played a more imporUnt j>art than conqu^t or colonisation. 'I The merchant adventurer holdavan-important place in the 'history of the JEnglish language ” ^ Usually new words first come into the spoken Jangu^ and then they percolate iido: the written language also. Sometimes the reverse process also takesrplace. some cases^ it is seen that the same word is borrowed at different times repeated^, i-O-, sometimes direct- lyTind sometimes also indirectly-thTOii^hrsomerjthe^ language. For instance, manj-’lndian and Far Eastern language words have come to English through Portuguese or Ihitch, or French, btonse those peoplrs traded with the Eastern countries before the Eritish. Similarly some Sanskrit words have come into Enghsh through Greek, Latin or Arabic, and again directly from Hindi or ITrdu. After being adopted into the language, C. K. Myleru, is Senior IfScturer in £n^ish, Annamalai Uni\*erdty. 1 0. Je^rson ; Qrovrth aiid Siructurc of the Bnoliih Language, — » 144 TAMIL CULTLTIL these words behave exactly like oiher ordmary EnglLih words in the matter of inflexion, conjugation, accentuation, etc,” ^Iost_of t he Drav idi an wo rd s ent ered the guage only from the 16th centuiy onwards, and now thej* have become quite good English words, atid somelnnes, even cult to be recognised in their old South Indian fomos. * Xow, we shall take up some of these borrow^ words in detail:— These words are-found and nised-ih practically all important aspects of hfe. They have become so common that we are surprised when we learn that they have been borrowed from one or the other of our own South Indian lian^uages. • I shall welcome you to read this artide in the tzaditional- South Indian fashion, by first offering you “ betels'” and ^‘arecanut”. Of course “betel” and “areeanut ” lemind us of the third requirement “ chunam ” and all these wOTds^are of Dravidian onglnr They Jiave been taken cdmpletdy^^Into' the JEnglish language, and they are treated exactly Ifhejother pure English words as regards grammar and* usage. The word “ bete l ” tra vel s into the English Janguage-uw Pc^uguese/fdf they began tradmg with our-part _ot the counSy •eStt'^har/. the Bntisih. This E the-c^e with many other I^vidiaTi words ; they have ^pne Into the En glish lang np g * ihfough- Portuguese, and through Dutch and French. The Pcainguese word is “ betel Ultimately it coipes. from Malayalam “Vettila” and Tamil “Vetrilai ” The word is used by many 15th and I6th century (writers, from' wlromT" shall give later_a few ftxnrnplps ,. _Similaijy the_\yord “a recanu t”-cAmeBTfrom tBft TVirtu- guese “arecs” and from Malayalam 1“ adakai can compare theEannada form of th e word "adakQt” and'aven.' in Ta mil there is an old form “ adaikay ( ^esu—asir£t^ mpahing “adgi” “cluster” ‘kai*‘ (^^), 'fruits’ or 'nuts’. ' Chunam ’ is from the TaWwqrd ' chunnambu ’ ( And now for some of the sentences where these- words arc used by early writers: 2 O. JespetFOa ; Groictk a'ld structure of the English Language 3 H. PaJineT"! ** Principlc8~ofT^nguage Hivdy" l>i±.VVlD^^; LOAN-W01ir>b IX ENGLISH 1 ^ R. Rarloii: ‘'Tiie Hindu -irill cbew his btxel and squirt- the scarlet juice all over the floor.” I .Vr.. Pkili m: **They *th e Hindu s' do nothing but s it and chew leaves or herbs, called ” bettele ” with chaulke and a fruit called ^' arequa”* - Hakluyt : Great quandty of “ archa." which fruit they cat with the leaf of a herb, which thqir call" hetUl ” Purcha&: The “arequa ” maJceth mpn nlmnicf. drunk Of course in these examples, the curious reactions of strangers to our andient and traditional habit is clear, the reaction is funny to us now as it is-also to ’EnglighTnan who have lived with us for along time.^ Jn the sphere of victuals also we^find that many familiar words are of South Indian origin. The word-“rice" ^ mc- ample, the liaihe of the staple foCKi of millions in" the Ea^, fs iiltimat^y derived -from the Tamil word "arisi” Of course from Tamil it wasJborro'wed b.v Greek, where it assume d th e .. form “oruza.” ^e^use Sie Greeka camointo contact with the Tamils earlyT when th^ traded vrith the south. The Italians borrowed the word from the Greeks and it took the form “riso ” ia-that Jangnage. ■ Emm Itahah it was borrowed into hVench and it'became “ ris ” there. JVbm Jl&ance it crossed the British channel and went into the fVngiigb I^guage as “rioe”. Similarly, the word ” paddy!' ultimately comes from a Dravidian language, riirou^ the Malay and Javanese Ian-* “guseges:—T hose far -eastem-l angua ges-ltlge-Mal^^Javanese- also-borrowed some -words from the South Indian language^ when the ancient Tamils traded with them, and when they had their empire in those regions. Prom those languages Englisli borrowed some of these, words, which could be ulti- mately traced to Dravidian origin. '“Paddy” in Javanese is “Pari” and in Malay it is “Padi'*'.^'Why do we say that the word is of Dravidian origin ? In Kannada the -word for ■4- Hpbsoir -and Jobsoa ■bj*-¥ule'8iid-Biinx6lL— 346 rAMIL- CULTURE -paddy is ‘^batJja*' aud ir. Telugu is “vaddhi.” Tb.cs must have been a lonn^in tht earliest Dravidiajj language which must harp given the Malayan form ** Padi*' Archaeologists iavB-eeme^^-lhe-nwiffeaion-that-^jouth ^ndiaHa - pe r haps the most ancicntpart of the Earths surface and people here were civinzed ana tmcw agriculture and the nee of impieznenfs long hetozie the people &i other parts a the world. ^ it need not surprise us that the worcis for paddy and 'Once" are of bouth Indian ongm, because we were the hrst to ^ow auU eax rice, whicn is xne most easily digestible food m the world. The Hindi word xor coohed rice *'baLhmust have come irom that Eravidian word. The English word loa- pepp^-water borrowed from the Tamil w'ord* “niiiagutannir" ne. pepper water, za. "‘rasam." of oouis^ itis natural ior rice and mulligatawny to go together-at table, and it is lio'wonder that th^ have been brnrowed iromlhe same source J i^Tke^Tnodem English jvord " eutry^Lis i rom the-Tramll word"throat Erench *'carl" and Poxt^S^ '*oacil "meaning a vegetable preparation. Of co.Tir&e, with .the jdevelbpment of the culuxBxy art, we have such' dishes as '‘'hsh cuny.", “mutton curry 'i JThe word has become a firrt c^ss English word and standan^ authors hke i Thackeray usedjit in thpjr worksr Thacker^ says in one of h^ novels: “ If-you cojUB to dinner, therB is curry "" The names of nome of the well-knowii Tarieties of hruTte have a]iEdTbeeir~iakftnr~ircim ~Sputh^ndiar~it'M 2 ngo ~' ", fo r example, -comeB from Tamil '‘mangai” ii£y*7«rju) through Portugaese, where the word for it is “ maita." We find this word in more or less the same fonn in all four important Eravidian Janguages. Malayalam ^ mangai," Kannada ** ma- Adnakai,” Telugu " mamndikai.” Our part of the conntiy was the first to grow mangoes in the world. The best varietiBs of tiie fruit are available only here ; for example, the "Nedu- urdiariu'^ throngh ga." We find this be four important Dli.vVIDLV!'' IN ENGURH 147 cbalAi,’* variety of maniro gw>^vTJ in the Salem district, “J afci:” -fruit j^imthing but our Alalayalam “chaldcaL” It has gone into Enzlish throu^ Portuguese where the word U **.Tjaeo.’' So two out of our traditional ** three fruits” * ('mango', 'jack' and 'plantain') have gone-from •South-lndia. " Ananas ” i.e, pine apple Is from our Tamil word ** An¬ nas.^' If "is found in more'or less the Bamefonn 5n the Smidialese language also. It grows in abundance in South India, Ceylon and the Malay peninsula. Tbe word "'Copra*’ comes from Portuguese and'Spanish '“Copra”, whidl Sb tiltimately derived from the Malayalam word Kbppara^': it is found in more or less the same form in tBp-Tflmil word “Eiopparal *' (0«ff’EriJ«>*’y afid riie TTftjmnda word “ BMni.” . The second' part.-of.tibe.:eompourLd "word “ sucar candy” is'Second pai±-of the’Tanfil'Word fof-it "XCwkapdit^ (^flsearSiy^ "Jcsindn” meaning a lump. In the olden days we did not believe in patentmedidnes or pills or injections for -the treatment of diseasea We ■used to cure all our ailments hxon .tbe leavs o f h erbs, -which an even now called “pachilaii' in Tamil.’ This ■word, has giyen to the-EhgUsh limguage “patchouli.” - There is another •srord^'catechuZ’ which has been defined ■lH~Ihc~Cbcfot3^C^^ Dictionary as ah aSOllig'eDflBUl^tan'Ce' containing' 40 to 50^ of tamiin, obtained- from the bark of wood or fruits of Tarious plants, used in medicine, tanning, dyeing,-printing etc. This is also'from the Tamil-word ^kachu’ («^f cloth. The word " calico ” which iceans a kind of cotton.dotih is of Dravidian origin. In fact, li is finally derived hroxu “ Kozhicod(el ” an important sea-side city of ^lalabar. In Malayalani it is *'Kozliicodu ” ; the Arabs wrote it and pro¬ nounced it as "cjualrqut in Mediae.val latin it took the foiTO of " CoUicutta.” It was “ Qualecut ” in Portuguese from where it came into English as " CalicutJ” The O. E. D. define HiB word as follows :— "The kind of. cloth (cotton) made in Calicut; many kinds of cotton cloth bleached and un¬ bleached called "calico.” And now for an early example of usage of the word in a book : % J. Robertson in his book “ Spinster" writes :—A tawdry, pie-spotted, flabby, ragged, low priced thing called " eallicoe ** made by a parcel-of- Heathens and Pagans that_ worriiip the. Uevil and work on half penny a day.** *, Then if we go into &e sphere of dwellings and bousing aocomittM^iQB^e find aTot jit^cords irr End ish. which ha^ been u]riDiate].v donved from the {South' Tn ij i a n The word " teak ” fw exainpl£LjK>mes from Malayalam * theki*/ (Cf) Tamil "thekku** throuj^ Portugese. " teca.^ Then the 'word ** bamboo ’* conies from the Draridian word "bambu *’ fCf)_BIannada " ba mbu ” throu gh Malay, Javanese "bambu** and Portuguese, Spanish ^nd JPVench "HambU '*’7 (C/.) also the Hutch fonn-ihamboos. '^^~Ntpcluyt^ritesj. The houses ar^ made of canes which, they call " bamboos?*^ ~ The wofrd '^palmyra ** for the- va *iety of palm tree seen in plenty in South India is from oiir Tamil and* Malayalani wprd "panamaram*’ (uSsrxm}.). It conie^into the En^ish- language tbroui^ Portuguese where its form is "palmeira" the spelling ha\'ing been apparentU' modified erroneously after *T*almyra’* a city in Syria. The dictionaries say that the word is.of Indian origin. ® Jiobjsorr ort/f Jobeon, l>>* Vuie (£Bd B n r intlL J^ SohLOns/id Jobs oti. b.v Yule and Bumcll. JDRAVIDIAK LOAX-WOBDS V’ T.Xu:. - The word " choultj 3 *,” a ntri house is from the BravidiflJi word ’'cbacvadi” (rs-euu^) foimd in Tamil, Telugu, Kammda, Malayalam. The railway station in Salem district "Macdon^d’s choultry ” is called “Alakudan _C3iavadi” (tr 0 i _;.3 s^iroju}.) in TamiL The word ** godown ” meaning a ware-house is from the Tamil word-'^^dangu^’-* (fix-a;©), also called “giddangi” (©x 1 i_jd£)) Eomc^mes evm now, throng ^e Malay, language. As pointed out previouslj^many l>ra\ddian words were taken into Far-Eastern languages like Malay, JaA^anese because of the trade and cultural contacts that the Tamils Rad in ancient days with those coimhries. “ Pandal,^' built in front of marriage Rouses or for lar^ . gatherinp Is from the Tamil word *' Fandal ” _ * * The word “ balconv ” meaningan unner window is derived from an Itafian-word '‘baleone"** j the .first :pait of this word " balco’* is said to be from O.-TL-G. word/‘bal3id*’ meaning .a ridge- this isysRat is given in^lhe 0._ELT>. But to my dMhzatiojrwems -to^e -imna^al and iar-fetcRed: teig'^st, "subject to cortreefeDD, thatwe cainKnmect this with our Tamil word "palakani’^ (ueaaesJi) meaning the upper window^ and it nrught-have b^n borrowed by theJEuropeans from us when they came into contact with for ptirpoEe’Of trade and commerce in the loth and 16th centuries., ~ The word " bandy ” is Tor instsmee, Jrom Ihe Teiugm^d bandy^ CCf^ Bnnnada ■‘'Randy ” and" Tamil and Malayalam In A HanoRwok’p/'Bririsfe-fti^ ocfinrs. ^.‘neuten^Ci.'lA buggy being aone-ho'rae vdiicle, atJlIadras, they oaDlfTf ' For sailing in tiie sea along the East Coast, fi^ermen use the “ cattamaran ” which is from the word ^tu- maram” it is useful for sa^g long the sea, and is never upset by even hig wa^W in * Bob*on umd^Jobfotf, by Yule aDd BomfOI. lot) " T.^^UL CL'L^ifiS- ^•eather. This v^ord " cattainara)." "has uT figurative Bense also, and means a cross-grained person of ‘trhom others are a&aid? Tjefr-u*^see-€om&4isage8^— The Blackwood Magazine.: *' He is the very cattamaran of oratorj', ■when he explodes.” W. Collin* ‘ “That old cattamaran, of a maiden aunt of- hi8.* .... Then let us turn to trade and commerce and monetary ,transactions. The word “coir” is from Portuguese “cayro” and it is ultimately from the Malayalam ■word “ kayar” (C/.) Tamil “kayim” {aiSjpi), Of course it means the fibre pro¬ duced by the cocoanut tree. Forrest says in his book :—cocoanut tree produces coir.»^ "Corundum-* meaning "ciystallised mineral "of some species as sapphire, ruby etc."_ is from the Tamil word ^'kurundum'" CcjcjjA®") which 5s largely used for preparing abrasive. " Tootauague ** jueaning me, is from the Tamil woi " thuttanagam ** The word “ cooly" meaning the w{orker on wages, isirom The Tamil word “ cooli ” (^^),Tnean5ng the man who-eams wages, for which idea also_ the jsame ."word is *iised. Some scholars think that it nii^t be from the Guzerafi .word "koulli ” mining an~^anphal jtribe; but that has not be^"1acoepted by all linguistsf— The coins used for monetary and commercial transactions were three: " cash **, “ fanam ” ’^d_“ pagoda ■** Cash ” meant ** coin of low value in Hast Indies. It is from Portugue^ "cm” (Cf.) TVench “cas”, Singhalese ** casi '* j all these forms are ultimately derived from the Tamil or hlalayalam word " kasu ** ( «*■»). ■^Ibidr » /bid. DRAVIDIAN LOAN-WCmx>S IX EKGLISH ISl Daupi&r writes The money charijisers sit in the TnarlfAff with leaden money called “cash” which is generally given ' for small_^n^_in all these ijountries ; but, cash here is I f-a d or tin (usually with a sanall hole in thelniddlB).” The word “fanam" is from the Tamil word “panam” (uejirti) ; £Q ""cash'*' make one “fanam" “Pagoda” was a gold coin, made up of 42 ianams, and it also meant a Jemple or sacred building m India anrj China, egieciaily its sacred tower, usually pyramidal m shape. The gold iom called “pagoda” had on one of its sides the picture ol temple tower. Isow this word was also WTitten “ pagotha” ** pofiodo ” and it is derived from the Portuguese word “pagodi”. The dictionaries say that the Portuguese word is ot inti i a n origm ; but the aerivation suggested is rather cunous and out of the way. Some schtuiars ^■^ Ke df as coming from “but-i-kadah'*'*, meaning temple affdoL Some others say that it is from* the‘Sanskrit word “bhagavat”; mpjLniTtg “holy”; others say that it is'from “Bhaga^fati”, meanmg “Durga, a goddess But"all these derivaBaBs do not^imd plauable. I suggest that the word "pagoda* mi^t be a corrupted form of our IndiRn word “gopura'”" by the “law of metathesis**, according to w'hich soTpids an^letters of a word mi gh r. change places. Thus "" gopura *’ became “ pngora ”; then "" pagora ’*, and then “-pagoda ’V “ rbecame cihangedJnto “ d ** because in some Indian languagesr ** is pronounced as “ d ** (soft). "Badoda”'Baroda^ "'‘Xayar” Xayad.“ _ Finally,-we shall take some miscellaneous words, which are greatly liru^'ln EnglishTknd" which' also ori^nate from one or the other of theEra'iddian languages. The word * peon * meaning “office-boy is from the Tamil word ""‘payyan.” (enuiucir). Its correct pronunciatioT! is ** pian ’* and not “ pim" as most of us say. The word “ boy ” in the sense of “ bearer ” or “servant’* is from the'Telugu word “boyi**, according to some scholars. **Pariah” me-ping an untouchable is from the Tamil word “parayan” {ucapzjtSr)^ o^e who beats upon ** Hobson and Jobson fiy Yule and Burnell. 152 TAMIL - CULTLTIE the “parai or couiitiy drum. ** Bajidicoot- ** mean- ing a big-sized rat is from the Teiugu 'word “ Pandikokku J, Forbes, writing about the India tvarehousee on the mine ■ware-houses and destroy every Jdnd of merchandise. The word “ Ckiromandel'” 'Joy the by is from T amil ** Ghola- Tnanfifl. 1 am ” {CVa'/pa:fiS3ri»c.4ii). CanicopoHy is from the Tamil word 'U^anakkupillai (^aessrJiQ^tSiadsa), *-Ferrin^eeor F'lringhee ” os from Tamil and Kannada “ Parahgi ” (ufixta), “ Parangipeuai" (^ufisBCAJuiLenu. meaning the place 'Where Ferringhee or “ white people ” live. St. Thomas Mount iS called *’ Parangimalai '' {upsi^ucio) even now. “ PoU- gar” IS from Tamil word “ Palayakkaran (^urctsmuaaa-jreirj or- smal l chieft a i n . “Bamaswamy” ^ coihmon n a me ar long 'Tamil males has a hgurative meaning also. It- mean j •Mny'Xom, JJxck or Harry m Madras." It alsoiaeans a jwisi^ p^ece oi couon in a tuu^ maap oi silver lor Fignimg-' cigarfi.""'*’ Fet" or " peuah-" is irom i^toil *• petxai" ) meanmg bazaar. Ayah is irom ihe'lfamn word "^ayath)" thiougn. Portuguese^ --^a"^saiid-, iLahau"~aja'". An example of e^iy usage le^Mrs. Jsiwrwooa'A sem^nce'm a wouc. *-The ayah and ner-iaay.’ “uni" c\ '* ciuvu " IS irom the Tamu word •* cneeitu ^-Tapai^* meaning the mail is irom the Telugu- fvord ** tappaiu " which .is Bmgu]^_ m number. But so^^eiiugu clerhs of the Fast India iJompany, it appears, nusioolT^i, ior”the piurai ltam' because of ihe “ u " endmg and formed the slnguiar ** tapai I* w hi c h ha s goneinto JEnghsh in that fori i. Tom Tom ” mean- Jhg ^bl^iing the county dru m and axu louncing' something or -ihe drum itself, is irom the ■word “^IfiamBatSmT^ “Yercnm” meaning an ^Sast TndmTi herb, an? ite_;^e used medicinally is from Tamil “Erukkam”. a common plant in South India. • “Chatl^r^- from Tamil “ Cbatti" meaning carthem pot. _ Tihere are many other ■words like “ anicut “ayaent " *^maramath” etc., pertain- ^ Hobson anB Jobson, by'Tulc'aSd nuiaell.' r>IiA\aDIAN LOAX-M'OIU)S IN LNGLUH 163 •T-g to engineermg. They are from Tamil. Similarly "kummi" f ^J ?), -**l£:ohtttain ” ^ O aj®- cc .t il ci j BharathEnatyani" iurfsfiiriLt^ih) pertaining to the dance art arc from Tamil Thus, nuite a number of words have gone into Engliah from the Dravidian languages. A study of these words is very Interesting and instructive for students of language and lite¬ rature. Books X^KSuLTza) 1. The New English Dictionari/ (Qxfor^)-' 2. ond JdbsoTi, by Yule and BumelL 3. The Bounds of English, by H. Sweet. 4. The Bounds of Spoken English,^ N. Ri pman- 6. Making of English, by Bradley. 6. Growth -and Structure of English Jjonguage, by O. JespersoD.^ - . _. _ ~ . 7. Priticiples of Zanguage Btudg, bvEH/Rahna:. . ■ »■ . ■ ^ I request readers who may hare come acro^ Either sach trords', to para them on to jne^ lor incorporation into my list ol'horronred xrords. 1 intend "Boapal ii i g n b ook - on - this -sulueet.— - 15^ culture ^L£pic on the MARGABANDHU SARMA, mjc. T he CUappadhikaram is tiie first epic in Tamil. It is, the Aenmd of Virj^ a literary epic. It was produced in an ai^e of intense literai^’^ activity. The Aenead appeared in the Ciolden Age of Latin and the CUappaAhikaram at the end of the Golden Age of Tamil. It marJcs the' cjumlnation ol the Age in which it was bom. More than that, it also, marhs the culmination of a grand era in the Hietoirg of Tamil laierature. AJl the poets of the pre-Cilappadhiharam period were iceen observers of life and nature. They :drew- theirAn- ^nation £rQxh~them, and indulged in imitating them directlyj As the course of hie m those distant ages was.mainly guided byJhe -environment in which man lived ai^ as the scarcity fd. population was-an indhr^t aid idr pn^enty, people-pf those' ages looked upon nxunificieni Nature with great rev^ence. This is the season for the position of supreme importance which Mature holds m ancient Tamil-poeiiy. The poets'of old established the convention of depicting hum^ actions, only as having been influenced by Natiim. ^hus the picture of a hill was described before representing the first meeting of lovers, and a desert was described before ^ separation of lovCTs was reported. Even, the phases of a ^var were treated -^s having-been influenced by the seasons-of ^^ear,- It is evident that the ancient Tamil poe^ firmly belie^^ that Nature or the environment of man, more than his mind or the course' of his lifeT Thismustmot be taken-fb meflTi that they "were not aware of the difference between mind and matter. Leading simple lives free from wants or worries, they had no necessity to make Nature yield its treasures to them, and hence they allou'ed it to shape the course of their livp>j<- Tlan g o-Adigal—th e author of the CilappadhikaTom fought that leading a pleasant Tife did not "mean and'^was XIIE EPIC ON THE ANKLET 155 not-tbe-8ame-as leading a true life, aaid'for’the first time in the History of the Tamil People efficiently exploded in an epic the old belief and pointed out that both nature and the. counse of life were conditioned by some force whidh evaded Ihe keenert observation.- Being a Jain by conviction, he enun- eiated the suggestion that Eafe—^this is not a blind capricious force, but only the nemesis of one’s own doings—played the part of the Invisible Power behind all phenomena. His tcaoh- 5ntr bad ^«iTrh a great effect that all thcTioets of the Twst- CiVnnadhikaram period, imaerining’themselves as ^following th-p Tear! of Tlariiro-Adigal—and this is no fault of the author of the C^avvadhikaram —^abandoned observing life and Nature j^e'd instead turned towards folk-lore and mythology tomspiro them. Virgil . had the benefit of studying Homer’s Odvssev and JliwtfiPdOTe he began -to write his epic to nelebrate tKefomid- ipg of Borne. *rhey ought to'^avCsuggested io him the tofm* of his poem. Purther, AMtotle’s PoeGes was a-veiyjB!aluable imide t o him . Haii^-^digal had^mo^rach before him when he demded to'nSehrate "die apotheoris of Kannagi—the heroine of the CiLapvadkikararn —in- an epic pown. "Many were the poets who flourished before his tim^. but none of theiri ever thought of writing an cp^c. The Tamil tradilicai of the pr^C^ppadhikaram period encouraged onfy the production of idiort^poems^ ^ese poems fall imder two bmnr? dlvT.'nons T (1 V the Ahnm nr amatorv and thr» ■Piirw'm or war TJoetrv. the poems fsTHng ihe: ~Ahn~m-.elflsw -trcflcf. nf ]n w fmd ftrp~dramatic-Jin. nature: we -hav TR -excellent- sTjccimehs - of Thams-tic Mnnnlneues and Eramafie Stnrire. The Pijram noems record victories, praise pp ^rnn .Q or kings, or are didactic. Latw tWwjn^ms wer^ Cf^leried to form .Anthnlnvies. Those who cnllpfited them were guided either by the length or the metre cJf the poems to in¬ clude them in one or the other anthology. 'The -tiadition of producing short poesM was laborkmdy built up during many centuri^. Therefon^ we must peces- ^^jrilyjBtudy-them-in-order-t hat we may g e t a c lue- 156 TAMIL CVLXriti: understondiug of the genius of the Tar oih}. -«yj__th€ _Ahaffl_ poems are ohort stories, pertra\’ing just cTie or two incidents each- T he inca dents are presented as po^mg ptpblems. That we pp SB B BS- ia g p B^hfla-two^yioHsa nd such ^ poo nis r o f f rom- fo nr" to #irty-one lines in length, all of them bedding lij^t ove^^a variety of subtle phases in the very short span of life bet¬ ween the hist meeting of the lovers and the consuminafioiLof their marriages, leads us to the conclusion that the ancient Tamils eriiibit a deep affection and an instinctive sidll for bre\dty, beauty and feimplicif.y. To work on a little piece of canvass, to put’ into it just one or two detads in such a wayj as to' exact an absorbing interest, to paint just more than one hue in order to exhibit variety than arrest attention, and to endow such a product with splendour by raism g its l evel on the ptfwchologieal plane without infrineing on ite phyrical ^mplidty was the aim of the pre»Cilflppadhikaram jpDet8._ Hangp^Adigal was the-first to depart from this tradition he lias, covered a whole life. Still, the tradition that was pdwct- ful enough to have found votaries in many generations of -▼'opfR in 'Tnalrinir^ mark jrm fhR_.C'^pw^h'»\ X‘/rr/tm. tno. 'Tlfinpv^AdiG'nl. bv his b^Td denarfure, wpj* -nbTe Ta.Tjsp'btniPe^f tn-the cmrpTV'cntr of evmTirite 'niodf»l-Tn»>Trpra. Thp yfti^'~T)f^ he:E3o ic~lo>^ onb r isnt ?nphienfnr-llv*HTe gT dIl a nd- srhdlRr55hin. Thmeo-Ad’JTfll bne trp.npfnrmpd if. into an AT»?e of -p'»tMifr^nnen^nle,-"The ma«miti?ifp of thplenic is rpslly_vpr\»- pTfst judged f^ra the standard of the Ta^U tradifioa 'ttiat was jh'wogne when the epic appeared. ~ / .=^ -J&Sfi^ting.-thft treatises on Grammar, t iie pre^.CSlappadhi- -of-worJr^vhiiih^ould-have taxi^ its mother in the matter-of its tjonstructioh. The Ten Idylh and the ParipadcH contain fair l y long poem s * but they, tpoj are .only prototypes -of-the- short p<»m8 of the anthologies in respect of their theme and construction.* Thouch a considerable body of literature be- lonj^g to the pre-Cilappadhikarfim pmod .is loafc, there is no indication to believe that thei-j mi^t have b^n epics amongst them. TVom the names cf sudi lost works, scholars - p i c k but oney-the-JIAo/tqdkr—Tof/Hrfl-fr TKEjtPIC OK THE AKKl^ET -L57 might _haY.c been,.aix epic of groivtli_ItJs -believed-that the book refers to the conquest of Thahadur, the modem Dharma- puri of the Salem District. Whatever may have ,been the TiafOre of the work/it could not have been an epic for the simple reason that it xrould have been mentioned as such by the poets of old had it been an epic. The absence of any re¬ ference to it in the body of extant literature is enou^ proof of the fact that it" could not have been a great work. Thus the task Hango-Adigal undertook, when he decided to write an epic, was very great and also Quite new. He had no models to popVy no traditions to follow, and no conventions to guide him. It is no doubt true that the absence of these mean an un¬ fettered freedom for the auth(^. but it is by no means annas>' task to Exetcdse-lhat freedom and at the same time to produce n work whVh will reoftTve. +h«» ponrovnli of prhol*»rj;. tmn row bp a %nrtoe-f«r'Polvt3»»>«-nQ. but 5t-has nompn'nviPr foif TTiptr of A literarv work either stands to TT>«nirft or dis¬ solves into diiRt. .An cn^c bv its verv natiire mnsf hoM its sun- remamr at all t^rnes. Tt is true thatrnovelty has its own af- trnrt^ons. hut-the very aualHiesB' that make it a+traettye are hkelv to be snumed unon as_transgre.«?dhg established 'tradi¬ tion and nnsfttting-orderly nro^ss. Scholars -are the boldest experimentalists and bIk). the worst conservativefi.__ _ Hanao-A'digal decided to‘experiment, and it was trood tihat he did so-, not only for the furtherence of Tamil letters but alpo for ^e advancement of fhe, knowledge of Tnankrnd. Td~ embark on .such a new venture and of such a masnitude calls for ^freat courage, skill, scholarship and ^ove aU jntui*- tive knowledge:—His-noble-work-amply-testifiesHhat-he pos^ sessed all these and in a great measure, for the epic earily transcends the narrow limits of language and climate m its usefulness. He was to have guided the destinies of the Chera country; but he relinquished the claims to the throne in favour of his brother, Senguttu^^n, and also renounced the world very early in his life. Could he have imagined that he was destined to reign over the realms of Tj’amil Letters and to command the appreciation ^d veneration jof scholars of a31-8gea4. J5S TA3M1L CULTURE The CH aypadh ik^tram is a turoipg point in-the Histoiy- of Tjunil literature. Never before did any poet ever thiiiir of writing an epiepr as a matter of fact a piece of austeined- 4^mric-^-^leveF^te^^wfia-a^^poet■l»olO eriuu^i to prodUcjdfahy- thing except a BUFtained piece of wort. The glorious a^eve- ments of the aaorient poets and the grotesque faStures of the Jater poets re^'olTe. around it. It standsTiB a Colossus'reprg^ sentine the natural consumination .of the traditmns ^deiilo ture of the early apes ; and unfortunateh\ it has opaln to be used as the yard-stick to measin'e the extent of devradatinn that, the latcfl* poets fall into because of the comnelline-poli¬ tical conditions, and the d’nsh of r<»limous beliefs. Immedi¬ ately after its birth, the CUavvadhikaravi took the literary worM by a storm. The MawmehoHiLL which is peneraHv knowtf as the twin -Bister of the CiUrpv^hSkaram; not only b ecaus e of its form hut also because its. story is considered to -continuation of that of the CUappudkikardm^ appeaced-soon after. S^hanarr. the author, of the Mammeld^ni. Was' A jTeat- critic pThkage. Tie was virfualty in charge of either a<^pt^ jntL oTireiectine po**ins for the con*ndpration of *tlfe Tamil fianga m—an asssixaat^Tm of meTi of lette rs ISV e therTgrenrh. literarv Academy. He has contributed a iTew yerses to flie anthblo^es hunself. The-fact-thathe has.not.mrotiDued any: patron or king either in any of his minor-|^ems' or in—the Manimekalai is, together with the respon^hle position be heldj,. enough p^f .of his high integrily ahtOndependence-. -Tha.L^th A Iried'TOiiBervative"anfongsTthw -ofJetters iSjouH' not only "approve of, hut also follow the nep fruition set by the CUappadhiharam by the production ofaJike poem, is eloquent “proor of the greatness and exiselleDCE-of First Epic in Tamil. Tt is only too true tJiat the CiiappddhikaTani is* also the First Epic of Tamil by virtue of its merit. More than that it possesses many qualities which entitle it to d a im for itself the honour of being the most resplendent of the epics of the world. THE EPIC OK THE AKJOEX 1£9 T he Btoi 2 ^ of the, CiJappadhikaxani-jaot onlj^ attracted a loyal Jhard, but also involve, iTir destiuis of the three prin¬ cipal kingdoms of the Tamil j eople. The Knsa chieftain of JfnagttT^aBSirthe-^fe B g^ o f Mah an cT O gjrdmlmTlh'e’kingnDl Cex>on attended Ihe canonisation of r-TanTin^n- All of them dedared that they would also erect temples in .honour of Kaanagi in their iespective-countries and spread ^e Eathni- cplt initiated hy the brother of Hango-Adigah Senguttuvan. Thns^e find that the entire people of TheT'amil country and the neighbouring Tegions eymced a d^p interest in the st- 160 rAMIL CUL'iui These two reforms allo\Yed Ilango-Adigal the ireedom to magnify his stor.*, to accommodate ma»y episodes in it and also to incorporate a good deal of didactic material. As 4 compensation he embodied in Jiis. noble -work, all iLaf was best hi the Uml itronrlj'aflrup'lab'^ ^ inahy ' cen- turies preceding him. Thus the five broad clivisiom of the Aham class of Poetry—^Kurinji, hlullai, I^I^utham, ^ifeithal and Palm — have each a canto shotted to just manner the divi^ons of the Puram class of poetry are also fully treated in the last part of the epic. The poets of old had classified Tamil Literature under three heads: 1) lyai i.e. Poetiy; {2J Isai i.e: poetry which can be set to mu^; ( 3 ) ^^ataaam i.c. Dra m a. We have excellent specimens of Isai- ’tamil interwoven ni the epic; and the claims of JNataka-tamil are given ampie jusrace, too. Thus, m short, this epic is an exquisite repository of the words, customs, tradition and cid- lure, of the pre-CJiiappadhikaram era. 'I'herelore it is that the pracaceoi producing short poems of either the Ahain or the i^uram mass died out with the advent oi the CitappaamJcamm. . TiiB^piicity._beauty_aiid charm of-the Aharr. poems ^ducedsomepl jheposMJiiappacihikaram poets to revive their production ; butlhey were not bold enougn to put into prac- uce wnat they ard^Uy desued. The VuappaahUcoram had 60 established ite^hold that any poet who pfoanced-short poems would never W had the privilege of nn-rming a place - as a poet.—Hence such of those poets~wnb genuinely felt“like reyiving.the old tnadition, invented the Kovai or the rhpm verses in dilierence to the lead given by the aJappadhi- imxanL The.iiovai verses can, like the po^ of the AhanT -class, stand ap^ independently- but the ajuthors who wrote them were careful enough to see that th^ verses formed themselves into one natural and related Jnit. The Kovai Btots wiflj the aepicting-of the first meetiig of a coupfe-of toyers and traces the development of .their love until ite cid- mmation m marriage, and ends with the depicting of a few ^aaes of their manfed life. Similarly such of those post- r^padhikaram poets who felt like celebrating tie victoty hf a general or a kiug invented the Paranl THE Eric ON *; HE ANKLET 10i The study of Psychology ard Aestheiics had made great strices in the Tamil Kad, manj' centuries before the birth of the Cilappadhikaram. To the ancients the piupose of poetry . was TO a . p pe a . s e-the-aestbe tic cravingb uf men, "aaRTTo enner this pleasure the study of Psychology was encouraged. Ilango-’ A d i gfll widened the scope of poedry and amended thp notion of lie ancients. Accor^g to him poetry should not stop with app e a an g the aesthetic cravings of men; it should al«) ap¬ pease their intellectual cravings. Since the latter’ was a new idea which he propounded, Ilango-Ad^gal laid 4 ;reater stress on iL The second theory he propounded was that the teaching of philosophy while recounting a story was more powerful than teaching it as a science. 'That the^ two theories of hiw were unanimously approved of not only by his contemporaQr popts but also hy the poets beion^g to the later ages is amply borne out by the History of Tamil literature after the ddvepit of the (JUappadhikaram. All the post-Cilappadhiharam poets have ardently fol¬ low^ the lead given by Ilango-Auiga±,” oUt mey appear to have misunderstood him.. Tte is the mason why 'works do not hold such a high position as the Ciiappadhi- karam^ The first misunderstanding is in respect of the pur¬ pose of poetry, Tlango-Adigal did not mean that appeasing of the aesthetic cravings of men by poetry was secondary to the appeasmg of the intellectual cravm gs; and hejwould .never -have" Vcepted as poetry, a body of verses which failed to ajp- peal tc\ aesthetic tastes. In the Cilappadhikaram are incor¬ porated the theology of many religions ; and while tnlir’ing of any religion, llango-Adigal ma kes us fee l that ha hf> -a-very devoted-votary^'that faith. Even-in the treatment of the tenets-of his religion, Jamism, he is extremely objective. The subjective element ente'rs while JKann^ is represented ^ elevating herself to tfi^evd of a divine being, and there ifi no suggestion in the epic that any of the rel^ons whose tenets have Seen eicpounded in it, has 'helped her to achieve that high, status. Even Sathanar committed tiie bliinder.»of suppr^g that Hangp-Adigal meant that reli^ous education Bhould-be'the aim of-an epic. All the later poete haveJaitii- fnlly introduced rdigious’thedniB^in their wnrVa • • Th^ second jniBunderstanjding of tiie h)i£T-ftoets s in res¬ pect of the teaching of philcisophy. TVe have already UL-ed that. even=£atbanar noistook Ilango-'Adigal anti felt ihat it is obli¬ gatory to teach religion in an epic. The author of tbs Xeelor kesi xiid not know the art of iellmg a sto CL-and Tip dirl-Twt- Very much care^Sout his igiiorance. JSe was interested in E^n^ding his religion, and here was a forerunner who advo¬ cated the teaching of religion through a ston t—It was a that llah^Adigal did not dehne to him what a story was. He called his work an epic and Neelakesi,-im mouth-piece, went round place to place to engage herself in religious debates.. Surely, the author of the Neelakesi has narnpH out the master’s behests ! Saint Mahiekavafiagar was a veiy reli- gioUB man and a jnissionaiy. He loured the whole of Tamil. Ifad and at every great Saivite Shrine he sang devodoiml songs in praise of the presiding deity. He was the last of four Saivite Saints. Imagine him' teaching reli^n and foster¬ ing devotion through a Hovai^ for was it not the tradilion. to. teach rdiponihrough a story and why H^uld he not pursue ^ work in. the approved manner. These. iltngfm.t.inwt gp to prove QUappadhikaram’s hold over ihe poets who came after Of aOr the litemiy ianguag^ of the world, whose orig in s lie beyond historical times, Tamil has this imiqim feature — and it^ tjhares it only with-the-Ghinese ~ of stall b^g emi^t as a spoken langda^, without undergoing any chaxrge during sU th^ oentuxaEB. In-like maimerr^c-CibQtpiulJlu^^ it was produced in the latter j)art of the 2nd .o^tuiy.A. JX ie., nearly two centnries after die hist literary epic of the western world, th.e .Aenead — has tHrs rare dr5finctiDn.-~and _5l Siarw it with Joo other epic in the world -r- of satisi^^ng the. tastes of the most moc^m of critics. '^ea a 3lte oLingutitic ^amiTflad K. RA^IAMIJETHY, / T ECB 5mj>prtaDce af regional study for the promotion of geographical knowledge in India has been stressed by eminent geographers. Prof. Ogilvie of the Univereity of ISdin- burgh deplores the lack of detmled monographs on the Tarious sub-repons of the vast sub-continent cf India.^ ^Arthur Geddes also complains that in Soutib India, ^ou^ there has been much talk of lingmstic provinoes, there has beeto no conBcien-»- tious use of geogra^ueal method for discussing possible econo¬ mic province?, on the^baas of re^nd stu^.* As observed by Geddes, to need for reponal' study is specially acute^in ^uth India on ac^unt of the aptataon. for ^Ikese psge^ iorm fte --introducliQii to & Hreeu on Some Aspects ~9/ liB Seffhmal Oeoaraphv 6} Tamil Nad, and are here Teprodueed by eomtesy of the. Editor, The Indian Geographieol Jovrnatr^^^Eano^ 1. The-Technique of Begiondl Geography uUh special ref erence to The, Journal of the Madrae Geographical Aaeociaiion, VoL p. 110. There have beeh^ hoir e v e r , eeveial detailed monographs Ja recent yean, • • WTv - _ __ P. Chattedeci Le J*Jatea3l~de'2IeshaJavo (Garo-Khaa-Jajnta): Rtudft geographigue done de iTnde; Paris, 1836. , 'T (tt) M. B. Hthsnrala, A Geographical Analysis oj the Loioer Indta Ba£nz Karachi,'1536. ' _ fui)-S. T>.Tant. 72e Sodal~Economv oJ ihe Himalayans, based an n suxoep of ihe Kvmaon Misnahxyas ; Xondoii, 1938. - (to) Badlukksinal Mukerjee, The Changing Tace of Bengal ; TTniveisily of Calcutta, 1938. (p) B. S. Behaggi, The Bombay Karnataka, A Geographical JSmvey Belgaiim, Iflfl.__ " ' IvO George- Kuriyan, Stvdies in Kerala, The Journal of the hSadiaa GeograpbicnJ Aesocmtion, 1937,, 1838 ; The Indian Geogr^ihical Journal, 1942. (ou) Enmmgopal Bagchi, The Ganges Delta ; Universi^ of CalcnUa, 1944. -i 2. Dynamic Problems of Geographical Beconnaissahee in India, JhlJGA., A ill , p ' - S I, u'i 'j.-'Ai]:. ruL~“-Ri: the Im^jirisdac prrnnijeBS, This is the justifitAticr. fo? choos¬ ing a linguistic unit as a geo^aphieal reai3?3-Of-?»n^3- Kazi i|aiducltnir7L5med~bas dirided India into fteveml politico- geographic regkms and Tarailnad forms one of his negic^s,®— - The choice of & lingmkic unit for a regional study szn also be justified by the close corineetion that exists between langu¬ age and environment. While on thj one hand langua^ has had its influence oil. the cultural and economic develesment of the peoplea-of the Various repons, fhe spread'of" lad^uage is also influenced by the topographical feature of the ossantry. In his preface to The Frontiers of Language and NatvmalUy in Europe, published in 1917 just on the eve of fhr : i^iistiee, Mr. Leon Dominion sayE, “The' languiige exports a strong formative infln^ce on nationality because wofftls erpress thoughts and ideals. But underlying the currents of haiionfil feeling or of speedi, is found the persostent action of land or geograpjiy, whlA like tiiB :i:ecun:ent motif of an opantic compositibn prevails from beginning to end of the or^icstrar- tion and endows unity of theme. Upon these foundafioi^— linguistle frontiei^ deserve recognition-as the symbol-of the divide bistw^n economic and social eoncfitacnkT’ Howler the region of Tamil Nadu (the coamtiy of the Tamils) though- hy nomenclature a linguistic repipUj has c«r-_ tain de^te^'pEyseal and climatic charactexdsties so that it may be described as a natinuLgeographic^Te^im;^-It Jbas -a' rhomboidal shape .Bordered by the ramparts of the Ghats, the Eastern and the Western on tiie north-'WESten^ and thf> west- . em sides-and the Bay of Bengal on the ■eastern and fhe Strmt and the^Gulf of Mannar on thejsouthea^eranSdes.- Traiutional -Lhiits In Tantil literature, Tomilnad is said to have extended from Cape Comorin in the south to the TErupati hidfi in the 3 .. Politieo-Seffiondt Division oj India, IXlJtrXIX, > S7.- THE LIKCUIOTC AREA OF TAMIL NAD 165 north (Kumari Vongadam)."*Tlifi pla>ce^naxae NoUore j)L Tama origin® (Paddy village) indicates that the T^nil Region in the past nught have extetnded even north of the Pulicat Lake. As rega rds the western limit , t ha flTiri^Tif^TO Arlr-.9V)yijw- padiharam t^es it to the Arabian Sea.® But Nannool com¬ posed in the 12th century A.D. defines it as extending up to Kudagam (Coorg).^ The Malayalam language must have *. (a) eu^QeuEJeSL-jji Ojs^^^unfiaii ni^emi (.Tolkappiycmi The Tamil languafife- is spoken in the area, lyii^ betireen the northern, Vcngadam and the southern Kmns^ (h) QajiBat.uh ^uj^earp QuetreuQuA jS^isiresr ^^goSso piSy^^j eu^sQs _ {fUkaruUyffr) 'Em Tajnil language Ss in vc^gne in the area hsning its ionr limits, Vengadam, Kumari nnVt the two wur (c) Osi^Qluirdr ^Srpqpth Opau^Qiaa-^ QusrreuQ^ piS^eujrui ujDjpp^ps&r LfsaiBi Sjr(B , _ (SilapPadtkfitxun) The Hill of Emvikrama and Jthe aes of the gnddpw» ynTnarf gae - the'two boundanet^of-'tbe wdl watered'^amilnad. iSeopl^eaura ascJlpeoirjrp^Qeo-^Sdrjpi ~ iSppiii ^£u@Q< 7 £i ^u^‘Oiu&&o — aif xoirA)£UEBr ^enp {SestLjSaj - - The TamHaad of great reknown lies between the Whnr e nf 4he blue ■sear~where the goddess Kumarj ever petfanns p«>nrmrj> wnH jjjg northern hill of the god Viahnn. — (BAamtTytpl 6. The name NeJIore is eiclush'ely Tamil. The- TViTt^ equivalemt f nr -it nameIy_Fa » r — tDGB3ri^_eaiB iss^^isjSp pfamt euesariltiSgo (SUappadikaraxn) The Tamil Ignd is bounded by Kumarl, "Ve^aijn, the 'Easteia and the Western seas. 7, (^essr'su^ (syjiif) (^t_ Ci^annpol-Scrappayuncm) The extensive area of Tamilngd is bounded by the Eastern sea, Kumari, Kudagam and Ven gaditm, 366 TAMIL CULTURE gaip^ separate individuality by (ben to .^tinguish^JK^ralft, where it now prevails, as a separate linguistic ‘ajifea.* The Method Uggn There have been some movements of peoples in historic times as also political incursions on the part of potentates ruling different iinguistie regions of those -days. -Tiadituni should not be the criterion in determining the exact limite of the Tamil Region of the present day. The present distrlbutibn of the Tamil language should be the main criterian-for-deter- mining the limita Accordingly, the limits of Tamilnad have been based upon the VUlage Statistics of the census of 1931.* These statistics contain information regarding ihe linginsde distribution of population only for those villages in more &an 10% of the population speah a language o^er than the main mother tongue spoken in. die taluk as ^f whofe. Villages in the'border land "(as found in the SurvW of InSEa one-ineh sheets) were first plotted on a map (i^'scsle) and then the percentage of ihe Tamil speakmg popnladon was Doted-againat-j€aA'-iyinage:--The-^% -line" waS-mteipolateA amongst these, the villages confaii^g-more than"50% Tar^ being within this>‘^line and thbse containing less than 50% Tamils without.- It was found that~except in the nnrthem bor^o' and in;a few parts df the western border, the transition firoin|i Tamils to non-Tamils is abrupt across the~50%ninguistjc ^me, whidi more or less carresponds to the jBscarpment of t{ie Mysore Plateau or the crest of the Southern Ghats. In th^ north* the transitionTraiif Tanfil to Telugu is gradual, the TuhagesThere: contami^ a xnixigt popuIatioxL~ The 50% line here is an arbitrary matheimfeil line’fol¬ lowing a^gzagjiath with the higher elevations on theTdug'J side. This line behaves like a contour re-entrant going up along S. S. £1. 'Utunnsxa&an, ^^uditiosal LimitB ~siid SuhdJxsjsooB ffsB Tamil Begion, K. V. Rangmwanpu Awanffor Commemaraitm Yobtiae, p. 182. 9. Ujxfortamitely the VUUige StalisliD»~tA the Ceoeus 1911 '^o sot pP}LjiPlail-a.boat_lhe .lingnirtiC pf f}ii> po pnlaUfm . THE-ULivGmSTlC ABEA OF TA^llL. KAB 167 the valleys of'ihe'riverfc it crosseb^ ylz., Aranij AliVnli channel, Nagari, Nnndiyar and Poini rivers. Along the vall^B Araiu, JSfagari wd Poim,j;;thOT_^are_a^tnv_pinpQiidccantly^-iso3a.t3ed' Tamil villages even beyond the above dividing Imp. Tamil-Teltjgu JOiviDiNa Lenz: From the above account, it is evident that the Tamil villages clust^ along river valleys and the more favoured a rea- s and avoid all higher slopes. It is probable that the stronger Tamil element has been able to displace the Tdugu dement in the better favoured river valleys and low ground. As alre^y indicated this 60% linguistic linp jjg purdy math emat i c al and cannot be entirely depends! i^Mm as a criterion for determining the limits of Tamilnad. The limits have therefore to be fixed byLalinens do^ to the above pucrefy lingmstic line as possib^^nd at the same thnp confQrmnig*to some definite physical boxmdaries. It is seen jhat Rnr-h a, Ime co mmenc eB on ^e Pulicat Jak^-3ust north of^^Arao^akkaair village-iif-^he^imnerFT^i^and runs wiStwards to join the Satyavedu iddge. From the. Satyaveda ridge it runs to the Nagalapfnram^hills ataross the longitudinal valJQr between them foUowm g the T yater, divide in the middle-of-the fiepresaon. From there Jt goes along the most southeasterlyTidge of the Nagaii group of bilb-and then along the Nagari Nose Mountains-’ Then it runs southwestwards along the crests of the fine of foolrhills until it joins the Chittoor-North Arcot district boundajy “veiy near the crossing of that boundary by the Fatpadi-Chittoor xaiiway line. -From there it runs west- wmxi^along the-crests nfTheTine ofloot-hills and in the forested escarpment of the Eastern Ghats which serves as the zonB-of-separation between the-hlysore Flateau and the Tamilnari plaina. Ai/issnativeb It may be extended that j&e Tamil r^on should ex¬ tend further north u p to the Tiru pati hillsjnjsonfonnily with the traditional iamits^eirtendmg from Kumari in the south to Vengaclam iii -die north. This lifct sot soine de^ite advan¬ tages from the-^ysical jioint of as it follows the”escarp¬ ments of. Tirupati and the Eastcrr. Ghats. But south of the Tirupati escarpment is the hnponant va lley of SwamamnVi , whicn IS preponderantly Telugu a:.d is aspected more to the Telu^u country than to the Tamil area further south. Further, the traditional boundary cutting across this valley inan the TSmpati escarpment on the morfti to the >^agari hills in the- south must be more or less arbitrary. Another boundary may also be thought of. This would be the water divide nmning east to west on the southern side of the Swarnamuki valley. Ibis chvide’ separates the valleys of the rivers flowing into the Telugu Region from those flowing into the Tamil Region." Though the Swarnamuki \*aJley is excluded, there is stfll the area i mm ediately south of this line, which is mostiy Ttiugu.^® This boundary is not superior to the boundary nhnBm even from the phyacal point of "^w. WlSTERN BoUjniiHT LjNE' —The r efflon^ bound^ . from flie poi nt where -of-Chittosd In modern times.' Its ufiefnlness in every day aSabr is very limited. That being so, the jieoplc are, naturally,-al^ dnnecaneflmg 7 tisanselves“tD the artide in Constitaiaon~hf India making Hindi the dffiriallangnage'of ^TTnion. Thinks* Ing pED^e.'would'ha^m ^nrfeiTed a^worl^Ianguage jike En^. lis^^Ktak^that^phice as if^naKtes Ihij^-to-lQUowdhe^^ is said and written in all coimtd^ - • — • If the Union must adopt an indigenouB Imiguag^ -th^ - would have-chosen Sansfarit^written In-a simple script, Ho^ -man—as the principal Indian languages have drawn £rom it a^ it is vddely-api^dlated; -- "■ 7 ;^ JHndiis hktd to'master. "^rrMrTSr.~T^odi emphasis^ fliat *' the protagordfits of .Hindi should understand the" difl&- eulfifis of non-Hindi Bpealdi^peoplEin learning riiat language.” Thou^ organised bodies have becn systematicatty .teariiing "Hindi in aU parts of this State for over thirty years, JMadrasis who are able to .g:eak Hindi fluently, or write it lucidly aie but a handful Yet the- difficulties of those who would Ipsg-n Hindi are little understood by the Go-m-nment of India. The latter has prescribed that language for examinations for the eelectjon of raindidates for the public services. It is fntroduc- ing Hindi into various departments of the Administration. All this places South Indians at a serious disadvantage. —Madras Mad, April 15. 174 TAMi cui/rrin: NEW EDITION OF KAMBAN’S WORKS Karaikudi, April V. Presiding over “the Kamban Festival, Karaikudi, which -TOimueticed'h^ yesierday, Dr. Rl K. snanmukhanTChettiarr ^^ce-Chancellor of the Annamalai Ilniversity, said that the University had decided to undertake the publication of an authoritative text of Kamhuramayana andthat it was -nprtd ^tbeJeaxned men to extend their hand of co-operalaon in ihat endeavour. Dr. Dhettiar, in the course of his address congratulated the org a n i sers of the Kaxhagam on their efforts ‘to celebrate the festival bring home to the people the moral, didactic, artistic, and literary beauty of Kamban’s masterpieoCi ^ For many oentun«Kamban was acknowledged as a gri^t man of letters and it was but natural for the people to res- pect^a-great. man ^hen -they discovered“luB intnnac ment. Poet Bharat in his tribute to Kamban had stated thatT^iii^ nad had become great by the birth of Kamban. - :^-JContiniuhg,-'Dr. mheffiar aaad that-onedmportantieataie of Kambaramayana was the emphasis laid'at every siage on the ea^tence of Ood and the glorification of Eis greatne^ This was one of-the characteristic of every ^^t - Valmiki pm-trayed Kama as Nature’s^ ^entlcmangvt^e' Kamban dei^bed him as God incarnate, people who inade a historic approach to Kamayaha often asked whether there was any -tanth in -the story. That was not the proper approach and by that approach one could not evdu^te and enjoy the Ti^es lying open-to the reader. In KambanJ fhe wnr^Ka d an epic whith could challenge comparison with any other -wcarld epic. People denied it and said that it was after all a trans¬ lation of~Valpuln7 To thun he would reply that "ho'poet was original and no genius could spin out something of a er^tive_ work out of nothing. Kamban had in his mind Valmi]^ and gave a vivid picture of Tamilnad. The story of RcoTiayana should have bcfen current even before the time of Valmiki and it must h&.ve touched his imamnation. Whe* K amban TAMILUNA — NJEWS AND. NOTES 175 found that the epic story was cherished by the people of T amil - nad, he produced the masterpiece. Though Kambaii had his theme ifrom Valiniki and though there were many things in common between ihe two, the handlm g nf tion was distinct Illustrating his point, the President-said that in Khmb?i- Hamayaha, Viswamilaa .took Hama along with through the very Mreets'bfTVlithila where Sita was standing in her bower and made Sita fall in love with Hgmp. who hiin- self fell in love with her at first sight. Here Kamban had ^en a rapturouB description of Sita’s beauty and theromanic ^eet it produced on Rama. This was Tamil (sulture pure and simple while in Valmilri^s Hamayana both Rama and Sita were stran^rs until betrothal, which look pl ace after Rama’s break¬ ing the bow. Kamban’a adoration of Rita Was so great th ^t time mdy 1 she was treading. Yet Kainban’s indebtedness to VahniM^was nxhibited by his jeference^ the-latter as * The Trim JPoet” andr^* I’he T)ivine.PoEt" •- Replying to_^ adverse (sriticisms made against Kamha- xmnayanam Dr. Chettiar said that Ea^aramayanain revealed that Kamhan^s love for Tanulnad^lxg people and her men was unbonded and that it was nothing but mi act of ingratitude and'foolJshneBB"to paII him the. “Slave of the Aryans.”. Stressing the need for a critical study of Kambaraniayana Dr. Chettiar that no exhaustive study of the dusive b^uty and subtlety of portraiture of charaefef "had'been made so far either in Tamil or in English and that in this respect the publication Delhi. Tamil .Sangham- "Mr. TT^. S.. Ajyar’s ctapmentaiy Samton” was coinmeudable. he- hoped that more such publications would be brou^t out. he could not bear Havana touch her by her toft at the allow iiim to remove her with part of the earth on whid 170 TAjNIIJ. CUL'ioJlJL: XEHUDI MB^"VHrN’S TRIBUTE TO SOUTH INDIAK MUSICIANS JMadras, April 3. Interviewed bv a represen t ative of The H ind u this mo m, ing Mr. Menuhin seid that before he caine to ^ladrae he had heard recitaJls by a number of musicians in the North. But after having heard music in South India, he felt that Jhe max had been reached. He made a special reference to Pandit Ra^ Shanker’s redial on the star and was tremendous^ hu- presfeed with the flexibility of the sitar wherein it was pc^blie, he said, to have a wonderful quft,lity of improvisation. The extraordinary thing about the sitar was the way in which it could be adjusted (induding the removal of frets) to have desired effects. This was typical of the flexibility of Indian culture added Mr. Menuhin, “ And here! heard your wonder-, ful violinist Prof. Dwaram Venkataswami Naldu and also others.'* ^e conoxt ganged ^ the Central _Colle^e of Kar¬ nataka Mudc at a high level, he said and added that he enjoyed the whole programme. He liked the way in which the young Gopalakrishnan played the violin on that day^to the flute redtal on^wan TJNl Swaminatha Rillak hlr. Menuliin evinced keen interest in the flute .and wondered “ how one could play diflerent notes in such a small instrumnht”— The sliding ^ecte shown on it were-remarkable, he Indiin Violins Speaking of Indian violins, Air. Menuhin Knid thnt thp. estraordinary strength of Indian music was that it had been able to take a foreigu instrument hkp. the vioilin and make-it so melodic. They in-India had evolved a method of splaying on this stringed instrument and made it own*. By playing different sca le s and notes and produ^g that sound vduch was^characteristic of Tndipn Muac, they h sd made It- a 'wonderful instminent.* Prof. Dwaram Venkataswami Naidu who was present at the interview, pointed out that in India they had notlieen able to obtain really good \'iolins whereas the eri*'" ag ones, TAMILIANA XEWc JCerb quaii:^ and of high craftsmaji* ship. He believed that the purity of the tone and harmony- ■ fthould be kept iip vwy so a a-to-enligbiep-^he-audietteer In this connection, he appreciated the efforts taken in this country to maintain the purity of music and remarked, I feel that music in India is still in the stage of the Garden of Eden and that no Eve has persuaded Adam to eat the apple ’’ in the form of harmony. Mr. Menuhin said that' Indian music, was essentially mdodic and therefore it was not really necessary to have a violin of high quaKty and power. They tuned the strings In octaves which also added a certain amount of resonance* and . gave suffident quality. Their muse never attempted to be powerful or loud. Hence they had to develop the violin ac¬ cording to their requirements. Whena fes^locally made violms. were shown to him, Mr.lVIenuhin remarked that an Antwerp craftsman had made a rounded fcomxf violin without edges, BO that the fin^m could move niOTe eaaly. Itmight be^Nnry well for a few Indian'esraffemen to "risit foreign -countriEa and meet people making vioHns-and study the details involved in.'the samp- Thrs ^as all th^moie necessaiy, he added, be¬ cause the violin having-become here what it is to-day, you: should not be dependent on.others”. Music'or East and West t JVeuf Delhi, AprU '5. » Mr. Yehudi Menuhin, world &mous. violmist said in an interview here j'esterday that anJndian audience was a wonderful, audience forji Westem musician. He hoped that Indifua-music and western music would ne\*er regard each other as competitive. He suggested that there should be one institution in Ind:- where Westem music was properly taught for those who were interested in it. 17a ‘iAMlL CGUlUllb ^ferring to the difference between Indian and Western music> Mr. Menuhin said- that in Indian music the complica¬ tions of rhythm were more inleUectuaL The range of meloc^ was smaller. Indian music was to a certain extent repetitive, hwf. pneh t ime t he inflfpt ionff were a littlft diffCTft nt In offl*>r to appreciate these inflections, one had to be veiy and aw ake and the perceptiem required was greater than in the case of western"music. Westem music on the other hand was more passionate «-tid "explosive and a listener could abandon himself and he carried on its passions and emotions. Western music had its intellec¬ tual content, but it could be appreciated even without int^- lectual appreciation. An Indian audience was a wond^ul audience because they were all earn and all eyes and' they helped- the performer. The Ind ia n listener' for instance inspired the i)^cainer no(^^gg_bjs_head in ^ppreciation-of-something-qj^eaHi. Th ff western listener was more indined to sit bahk, having the price of the ticket, to see what the musiciau could do. ^ * Western audiences could not appra^te Thdian to the same extent as an Indian could appreciate western mugic , In di an music,required more concentrated meditation, a more introspective element. Tt required an audience to forget about time and mater i al achievements, and a complete Rearing .of. the mind. This was^an solitude of mind'difficult for a wes¬ terner. An Ind ia n .audience-accustomed to appi^ciate the slightest infle ctions on'the oOber band provided a goo4 audience for a west&31 mumrinn . An I n di a n listener was Tike a person who coufd'appre- ciate .20 different shades of blue and 20 different of rsd. The' westerner was accustomed to an enormous painting with yelloWj green, red "and every other colour which com¬ pletely dazzled him and carried him awa}^ Mr. Me nuhin said he himsplf found great charm and fascination in Eastern music. But he added, “ I have a part- jCaatem back^ounecdal taste to appreci ftt^ Indian miimn. While Indian classical muac had always maintained its devotional character, the trend in Western music sinoe the 18th century had been nmte and mote liberafion from established ripd forms. In the hSiddle ages, Western music was mainly church music very solemn and quiet and introspective. Then it became court music, in which the dominant note was courte^ and el^ance. Later, it became the mu^ of the man in the street, when this trend made Wei^exn music almost too common, ^ere came impressmnist mutac. The lowest taste in music eaxne-wiih the aodden. indusr trialisation and growth of n new rich commercial fSiasa with¬ out .a proper cultural^hacl ^roimd. JB ut.with_jih&-estabhBh- izffiiit of sciic^ AndT^eges, the building of public libr^ie^ etc,, the standards also gradualbr improved. EsgoB&s JQF Cabxatic Alssie Paris, March XL ^ A new wstalogue of meord^ chgichl and traditronal Indian music lias jnsr been published by UNESCO in* its series '^^idbirarnTReoaided Mnac.” ^ The n^taloguie, a vnlmne of 233 p£^e%liiQ been i ^ ipd in twpjhmgua^ eddions^ English and IVench, and -inrfndfta & list joi more than 2,600 recordings issued by the TTindiTBt.hitnj M^qihone Ccdumbia nJid H. AL companies, as well as de^ 4aiilcd informatifin abont the wtahs-and -the recording mua- eiany , The^uthor ^ the~^^^k is M. AlamX-anielou, a Erench musicoIogiBt, who has lived for many years in Benares where he is known as Shiva -Sharan. He has preceded the Catalogue itself with an introduction containing ;aluable material on the Indian musical ^stem^ scaJ^ modes,-slyles, rhydims, jnuacaanB and instruments. There are; mor^v^, ten pages of 180 TAMIL bui-TURE iUtiBtiatioBS of the most frequently used instruments such as the sarode, the Veenn, the sfrnr and Ihe principal, drums. ^Wilhoul'negl^ting the folklore music of the Indians and of the aboriginal tribes and in addition to offering a selection of authentic Tibetan r^iordings. the catalogue devotes special attention to listing the best recordings of classical ixmmc ins^ trumental or vocal — of JCortherh India (Hindustani Muaie;^ ax^d of Souths India (Karnataka musicj. The works men* tibned are almost aU unknown in the West and the publication of this catalogue will therefore make the exacting and subtle art of the Indian musicians better known than it is at pre¬ sent. North and South Madras; Map 5. -MrrShankanao BeorSecretaiy of the-Sarvodaya-Samaj, explained to pressmen here to-day the lines on which the Sarvodaya constructive programme would be carried out. The -mfetang-was held at the Hindi Hrac^ Sahha,-.ThyagarayBr nagar. Ask^ about the spread of common language and culture in relatiom*to the Karvodaya-juovement, Mr. Deo snid- that the proposal of the Government of India to convert Osmania University into a Hindi University would not make it 1a cul-- tural centre. If the University were to be aicultural o^tre m the frue sense for promoting closer cultm^ relatlondiip between the North and South, it could not be' so by making Hindi as fhp. medium of instr iifttion. They mould provide not only for the learning of Hindi, but also forlthe languages of the South. It could not be one-way traffic frbm the Nortih. Tn his personal opinion, the North had much ^ore to leam from the SouUi than the. South from the North. TAMIL CULTURE h QnarteW? Beriw-^ edlaaled toJlw-sta^ ciJBawtBeata — THE GREATEST TAMIL MYSTIC, S. Maharajanipi' iflE ETHICAL INTEItERETATICK pF liATDRE. IN ANCIENT TAMHJPQETRY Xavier S. Tliaiul^^r&gain 186 ANCIENT POLmCALTHOUGHT IN THE KUR^ -P. PaTnisamloir -'197 'jA]N~reESW]^-m eOMBATCm-DISTRlCy M. Aiolaaswamy 204 sEcnffiGs OF TAML-sHLE M cmm Srcaxni S. Pcdkasar 218 THE ISTEBATURE Xffi SMVA STODHANTA'AND ALUED SCHOOLS D.L.Jesoapffi 226. ffHE FIR§Tia^ED’y IN KAMBAN E. T. Bajes^^ 234 EfiUCATION IN THE ANCIENT TAMIL COUNmffiS K P. Batnam 254 ^ SCBOLARk^.OP SIMON CASIE CHITTy ' P.- X. C. Natarajah 269 NORTHERN PODNDARY OF TAMIL NAD V. ^ghavan 275 fHE HYPOC^C^ CATL: H.-Heras SJ -286 TAMHJANA - NEWS AND NOTES IW^ICB -TO BVBSCRIBJ^RS 1. This £eptemb^ issue of ^ Tamil Culture” includes the dbikd and-fourth issues for the year 1952. This hsS been done 60 that ToL U. No. I. may be broi^ht-out in Januaiy .1953. 2. Those subscribers who started with VoL J. No. I, are Aindb ^-requested to send in -their subscriptions for the ynar 1953. SubscriftioDS'inay be psi^i^atthe Colon^o Book Cenin^ Colombo, OT tfie" T^airiil TatCTatnr^Sogety, Tuti qw^^ , Those who deare the hist issue of 1953 to be sent V.P.P. may inform the ^VTanagpr . 3. - Since the ^cc^ of the -tjuarterly which has t^en to well received both at home and abroad, depends on the numbff- bfi suhsoibers, toe-manag^^t will be -grateful to those" who"recommend the quarterly to those,interested in Tamil'Xhilture. ”• j "'The MajfAt^-^AMiL ‘CuKTDifflj” ‘ Tamil Xi3XSAttib£ -Socffiry] 52, New Colojct, . '■TuncoBnsr, S. Ikdza. VOL. I XOS. 3-4, SE:pa:£MJ3£R, losa TAMiU CULTURE A Quarterly Restew dedicated io the jiudy uf Tauuhaita ^ke ^reaieit -^ami( S. MAHARAJAS T mUMOOLAR is the greatest mystio and seer that Tamil Nad has ever produced. The ei^icen Siddhas of Tamil Nad acknowledge him as their supreme preceptor and as the. progenitor of the esoteric sdiool of the Tanula. Legend has it that_ he-^red for 3,000 yearn, nnH out of the ^ence of J]Lis.sDnl, brought-out one song a year. "It may be that is only a poetic way-of saying how profound, and beauQful are his three thousand son]^" and how long each of them must have takm to be contcanpilated and composed. Beyond l^end there is mo reliable historical .matoi^^ to. help ws fix his age. In Pnranic-3iteraluj^!,Jinwever^&we'axe7®- -/e^ces which-nuggest that ^rtnnoolsr lived in'67000 B.Cl, Whatever might be-his agp, Tirumoolar remains valid for aU time. His Thirumanfhiramja an encyclopaedia of authentic. -q>iritual experience at almost all levels that is to js&yj from idoJatiy to a d i sem bodied absorption in the Hltimate. Void. He is about the only Indian nystic who has eared not on^ to record ^ nxperi^ces but also to evc^e and ronmonnibate* an- elaborate technique by following which other aqpiiantB- may're^ the goal, he BetrforlaiM^ "Jt js.lrne'iJhat the secrets discovered .by Tirumotflar have set do.wnJn highly symbobc language. The writer of Jhjs .article once-thou^t - that the hey -to lus ^37mboilisni has been irretrievably- lost. But subsequent nontect with hving mystics has convinced- him that the kny is in.safe and'exdhsre.beeping If there is good reason to keep the atom bomb out of th^ ’n^ich of the rabble, there is tnnch greater reason to deny ioq.x^-the fruits of Eupra-material research. S. Maharajan, B.SC., BJl, Is a member of -the Madras Judicial Service. 1S2 tAMIL CULTUltlii Xven Uie intellectiial is not qualified to obtain, initiation into ine secrets, unless he realises that the intellect is after all ojL-e of the most contemptible and inadequate instrunientB given to man._It_is in Ihe^awarEPess of human-dgnorance- that Tmimodlar sees the beginningB of spiritual tvisdom. Accordm^y, in his-prefaoe to Tirumanthiram he sings with characteristic humour :— ~- ^iTfSeutrir j^earessreo 'Ou(j^enuienaj ^irrSeuirTr ^serrQpui Qujr/Siuir^ QuQ^^si^t—a’ -Qeujrplajirenui eSetrujiLf Q^OfoQ&sr. Whoever knows the glories of my Lord and who, the vastness of Infinity : (yet) Of my ignorance of that Nameless Light I shall sing three thousand son^. Einstein, that great scientist, standing on the Inink of the Ehown and peeping into-the Unkno'TOi, exclaims, " How terrifying is my ignorance 1 ” \ _ nnTiRrjonsne ?^*^of- -i gnoran ce,- howeVET, - hc^dg^ UL-terngg" -for Cflnimoolm-: in fact h^ exults and revels in it as the lib^ator from the Ego. But even the^nan who has becoma aware-of his ignor¬ ance is trammelled by the Ego. Tirumoo^ would, therefore, urge him to go b^ond knowledge and isnoiaoce into Pure consdcpisnres. The wisdom acquired.Ihr^gh such unfetter¬ ed consciousness can alone be regmded a^ having.ultimate validity, ^jSleuj£ltU!r£Siiii si—p ^fSeupShutreatii eujrOp. _ How then are we to have aeoess to therfegion ^f Pure con¬ sciousness where there is awareness but no thou^t ? The exact mephanism by whidi the different states of conscious¬ ness can be reached lias been auggesibed by Tirumoolar in several jilaces. The mind is located by Tirumoolarin a .pacific physical centre in the human body. This is very much like the gear box of an automobile. The mind can be said to be in the first THE GREATEST TAMIL MYSTIC 183 gear when we are awake, jn the second gea^* idien we are dreaming and in the third gear when we are in deep, dream¬ less alumber. In other words, there are three ph 3 ^:^cal stales in “the body corresponding to ^e thr^ mental conations,' viz., waking, dreaming and sleeping. When a. waking man falls asleep, a corresponding involuntary change takes place in his.phydeal condition. Lycewise, when he thrifts into the dreaminj: condilaon, an automatic physical WhitTigw occurs. Jn their great qairitual laboratories, our Gna-ni g made "this 'most mommtous discovery and put it to immediate use. JE^ physically manipulating the centre in Which the mind re¬ sides and by changing its gear they found they could enter into any of these three mental oon^trons "voluntarily at noil, retaining at the same time their awarenesa. They eould, for instance, get into the deep dumber condition, jremauuj^ aware, or “awake”. The lEgio, which is Hke-a-prism'distort¬ ing and refracting Heahty, is itself asleep in dumber^ and the Gnani, who can go into Bhunber'witiiout' losing awareness,~is in a position to have a glimpse of Reality undistraetd*!^' the holies of therEgo. Beyond dumber'is the fourth cohdi- of Tnr i ya-T diere~~&e Ego jdies complete^ ' and the gml~ atands face to face with the^Loid ready to Tnplt. m his bracc. It is when the mystic finds hinirerf in this oonditich of the utmost absorption that he is able to pierce the multi¬ faceted crust of realiiy and perodve the Primordial and mi- Idifferentiated atuff of Being. Tiriunoo^'clarifies this'liuth' with his famous analogy of 3 wooden''tpy dephaht. The diild played, ecstatic, .with his elephant proud He caihd not it was made of wood, IJnpl^^fnl man beheld but’a lump of wood. He missed, alas 1- the elephant's farm-; Even so, the ElemenlsTude the-Real from our sight But the Mystic’s eye'pmrces throi* the Elements and gets at God. tDjr^eoi^ Uisnp/s^^^ii^TUifi tuirikor ujrp^eD Uissipfspsi aliir&sr jjjrJseiap jneapppsi unrd’(^p^ ujrp^BS uesipp^^ uiriTQppid TAMIL CULTURE Lest the reader should think that Xiruxci)olar is liuch too pre-occtipieview^_i s as great as that of the spint. "He confesses >: Once T thought tihat the body was something, vulgar and meM, But-ncwT^ttow-thatTiiBide tKrB6d3r:ana‘^^liTO!^ - iL'ean T get at Reality.” 0p6ar6ard> gK^aiQsexsr ^yjt^wiSssiJs (^arQejr sujpiQtJir^^ sesxrQL^ssr -^ another-place he says that the Body ^ the Temple, the -Mind is the .Sanctum Sanetormn and th^ spirit .is'^^ lord and the fiVe_wicked-seeming senses are tho eternal fooWi^ts -that up the glory of the Lord. E-^aru> .Qtj0® QairuSf^ uirei>ttJih i9jrr^)ra(^ ev.irju QairLjjr sixyS) Q/sarea^ Q/seS)^j3^ira-s(^i^ Po/wr B^^inesui amearu t^eaBsr^^ui siranr njaaf? One must jnake spiritual hay while the bbdily'sun shines, fo^ the moment the body is lost, all experience comes to an end and consequently, the opportunity of emaneipatiQn comes to an end, too. That is why our my^c exclaims, y.i ihej)u enjearT^O^eb" anffr eueira-fiQfgQ&fr. 185 THE GREATEST TAMIL MYSTIC " By developing iny body 1 developed my Spirit, too To^ Tirumoolar bodily healthy however, is only a to a spirituail end and not an end in itself. Turning next to the control of the Senses, we find that Tirunaodlar’s attitude in this-reject is refreshingly i]nortiho> The senses are but the servants of the mind and have no volition trf their own. He,' therefore, declares that it b dan- geroiB to impose any j-estraint upon the senses. That will be tackling the min d from the wrong end. Every such restraint is bound to create an inhibition in the mind and therd)y fur¬ ther complicate the sub-conscious. He suggests that the Tnmrl '(coMcious and sub-conscious) diould be indepeudentty- treat¬ ed in such'a way that an effective disjunctioh ‘Between the mind and the senses is brought about at wilL 'When 4nctent ^am.li.._Poelru DE. XAVIEE S. THANI NAYAGAM, m-a^m-litt. I T IS a favourite point with writers on India to say that the historical sense ” is wanting in all ancient Indian litera*' 'ture. If by a “ historical sense ” is meant a sense that ou^t to have produced chronological tables, and authors like Hero* dotus and livy who wrote to recount the deeds and facts of the, past, then it must be admitted that no literature has come down to us that warrants the existence of such works.- Yet, ancient Tamil literature abounds with allugons,^ 3>olh -lo contemporary and past events. If even in the absence of works similar to those written by Greek and Roman h^ torians,it has been possible to trace out a hktoiy of the Tamil people during the-C^gam period, it Kdue to the historieal refmBuces in.Cangam Jitoaiure.^ Many xd fhese'TrefeJehbes- occur in love-poetry. This fact ou^t~to prove to some-extent how much the Tainijs relished historical referpnoea. At tto same' time, it must be observed, that even thfsse neforeEnces were often made not only to praise the m^ory of great-Tamil personages of the past but also to eulogiie they patron -kings and patron-chiefs. For instance, a poet Ti^ites about 'riie gos¬ sip in the lotjalily regarding the courtsMp and cl»rrdp.fltinft meetings of a hero and a heroine. It may be he has anuctiial' in. mind, or "it may be Lets just una^ning a pc^tie situation. The po^ would compare thejwide-spread gosaip and Ecandal-mDngering.^.»ya)^j of neighboirs toaomecontem'* poraneous or past victoiy in battle achievea by a king or chief he admires, or from whom he has received -bounteous gifted Baying ihat the gos^p was more resounding than the shouts 'with which the foes oJ his hero rebEjated in*battle, or loudef than'the jubilant cries of his patron’s soldiere when they cut 1. Writers like P. T, SRINIVASA IVENGAR and K- N. STVABAJA PILLAI have based their worlcs eptirdy nn thi^.Uterataie, KTHJCAL iN'TERl^TATJaX OF KATURE 187 down the ** guardian tree ” id his enesLj, Or the alhision'inay be roanifestly to lisioiic mloits performed by the nation’s heroes in the past.^ Apart from the purely historical allusions, Cangam lite¬ rature contains also numetous passages in which the poete associate landscape with historical events and historical per¬ sons.. This historical association in nature poetry is g-lpn to be found among jK)ets of oiher natioas like Vergil. "Rnglish poets have used it in poems here and there. Byron’s Childe Harold contains many passages where landscape evokes thoughts and reflections on the past^ and Scott is famous for seeing his landscape always throu^ historical association The Tamil poets too had a capacity to see the earth coloured by this historical associaticjB, but their manner of expressing historical association is worth noting for it is both,-rare «nd impressive. " The tresses of the hercose have a fragrance that- floatain the breeze. The fragrance rsninds the poet of "the fresh sweet smell that emanates ^om parks and jungles on a morning when Jhe vudlai is in bloon^ and forthwith he compares the fragrance of th^tresses^to~fl^ fragrance: of tKeTcenest-re^ifi of ^e of his patron^ say Qri: _ " • * Her tresses smell like the fragrant breeze that- IdIowb hiwng traversed through the forest-park of Oii of the liberal hand and the valiant chariot ” - -(-Kiw., 199). The tresses of a heroine are compared sometim^ ton flonrish- ing city, but often to the wavy river sand, or the wavy dry i)ed of a rh'er.. The waves of her- tresses are thus compared- to the aide-bed, of not any iiver, but one that the poet would like to extol, say the ford of the Eaveri atJJranthai, Uie capital of the Colas or the banks of the Vaigai near Kudal^ PotiyUj one of the peaks of the Western Ghats, stands Kke a lofty senrind in die Sontihem portion of the range. The aandal-wood that grows on this mountain and these ranges has been ^ways a favourite term of comparison with poets inchiding Kalidasa. The hm would seem to have been in- 2. Kur, 328; S9.3; Agam 36; 45; 209; 253; 256. ^ 8. I^Tom; 547, 5-6. ' 18S Tamil cclturk eluded Tor sometime TrMjin the kingdom belongii^ to rliVfs of the Ay family. Tlie heroine is said to he as fragirant as the sandal-wood, or the \*engai and kantkal of Av’£ totivil. and cooler than its waler-lilies.”-* IThe ayes of a heroine are usually con^ar^ to npydai blooms or to water-lilies. But often the flowers arc specified V belonging to the lakes or tanks of some histone place or fam ed ruler. Thus, in a poem of the Agananvru coBectioa, the eyes are compared to the neydal blocons of a maritime* lake bordering the sea near Korkai, the emporium. cjF the Pandyans.® Paranar, in another poem of the sampr col¬ lection after having enumerated the various difficulties and obstacles that a hero has to overcome to keep a tiyst with h^g heroine concludes saying that fhey are as difficuHt to overcome as the outer defences and the defence-forests of Tittan's Uraiyur.® a^Qp^/r LfpiiairtL. i.dr«gr [LpiL. i^3sr(jr^ aarOeu " Another poet compares the forlorn appearance of ffie beromp_oi^leanung of the impending departure-of the h^p, to the grov es' ai ouini tfce-JCaveri~>^ _ » Thy- fo rehig ad is like unto the honey-sinelling groves ffi)ored vdffi'white sand on the tend^ shoto of the great river. After the Mardh festival, under the dense traes rich with_ foliage flowers may -be seen -the lashes- of fires kindSed by those who have feasting.:. A s dfis o liate as the grove without i)^ple arffho^ Your ^ouldEiB too, once refiembling (th^egant and stately bamboos that grow on thje flnnV« the Po%d hiU^t belangs-to the^and^^^ ^toaster bTlQiB Bouthem sea rich In j^rless pp»t] b^ have also lost their pristine elegance.T (Agam ; 1^. And thus niunexo but significant ways in C. Krtr, 84. 5. - Agmn'; T30. ObrAgamj 47, 69. 6. Agnm; 122,21-23 33 examples may be given pf thp brief which history- and Nature and personal THE ETHICAL INTERPRETATION OE NATURE 189 association are linked together by the Tamil poete in the com-.- position of imagery. As great an altractidn for thPTn tt aq hotjc- ever, to consider an lethical) aspect- in Nature, often based on historical and personal-associatiou. The TamOs always a hard-workiiig and industrious people. The fertility of the soil was greater in the Cfl.ngn.Tn penod than now, but was.not so great as to require jnuch Iajm energy and industry on the part of cultivators fhim are re¬ quired at present. '- It happened that Nature made up by providing an ^undance of linrury goods in exchan^ for what she exacted by labour from the Tamils. The hills of Tamil Nad provid- ed ]||)epper, cumamon and other spices ; J^^er apam gave x>earls and red coral, her forests yielded metals and pr^ious stones. I^^efore, as early as historical records go the Tamils have distinguidied ihemselveraff^adErs, vath China to flie E^7 with Mesopotamia, E^rpt and ihe Roman Ensure to the. -We8t.They"nmde-ihe-mo5t-Dl^arNaturRgfl?i ^hPTn; their commerce added not a little to the weallh at -ffltojp coimtiy.T • toc^ifiirj^irit^waja^' ;The chief^and KfigHou^t mteumtteatly ^niang fhemselvea and as it happens ndien-war and diplomacy andalliancesiOT become common, they developed eariy a-very:‘ho!UouraUfi rade of warfare. Their commerce with foreigners, and their'warfare made them develop hi^ ethic^ standards.of ix^uet.-Ebnesty, truflifulness, bravery, love iof homnnv-are ‘Tirtuies" without which no people may difegulrii themselves in of war. Mercy and-sympathy are also gnalities-srinch are natural to _those who-havB attained a position of-pennanent weallih and to-the warrionised to Jhe miseries of thebattle^fi^ 'Svso^ the repeated mnpharis in Tamil Eterature on ihe ri^t use of wealth hyjSsfadhutmg it to t^'poc^ and the needy. Cangam Eterature is nearly one-fourth ethical if you consider the didactic poems as well as those that pemonify and lEuBtfate virtuous deeds and allude to Tirtuous persons. 7* JL H. WA RMTN GTON, ,The vommerce between tke~Roman EmjAn and India, Cambridge, 1928. TAMIL CULTURK iOO ** Ethics in Cangam Hter^-ture ” would certainly form enou^ matter for a voluminous study. EEere is a typic^ posan of our four lines by Avyai, “ The Tamil Sappho.” ''Land whether it be high or low, cultivated or unculti- vatcd may be-called good not b^sause-it-yields -good .crops, "but because it_yields good inhabitants,”^ And here is a typical comparison where a certain lover’s words are said to be as faultless and true as the arrows shot by the archers of the army chiefs Palyan. **^sirpp^ Q^irjfiir Qatrihsiru ues^^ujir Q&iemQ&iril. CSuero' Bt^eureir Qeue^euiriup Sesi^ujir p^Qmir^ QpfSuj ^iBriLQss *■ Nar; 10^ &;9. Tamil poetry abounds with, passages in which the fer> lality of a region or kingdoms, unfailing rains, well-watered livers, abundance of birds and beasts and general prosperity are ascribed ^oihe-righteous rule of the- sovereign.. Th e pano- .gyrie-po«nsrof t h g~PQttupottiv^ffie"Patfrnippattu and the Ptarananwru are'impregnated with this idea. The praise of a sovereign’s Tule meant the praise of the hillgt the Tiy^pra -and the genei^ and' -fcrlality of-Tus-Kingdoni*—Samer thnes^fE^ pan^gyi^ assuTTre aianguage Temzniscent c^Ver^ in the fourth ^ogue^. Describing the region of Ilanihira]^^ the poet says, " in his land there ^e no marauders fhafc-at- tadc way-farexs to rob them of-their goods. Peals of thunder you will not hear; the serpent will not,Mil, nor the forest animals hurt. Proceed, thej^ore, as youj will.” - _ When praising, sovereigns, -the roar df'-ihe ocean or-the cataract, and the-sound of thunder .are.sa^ to be thejdruxDS that announce his greatness. The height^ of the mountains bespeak tSiehei^ts of greatness achieved by him. Thestreams that descend the mountain aides may be seem shunmering* sOverlike from fax and wide ; thtey are the i lilver banners that proclaim his victories and*hi^ unrivalled prowess in W 3 r.“ a Puram; 187. B. E. G. Puram i 143, 12,*' ^ote/b Puram; 231 fti Maduraikanehi; 105 ff; Patir; 28. 10. Perumpan; 40-43. “ 11. PBttr; 69, 78; Agam; 162, 358; Patir, 70, 22; Puram; 126, fL THE ETHICAL INTEltPRETATION OF NATUKE 101 The waters even in the biggest an'i deepest of his rivers are so clear that ornaments that have ^Jlen off from those sport¬ ing in the river may be seen l 3 ring deep down on the sands. The cle ar_watEEB ar e n.n indicat i on of the niTFifflied record-of his rule.“ This mode of praise occurs in the panegyric poetry, both in explicit terms and by suggestion. Nature’s reflection of righteousness is not -due to the actions of the sovereign alone. It may be due to deeds of in¬ dividual chie^ as well ^ the deeds of a people of the entire 'ullage. An amusing and significant poem ^ the Kali odes presents a young lady and her companion as appar^tly wondering that Nature could be so luxuriant in the country of her lover who has not Icept his tijst. The inference is that mce he has not kept his word he cannot be an upright man, and consequently Nature cannot appear lovefy in his land. What 1 The river glimmers! Can it truly glimmer in the land of one who is not true to his promises, —who has not kept his word;? ihe iiEim cloud” wanders, does truly thejraln cbud wander in ihei land of who is the cause ofwasting form ? ” euir^ pirgsipp 0areare in. Coriolanus refers to Valeria, as- ** chaste as the icicle -Thftt^-ear died by th e frusL fruiu pureat B i iow And hangs on Dian’s temple ” he no doubt meant that ice, pure everywhere, becomes purer by association with the t^ple of Diana, at Ephesus, 1h^ celebrated edihce-in honour of the goddess, of ch^stity.H The T a mil poets work in sunilar associations where possible. The eyes-of a lady are compared to tiie round water-lilies. A Ta m i l poet would not be satisfied with any simile in g)e!neral; he would want a historical simile. He would rather, refer to the water-lilies growing in die region of a part^ular king or chief. This topical and specific setting served a doidile pur* pose, n a m ely to praise the r^on, or its ruler, as well as to say lhat the flowers in the particular re^n would be lovelier because of the goodness and righteousness of the persons asso¬ ciated-with-it.—The Jatta* inferenceTsxkrivEdHhoaadrthe'higto- rical aJlufion and the lesson is that thebeauty of a landscapeIs commensurate with the moral beauty and ethical ideals of its ruler s and-ci tizens. While in puram p oe tarv su ch asaeiiaixns. .are*'directly made as may be seen in any panegyric poem, jn- agam poetry they are* alluded or s ugg ested as in the examples ihatiellbw. — The taste of water after eating the gpose-beny is sweet. However, the poet’thinks that it will be sweeter after eating of the goQse-beary in Pannan's garden. Tor* he is one who does not live for hims^ but for oth^-“ - - Pari, pne of the last seven paired of poets, had a pietu- resque Ue in the hiHy tem^iy of-whidrhe was The wate>fiower8 that bkionaed tbere-nre somgi ta ffte eisQeels of -comparison. In ai)o^ in-whidli^ ISTenaon^iah^fbr his coldness and indif^rence towards Ms b^oved,, the Mdy*8 nurse addresses him. in these words-— 17. 18. “ Once, even if my lady had offered you tibe green fruit of the margo^ you woiM reeled it. as sweetest sugar. But now, w^-^^ to g^ve you Coriolanus, V. IH. 65 A^am; 54. 194 TAMIL CULTURE even -the clearest' water of a Janua^ mornli^ from tLe cool lalce of Paries hill, it might scald you and laste bitter. Such is your wavering' love.” •Waters on a January morning would be cool and ervstal-dear in all lalces. Many lakes could have been taken as a term of comparison in ihe Tamil country. But here the poet pays a compliment to Pari as well as te^hes a moral lessm. Waters in iPari’s territory ought to be clearer .because he has a clear and unsullied record, and his lake is cooler because he re¬ freshes with his giving all those who have recourse to him" jimilarly, the flawers of his lake are more fragrant^ and the poet would compare the heroine^s fragrance, not to any flower in general, but to .the flowers of ParrsTshe, or to the flowers that bloom on Sinimalai of the Pandyans, or on the^hill of Ori, the beneficient chief, or of Ay.*® Much that was ethical entered al^ •into •the world of Tmn il imag^ -v^. A few PTfl.Tnplfta-wi11-^^fRfv»-—gEhe bee^goea from Rower to flower. Having ^ent &e day aquatic flowers^ when the 'sun sets and tHe^aquatic Rowers dose thekr petali|, lhe_hee betakes itself to-die/flowersTjarcieepefa and br a neh e 8 _which::Rower Htrmghtr^ThgJie^that nbrndon the lotus and the water-lily in the evening for the 3asmine~and the kantal reminds the poet of those who iorsake the friendsh^ of men whise wealth • and mfln'pnw ^re on the decrease.** Another~poet imagines a Jridi of strength between a rogue dejihant and'a tiger. To the bee the tiger^s^Epote spem to be flowers of the ■vengai. It flies to and~£ro] between the fitepbaT^t ' and 'fliB tigBiTtiying to taste of Qm deJihaiitVruf, as^ell as of what it imagines to be the flower^jof the -^gai The bee re mi nds the poet of those. pBace-makere who s^k to bring togeUier-'two contending armies or twDjpppodng parties.'^ Ifl. Kixr; 1^. m CL Ai;flm;-47i.E9,yB. 21. Agcm^ 71, J-4. esiuaiQp upsv^iL mirjss^ Otjireo euossrjjfjssrtli UL^ •22. ISfiH; 46. the ETHia\L IKTERPKrrATTOZs OF NATURE 195 For TTp-alth of Nature iraagery tte kali odes occupy-a very proxoinent place in Cangam literature. In the kali odes erf the palai class the sun is represented as cruel as a sovereigh ssQ unjust ruler. On the other hand in a neydal kali wh^ Nature is considered tinder a different aspect, the sun is compared to a victorious and virtuous king proceeding to another, ■arorld to enjoy the Iruits of his good deeds.** * Trees in the palai re^on are saidTo Tie dried up like the tree under which has sat a man that hath borne ialse testi> mony.*^ They are also said to be devoid of fruits and leaA'es like a young man whose 3 muth has passed a lonely existence. Like the petty-minded rnaji whose wealth does not henefft those who approach it, and like the end of him that lives a life of TSTong-doing which ends in self destruction, the tree too dries up. even to its very roots.** The luxuriant trees, on the other hand, that border rivers and faiiks axe suitable fdmlliefl^or those-^ho :flouriA-becaiiBcH hE y sha re their wealth wi^ the poor and the needy, \ ■' * “ “The trees _on the-w^ watted liver^banks-grew like hhe wealth-of-him-that ®v^ without-irfmt,~and-lives a "'idiv inonsTifedoing no evil to othcra.” — • ^^The trees were heaigr with ffowets like the bounty *of ■him who realises the trahsitorinEss of ; 32,11) - “like the wealth of theT)ountifulTOan,-the trees bloom¬ ed ; like the effortless case ol tho^ i^o enjoy the wealth of such a man, the be^ sported among-thej9Dwers” {Kali^ 35 ^ 1 ^ 2 ). ' ■ ' - “ The petals off t&e7 glonosa supeyia are oompaired to- women’s fingere and the 'enti re flow er, especially tef^ it 'has'iinfoldEd itself is compart to the-two hands joined in an- attitude of supplication. Tree and plants that .axe bent or drooping are compared to the bent head and shy pasture of wise and learned men who Have he^ th^ own praise spoken in their presence.*® * 23. Compare KiUi 13 with Kali IIB. 24. Kali; 34,10. -25, Kali; 10. 26. Kali; 119. ^.;;.TURE Pr om animalls too the Tamil poets learned wisdom. Itho hero S5 well as the heroine recall their x)w^ coutk of love when thgy observe ‘what part itr/e plays in the behaviour of animals. The elephant that strobes with its trunb the back of^ its mate or helps H to fee d on bamboo ftift jalliPC dt?cr; - lh e ilsve cooing imto dove, the h nffain the crab, all these teach them or remind them of the affee^ tionate relation that should exist between those who are pledijed to each other. - ~ — J^urai P. B, PAJEOIISANKAB, jm. a., b. l. 1^^ OBJS THAN 0 DC 8 in th.e iiistory of discovery, ibrtui- A toils accidents and ihe expert’s uncanny instinct to ndse out thin^ have saved for iiiinianity such precious books as Gaius’ Institutes or JKaiitilya’s Arthasasta-a; and more than once m tihe history of human folly books of rare merit ■ have been irretrievably lostj but sridom, very seldom Indeed has a book been read and reread and its message Jaborioua^y misunderstood. This, the Hural owes to‘ its hi^du n nH mentators.- _Tha surest wa^ "to a book n^lected*and re¬ late it to the limbo of forgetfulness is to call it “A Hand book of Ethics or Morals.” Then-nobody takes the trqiihlfiL to look into it and ev^bodyj|gre^;^jifcja just fine nnd^^SL 5B~Jio thiiiK~like. it.”--:! X t i8~ nnfortuiistB~lliat a Kural) which combines the jChnfucian'mimdane wii^om ^rith Taoian lugh^mkmg wi&outAheJbnndnir^ rniB-QT the chronic mysficism 5 the other, Mid; shares with the Republic its utopian odour to create an order, and both, the detailed concreteness and thp sTtn i g TmiWh^ p.v pltimgm ‘ ofJ;he Artfeosostrc, should have received such scant att^tion' from political thinkers. Ihe Author x)f “ Anptrrn t "TTiftwm polity,” a book from the Madras Xhiiversity is apparently ^ mu^ engrossed in committingTioar Indian polity to a ime an^only source thatiieXorgets-that there is Kural. atliand to give him a fuller picture and saner ’perspective of what he seeks. The source that he is at pains to explore andmqploit is Arthisastra which enshrinesXhe Morions and resplendent ciidEsation that has completely conquered North India. Kural which is decidedly later in time represents an attezh]^ by a creative individual to transfigure and sublimate the_ _dis-integiatmg civilisation of the Sbiith. HereX like' to-quote, though I do not fully share his views, Mr. Sivaraja PilJai of Madras TJniversity who says in hb "J^Ckronology of the TAMIL CULTUJ-to^e fitoshold of" jnodetn^ times-^-in which-the. .mlera of different parts of Indm living in different times,' often -rulers of non-Axyan descent display keen anxiety’ to be rememb^^ed by posterity as Hiose who jstiictly carried out the precepts IftiH down by -Manu, the Dharmasastras, and the Nitisasbras.” - Before clo^g this subject pf the historical rede of Vallu- "v^^’s thought, I Eke to mention how preposterously inapt such rnateidalistic conception of history and its determinism •Beams to us when appEed to our society. These are tJbe worda of Marx, “The pi^tasmagonas in. the human brain are 200 TA^HL CULTURE enforced supplements of man’s material! vital process. Mora/> lity, mligion etc, in general" with their appropriate forms of xy>T)RrnonBn e f» tbu g- f er feil iLe beinblim ee of mdependence." Valluvar is fully alive to this vital process of material production in society and assigns to it its legitimate perspeo* tivfi. To himrpoverty is not merely something to be pitied, it is perhaps the greatest evil that one could b&afBicted with on earth and as a remedy he suavely suggests that there are wrongs to be set right. About the peasant he says that every one including kings must prostrate themselves before him because he is the giver of food. Notwithstanding all tiiese there are some other things like individual self reject ahd social dharma or justice which he values morfe. J. B. Bury, the historian is reported to have said ’*The forms df Grovemment which are commonly classed as ab> colute monard iies h ave-no t rMeived-the-samer-attentjon -or' been .so car^uliy analysed as republics and constitutional m on a r chies . Indeed it is so. The Tnn'nfl.rchic- al .InstitutionB ^rtrayed in Kwal is neitiier. demotic nor autocacatimr'Thcre- .stg-SOJmapy warnings in the name of justice'end^equily to- the mdhar^, adequate "^ieguards {gainst mifinile, severe injunctions never tp disobey that blend of custQm,-law and morality which in Tamil is called (JusticejT^which. should not be confused “with Dharma of Sanskrit)- One wonders whether Valluvar is trying to iconvey in ajoebulous way the juristic conception of the state and hoists soveaeigni^- .■;nn to.the wisdom and ctmscience of soci^ety vis. ‘^^Arasa His analysiB of state, society and g oven irn*^rit wblcTi he respectively calls' as "Arasif” "Nadm"'^d Ser^nm^lil —leave nothing-to-be~desired and ind£eid~o^ stand-ccsiiparison with the-best literature of anytime. IThere is the Kin^ ministry to advise and act in his name. 'Ihere is rIrh aeonncil of eMers whose help the "king may seek in tirnps of stre^^d strain. The other essential departinents of government, the court, the corps of diplomats, the standing army,.fo^ nnd pohoe are shrewdly discussed and vividly portrayei Of- CDurse Valluvar is quite oblivious that there could be other forms-of govEtnioent that there could be other Torms of schism in the body social as existed elsewhere. It-is-onlty •natural, ihat his thought conditioned by his environment was ANCIENT PX)IITICAL THOUGHT IN THE KUBAL 201 chiefly concecned Tvith the greatest schism’ of caste hegemony. Perhaps this should explam the mvEtery_i)f eentnnea of pri1i.,_ tical stagnation, and dearth of ima^native ventures into the fields of political philosophy in our land. Mr. H. V. Hanga- samy Ai yan g ar in Ancient Indian Polity says : *‘The Brahmans class formed a privileged body in some respects like tlm clergy in Medieval Europe. But the Brah¬ mins did not form a state ^thin the state because they flind no organisation fitting them to act together for common pur¬ pose under acknowledged leaders. Thus we arrive at the ne¬ gative conclusion that neither theocratic nor sacerdotal “would be appropriate terms to describe our old polity by.” Here the learned author misses the obviouamcplanation. Th^ were not a state within the state simpty-because they did not re¬ cognise A sovermgn state out^de themselves. They mi^t not ^ve had an o ig anisatioai in th e ordinaiy sen s e of the JbeMO^ They had some thin gjjetter tSan fibat — th^' had the cai^ ■hierarchy at their command. Ancient Tn di»^^ polity is cer- “tainly not thppgajEiralr Nobodywould call the serving, of iho purposes - of a dmninent -ininorityi-^&eo»aticaL Heligi(m, everythmg'elseTjeeGmesinBti-umentaL — Turning back to Kural, nve find nothing in* it that could be called.'ntpplan with pfhprpAl •gtfl.Tid^rdLgAtifms ar jnere'widi fulfilment. In fiict it Is^ rharacteri^d by a peculiar sense'df Tobus realism of right proportions' that does not^ descend to despicable depths _pf yul^uism or immnralityl In this it stands utterly contrasted with A.rthasaslra.- To quote from Arfhasastfa : *^he king is practicafly_an autocrat who is generalty'inaccefflhle,-showing himsdf to the people onl 3 t-cmce.u;i-a month or two in ordec-to prevent-dis-. turbances caused by rumours of his death (Stalin ml^t have read this in addition to his catechism on Marxj. He is so removed from the. common folk that be is to converse with, envoys and subjects only through his ministers. He is cons¬ tantly guarded by troops of women armed with bows. Much importance' is attached to high birth. The position of the ruler is so exalted that impalement tis the punishment ap¬ pointed for a mnn who merely teases even the l^gs animals. But at the same time the king lives' in atmosphere of suspicion and treachery guarding himself even from his’ta- rnily, for “ princes like zaubs, have a well known trait of eating 202 TAMIL GULTimE I up thidr parents, and confiding, rulers have come to grief,” Let uu now quote from Thirukkural. ‘The king is impartial and just. He must protect his people.- But that is no excuse for his maltreatmg them, —H e muct t nk o p nt bB to fin d-put- and puni^ evil doers, it is something like the peasant weeding out his fertile field.” It is my opinion that Valluvar had read Hautilya and read him to advantage... lEhere are 10 oouplets. dealing with who a “ Duta ” is, what his duties are and re¬ lations with the princes. Th^ form such a quintesseice of diplomatic wisdom and foresi^t that every one of the sm- bassadcrs of our government, should he admonished on pe> nalty of forefeiture of their office to get them by heart and recite them before going to bed. Here again Arthasastra runs true to form. 'Intrigue, sowing dissensions among friends, fetching secret force, easing away by stealth relatives and gems, gathering informalipn about spies, breaking of treaties of peace — these are -few of the duties of an envoy which the Kural definitel y doe s no t me ntion but Kauti lv a r^.omnwnd«. ^Butnandoubtcdly Artimsastra is more practical or Kfilfttififin — if you wxH Kural is cursed with the Tamilians’ vice of vs^e generalisation and sterile absti^tion. Even he^ .the-advau- tages a;!e.£ot-all on nne-side. JB^ordhstance talkmg onmedunne. Kural expatiates about laalanced food, methods of hygiene, diagnosis and clinics, which are eternally true. In a lika i ns t anc e the author .of -Arthasastra scrupulously puts down how may .cat’s eye-and owl’e eye“-be used, in a powder to make one see in the darkpi* tomak^-oneTdsible'to others. Someti m es, T think ut is wise if we leaVc out details such as- these, ispetnally when -w^mean somefln^g for p<»terity:’ " - ] _ course -Vafluvar cannot be co:^pared with Machia* ■velli. I remembei^Morea, fhft IfidinTi thiiiker,-wiiting- in his book ■“ R ul i n g Class ** th at th is j^ash ion of oveixating ZMachiavelli something like-applauding smart alec cSl Big Bu^ess for having written an econoimc treatise from his experience of the Stock Exchange, Kural .is certainly not meant for -the ^Bourgeois but only for j^soka and Aurehuses. So what kural lo^ in its positivism it more than rnaVp^ up in its e ssent i a l morality and nationality, in its breadth of vision and depth of thought. After another searchi ng a nd elaborate enquiry into politick ideas, E. L. Myers aays that ” they resulted from .CCCIENT POLITICAL THOUGHT IN llJE KUR^VL 203 an unusually Buccessful attempt to solve the probltem of living, not merely in so far as to maintain life "aith a fair degree of security against'esternal and jntemal dangers but in the sense that the life ^ maintained was a good life with an ideal of behaviour and of well-being in view, a large measure of success in attaining. That ideal was a hi^ one, nothing less than independance in its_two aspects of self-sufficiency and self-mastery,- reasonabiDe control ovnr-goods and physical circumstances of self-control noTess ^ded by reason in the corporate enjoyment of the friiitB of co-operative effort."*^ That in few words Is the Greek view of life. That in iew~ words is Valluvar's view “of life also and it finds its fullest •vesture; in the short couplets that he wove out of the finest threads of reason and justice. Plato crated his REPUBLIC to spite Athenian. Democrao^ and to show off Sparta. Aris¬ totle failed to jealise the jnom«it6ua trisas that was over- -faMng his city-state wh^he sat composing his meticulous work. Valhivar sang, his JKucal fully believing in hmnaiuty, -inrit8-ronr'm-it6-a£hiev^ments-and-in^ts=dfistffiy^-ja[el-wa|8 not .a Plato of Tainilians for he-never-Biirv£yed Ihe politick world &om a balloon in the air. He^afialysed the components fhal -constitute a state~-a good state'-=?so_fnlly and ^yste- ^tatipjCTIy that-he ean -bc.' tenned-i^re Aristotelian than" Platonic." M. ABOKIASWAMI,“m.-a,, jp-Ki). C OIMBATORE, tlie headquarterB of the district whidi goes hy its name in Jhe State or Madras,, is well- inown t 1 Madhava to -the south Igy way of preparing himself to meet his enemy. King Mahipala of tTjjain.^ .The rest of the narra¬ tion, as found in Rice^s words-is.as follows “ When ihey arrived at Perur, which is jBt31 distin¬ guished from other Pemci as Ganga-Perur {in Cuddapah districtjf diey met there the Jain Achariya SimhmMii He was interested in the story of these Ganga princes and taking them hy the hand, gave theminstruction arid training and ^eventually procured ior them a kingdoinJl®., Many- Ganga records' like the' Udayehdiram“plates of Prifhvipati II, IheKudlur grant of Msrasiinha and the San- tara inscription on the Huncha stone* bear de^ evidence to the, fact that Simhahandi gave them a Idngdom and that he 1 Madras Govt. Oriental Series, VI, 1850. * Ibid., pp. 1-2. » Ibid. . * Rice; Mrsore-and Coorg; p. 31. ® Rice: op., clt, loe., clt 206 TAMIL CULTURE reas^-teputed Jain teacher. The last mentioned record ia?- tieed refers to H-hn as “tiie acLariya'who jnade the Gaxi^ kingdom:^’ '' Ganga-raiyamam madida Simhajiandy acharyya.”® Indrabhnti in his Samayahhushana names him as a great pc^t to be kept on par with Hacharya and Pujyapada.’ Stillj no' better description can be ^ven of Simh^nandi than what is found in the Jaina record near the Sidclhesvara temple at Kallurgudda in Shimoga Taluk : ** Th ft Vijaya or ■vdctory to the farthest shore of learning, the full moon to the ocean of the Jaina con¬ gregation, possessed of patience and all the ten excellent qualities, his good life, a secure wealth, rejoicing in Ihe modesty his fame extending to the four oceans, keeping at a distance Irom the evil, asunln the sky of the Kranor- - g a na , kinda-of-' penanoe, promoter of the Ganga idngdom—-Sri Simha- nandiachaiyya.’'^ . Oh the other hand we owcLto the eridence of inscriptional rei 50 tdB-lite'’th 0 Be of the Parsvanathi Basti at Brawana Bd.- golarand others to be swn at Kallurgudda and I^urale in Shimoga Taluk, that Madhava defimtely came under, thein- Iflilriice of Rhnhanandi, who initiated him into Jain doctrines and confeiz^ on him a kingdom on condition that he alwso^ took care to uphold that Paith throu^out its confines.” The JattET two give a detailed account of.th^ origin of thn Gang aT Kpigdbm, which "d^ervES to be quoted "jat least in'part, as ft ff!ves one an idea of the xlepth of Jaini influence that ruled Dvefthe re^on "where the Ganga Jdngdpm'was'louhded: “On -Madhava impressing hinj-with his exti^rdi-- naiy energy_Simhanandi made a coronet of the petals of the Kamikara flowers , bound it nn Madham’s head^ gave them (fbe two brothers^ the dominion of all the earth, ptresented them with a flag made from his pea¬ cock fan and furnished them with attendants, elephants « TC., vni, llr. 35. T -IA.. 231.20. « EC., VII,-Sh.-4 0 Ibid, also JAIN ^’ESTIGES IN COIMBATORE DISTRICT 207 and horEee. Along with these he g&ve them also >the following advice: * If you fail in what you have pro- you dolu5llipproV6 the"Jto SSS^T^yinr B the wives of others ; i you indulge in wine and Jedi; if you form relationship with the low ; if you give not your wealth to the needy ; if you flee from the field or battle— your race will go to ruin. The question, that has to be decided here is the Identifica- -tion of-Perur ni^tidned m Gangs records. Taken in con¬ junction with the history of theRattas, Ihe Kongadesarajakkal furnishes proof that it was on their fall that the Gangas rose to powered began ruling from Skandapura in Kongndesa (which ia the andent name fox the territory comprising the modern districts of Coimbatore and Salem). The chronicle would even inform us that the last Ratta ruler changed his rdigion fro m Jaini^ to Sm vism and t hat was the of his. downfall. Pusher, all the early activities of Rongazii- varman—^as the first, historical ruler of the Gangs house be¬ comes known in all the records df this dynasty—are confined to this JB^ongudesa.^ It is true that we lack definite eplgra- pEc evidence in support of this, which we have mainly only from the Tamil chronicle above referred to. But it miist*be Temcmbered that in the-first place ^ hav^niy a few records for the Gan gs period here referred to ■; and even“the~few Te- ferencdls that we have to the early grants of ibe Gangas ^em -•to refer onfy to pla(«s in Goamhatore district. _ Sudi are places like “ Kudluru” to’ the west of'the TotlaL'-and east of “ Manikar^visaya**, in which'the names of Rudluni ^d Jdamkarevisaya are ea^y identifiable wifli the present Gudar- lur and Madukarai in this area.*' The eonclusioh lEaturally follows that PmimTiere refer- Ted to as thft spot bn which Aladhava was initiated into Jainism and conferred a kin gdom on condition that he up¬ held it fbrmigh nil its coufines must be the Perur within 3 miles •from Coimbatore. We have numerous evidences to-diow that at the timn referred to and for long afterwards this Perur was •indeed an important place. The pla(^ referred^to by diis 10 irnngnriwtnmjaTrlral (Or. MsS. Edn.) pp. 2 tS. 11 Kudalvmi grant ol Madhavavannan; M A R ., 1930, 203 TAl^'IIL CXXTUEE DAine cannot be the Pmir in C-uddapah district, as Race sur¬ mises, where no Jain remains are fo be found. The tradition is that Dadiga and Madhava Trere sent to t he south of My¬ sore, «.1n*nrhr indi/uifrul Fm jTihi p<^TP vpry trtlA iijt the first ruler as Madhava Koi.-ganivarman seems to g?ve an unmistakable proof of. this conclusion, since as tibe Kongor deearajakkal aptly remarks ** As we^th, the Kongu country and great munificence were possessed by him he was styled Srimat Konganrrannan Dharmamahadiiaja.^^ 'while the mention of Simhanandi as a person of the south¬ ern country” in the inscription at Parsvanatha Basti at Sravana Bdgola already referred to, seems to se*- ^h.e seal upon this conduMon. It is an agreed fact that the canarese country of which modem Mysore fonns the crown and centre furnished a home ior the reli^on of Mahavira in_the days when ii was-not ycry ihuch liked by his own eonntiymen of the north. The Brihatkatha of Harisena clearly refers to the migration of the Bhadrabahu mission £rom Mysore to Punnata in the^ears following tha-death of CSiandragupta Mam^a.^ JEOstcooians are not yet agreed as to what rountry is meant by the name, * Pu nna ta.^ All available evidences seem to point to-the re- 'gion of S. Coorg and~N. Coimbatore district as Ihe-r^on designated as * Punnata’ by Harisena, so that it would appear ’ that a portion at least of the modei^ district of Coimbatore was the central hearth of Jainism e\^n before tha be^amnig of the Christian era. A copper plate grant of. the King Durvaniti 'seems to give a direct clue to this Identification, when It refers to the Bhig’s conquest of Punnata in ^ 20th. regnal_jyearJ^ On-the other-hand, the~Sbmarahngan copper plates of the Punnata King JElavidatta mdicate the occupation of the ■Kingdom by Durvaniti by positing a break in the r^ular line of punnata rulers.^® The latter plates record the grant of the v^lage of Pii ilg isogd by Kavidatta while on his Tictorious ^ Kon^adesarajakkal (Taylor’s Irans.); HJLS., JS3V. ** Hice; Mysore Inscriptions, p. 14B; lA^ XVni, 366. 14 MAH., 1916. »» lA., XVni, 362. JAIN TOSTIGES IN COIMBATPHE DISTIilCT m ir^cb and in his camp at Kirtipura —'a-place generally Hen*' lined in the southern por&n of modem Mysore. Whatever bft , the^ Ti gtb o f this Mtentifioati on. it said what region was comprised in this kingdom of ^^unnala. In the’first pla(^, it must he remembered that Kirtipura was not its capital, as~has oft^ been maintained -by writer^ but only a camp in the victorious mardi of King Bavidatta. It is qmte possible that he had undertaken a ^ the" att^pt to_^ streng^en his possessions, which lind Buffered during the occupation of Ihirvamti. The mention of various grants made on the occasion from Kirtipura- of p’. ees like Kolur, Kodamuku etc., “ to persons to whom they bcitonged,” as the grant deafly mentions, only confirm this cohdusion. Kurther, die copiier plate grmit whidi ^ives e^ridence^here is obtain^ from the village of Komaralingam in the Udumalpet Taluk in the modem district of Coimbatore; and Ptolemy designates a, aountiy oalled ' Ponnutai-as-Sr^** land of-b^ls,^ so much found in the Kangayam area of the aine- district. B^ides,^ the donor of the gcaii^.3avidatta, expressly that he is making it with fee penniBdon pf the Oierammw': "White his, Bfividattate, vietDrious camp is at-ihe town of .ErtapuEa, which is the best of towns, w ith fe e-permisaon of ChiQaxnxna(n) ~.the viUage^o^ as Pimgteoge in’fiie'iadi ceitral deaa in the Kndugur nadu which is in the Jyhnadu vmhaya has he^ granted.” As has been already said,-several milages like Kclur, !Kbd^ muku,.Tanagundur and']Etegovanur_are mentioned as coming under other-grantsmadfi on tbe samexiceaBion, Tho ugh names must still remain unidentified, it is dear feat aHfeese pla ces a b utted on:tbe Kongu frontier. The location of Pun- gisogeas mentfdned in the above ^oted passag^ “in the east centoal desa in the Kudugumadu (modem Coorg) only,BUp- ports this concjusion. The name Elagovanur itsfi^ suggests the possibility of a location near to if not Coimbatore itsdf. That Ravidatta was a feudatory of the Cera sovereign of the time is put beyond doubt by the; permisdon he is said to have obtained from the Oheramman for issuing the'grants referred to. Komaralin^azn Copper plates, 11., 11 fl. 210 TA^IIL CULTURE 3?Yom all these considerations it seems neural to conclude that the Kingdom of Puniiata must have been a email state carved out from parts of S, ^lysore end N. CoEm- b^ore during the T^riod o f tha wpoV mla nf thrr rinwgftJi ri.f Y Kongu, possibly immediatdy after the death of Vi^nugopa. This period seems to have offered a golden opportunity for Chera revival. ^ Though silence is no argument the omi^on of- the Chera name in |dl the victories detailed in the inscrip¬ tions of the various Ganga rulers from JCongani I down to Durvaniti is very significant. A few inscriptions from Vellalur in Coimbatore district give the nam^ of two Cera rulers, Kokkandan Viranarayana and Kokkandan Ravikodan who style themselves "sovereign jewels of the luni-solar race.” LTnfortunately there is no indication about their date, ex-, cept the fact that the letters of the records are of old archaic characters. On the other liand, the style assumed ^ the kings, "jewels of the luni-solar race” clearly indicates the- Cera-Pandya connections, since thamoon (luna) is mentionedL - afFective appearance of the Pandyain Kongu occurs only |n the VH century. AD, so that it may be safely surmised that these inscriptions of the Cera-must belong roughly only_to this period. These' points of information help us to porit , (a) that the Ceras had come on a decline after.the era bf the sap gam age 'and it helped the rise of ganga power-in- Kongu and Karnataka-; __ (b) . that -the Cer^ made attempts to revive in the VH' century AD; _ 1 (e) ■ that the Yellalur inseription^ record the establirii- ment of Cera power once again in Koiigu ; (d) that the line of rulers of thelKomaralingam copper: plate^wcre Cera feud^ories. ] Prom these deductions _lhe identificapon of the Pminata country seems plaurible,_ It must have been a kingdom sub¬ ordinate to the Ceras comprising parts of Coorg and Coim¬ batore district. Ptolemy’s description of Punnataas “ a land of beryl ” seems definitely to point to the re^on of'Kangayam in modem Coimbatore Dist. -as lying within the kingdom of 17 AHE,“TSI0“pp. 147-‘48. JAIN A^ESTIGES m GOIMBATOEE DISTRICT 211 Puxiuata.?' The Mercara copper plates refer-to Pimnats as a “ ten-thousand country ; ” and, as ^Ir. JBibe contends, it musl be the same as the later-day “ Padi-Nadu ” (Ten countryJ, ■ f I "fiMif »y' I f I i nn locating this region the above mentioned record clearly men¬ tions the place ‘Tarapura,’ evidently modem Dharapuran in the* district of Coimbatore, vriiich is ftaid to Ee SE of the kingdom.®^ The fact that equidistant to both Kangayam anti Dharapuram (lying 'within a distance of sbe'miles) is Padiyur whidi is still famous for the far-famed beryls of Ptolenyrj must Jbe taken as gi\dng a very strong confirmation io the view here advanced. That Coorg and this region of Coimbatoit district must have once formed a unit in early times is seer from what the celebrated historian of Mysore, Col. Wilks, re* cords in- hiS ^‘JHistory of Mysore^’ :■ ’ “In the southern part of Mysore the Tamil language is at this day named fhe Gangee from being best knowi to them as the language of-the people of Rankayanm”® On the other hand, the-jsame Wfiks bears testimony to thi fact'that-for some time the Cera king h sd complete jnaster 3 over this region, when4ie--sa5^^ - “ Oieran united .Kan^am and Ralem to the domini^ Pf-^Kerela of Malabar.’^ Even the name ‘Punnata’ can^ espOained- It seems to hi just S corruption of the name, ^Ponnadu’ the land of gold That there 3yas.imidi gold to-be had-from the region of Ck>ori and Kongu is unexceptionable. Whfie Jhe Mysore gSK'mineL bear evidence to this in some incfirect way, the ^Vll centmy Tamil work, Madur(^alambgJcam speaks of the “ gold that is_fo'Dnd in "Konlto.” (Konguraipp Dn). thu s hearing a direc t testimony to the .Kongu wealth of gold.** — • ^ McCrlcdle.: Anc. Jndia. Mys. Loss., p. 283, 334. 20lMd,p.334. *1 Wilks, Mtysore, p.4,_F.>\ 2. ~ op., cit, p. 5. “23"The“term Ponnadu seems to-have b«3i~aimlogous to thSTa'ame of the Cola coxmtiT watered l>y the Cam>eiy,'^yl 2 ., the * PunalnadU*. 212 TAMIL CULTURE -dSnis WB ^ able to' 'posit that the region of nriodem Coimbatora was a central hearth pf Jainism in the south at least three centuries l^ore the Christian era and .'that it contmued to be so^for a long tinM afterwards certainly throng* out the period of the-Ganga rule. AnJnscription of Ihe^XII cen¬ tury while referring to the Hoysala conquest of Kongu under Vlshnuvardhana (1120 AD.), spea^xif his general in re^n, Gangarajah of great fame as “ a devout Jain.'*** IVe need not try to trace the later history of Jainism in Kongu. Probably it came on a period of steady decline from that date onwards. But what has been so far said is eiiou^-to explain 'the numerous Jain vestiges in this region, to be seen to this day. ** See Sastri; Coilas, H, i. &^utn ami NALLUR SWAMI S. GNANA PRAKASAB. o. m. i. I N ANCIENT t Ji Ttes Ceylon was di'V’ided into four pro¬ vinces, Nagadipa -in the North, Kalyani in the South West, Rohana in the South and Malhya in the Centre. Mediaeval Ceylon consisted of three Ratas or countries; The first was Pihiti or Rajarata, the king^s country which almost coincided with the ancient Nagad^a and was sitnated roughly, above the Deduru Oya and hlavaliganga; the second was Maya or Mahaya RatSf the-eountry of the sub-king which- was to the south of the Deduru Oya as far as Rflliig^Ang Q, ^nd tie third was Ruhuna extending All over ie East and South of the If ^nd' as cut off 1^ the Ealij^anga and Mavaliganga. We have seen in the*Jast Chapter, that'the rnhahitante nf Nagadipa were never fpUy reconciled to the new belief Tteh came "to the firmly established under lOevanampiya Tktgfl. (247_r.i2^ B. C.) In their heart of hearts they clung to their old religion and had constant communication with the Tamila of the main land who were often found in their midst as mer ch a n ts and dealers^ Tiuy ever nurtured a spirit of TBvolt and were only too ready* to sketch out a helping hariH to any- adventurer who would attempt to curb the soversdgn power of the S in ha l ese. An occasion soon presented itself. ■y^en Suratassa was reignihg at.Anmadhapnra the two Tamils Sena and Gutlaka “sons of a freighter who brou^t horses hither ” conquered the king "at the head of a great army.” They were e\ddently from South India and were in the Island as dealers in horses like many other xnerchantB who frequented the eountiy. Where th^ raised th^ " great army ” we are not told. If that army was not forined of the local Tamils, the latter certainly approved the'two Indians Basing the Sinhalese throne.—The^ Mahavamsa itself -im but praise for the Tamil rulers. It sSys that the two brothers $ 214 CULTUilE “reigned both together for twenty two years justlyv’’ (B. C. *237-215? TJ Ihe'iisurpers had brought (heir army from India the chances are that a considerable acession would have been made to the Tamils of the North. As pointed out Tennent, there was a reason for the Sinhalese themselves to acquiesce in the rule of this country by Tamils from India which was so often repeated in the course of as many as fifteen centuries. That reason was the intimate relation which originally existed between Tamils and the Sinhalese. “ Vijaya himself was connected by maternal descent with the king of BhKnga, now known as the Northenf Circars; his s^ond wife was daughter of the king of Pandya, and the ladies w'ho accompanied her to Ceylon were given in marriage to his ministers and officers.* Biito adds these interesting details: The Pandiyan sent out his own maiden daughter with 699 maidens chosen from among his nobility. These. 700 laches landed with their retanne safely _at Cottiar. • (ilaasie-Chetty’s Gazetteer). Tiio prince-was attended^ by -a personal staff of 18 officers of state, 75 menial servants {being horse-keepers, elephant-keepers .and chario- - teens), besides numerous slaves. It may reasonably be spumed Jhatjjach of-lhesse 18 officers was accompanied by his ■mves and children, Jus inen-servantsand maid-servants and Kia male- ^ves and fenmle-slaves. In like manner each of the 699 noble maidens was accompanied by atten'danls, aervants and^slave^ of both Kxfis. And there were also numbers of JamUiesjff each of the five sorts of tradesmen whj) came to Ceylon on ‘this occasion, (Hsjavali p. 175, I 468). These facts swell the number of the original Tamif, colonists to at least- twenty tunes that of the hlagadhi fettl^. And it must be borne Tn mind 'that “the^way once made' for these ooloiusfi” was kfipt opOT by a commiinica^n -which Vijaya earned on "wth 'Madura during his whole reign of 38 years. He sent pearls and chanlqs to liis father-in-law from fitrift to time of the annualn^alue of two lakhs. Such a conimunicalion could not failed to lead to a continual influx of the Tnlnils ■from the contment in his and the succeeding reigns.* Inti- r Mahavamsa Chapter 21 2 Tennent Ceylon 1. 394'5; 8 Yalpana-Vaipava-malai, p. Iv. BEGINNINGS OF TAMIL BULL IN CEYLON 215 lijite int^co.iirse &td consauguiuityj *?rere thus established from the remotest period. Adventurers Jrom the opposite coast were encouraged by the previous settlers.” "Sufch a reason might hst' gT i irt ' uially suggHsied itself to FUalan or Elara a Damila of noble descent ” from the Chcda eountry who. only ten years after Asela the~l5inhalese succes- sar of Sena and Guliaka was in power, landed at Mahavatutota near Trineomalee with a large army and seized the throne. He reigned forty-fonr years over the entire Nagadipa br Ba- jarata, compelling the chieftains of‘B.ohuna and Maya -to acknowledge his supremacy and pay him tribute, ” He reigned with even justice toward friend and foe ” sa 3 rs the Mahavamsa which goes on adding some instances of his absolutely im¬ partial justice : At the head of his bed he had a behl hung up’ with a long rope so that those who desired a judgement at law m i ght ring iL The king had only"one son and one daughter. When once the son 6f thi* ruHer was going in a car to the TiBSsc^tank, he killed ~ rmTTr f gntirmn.1ty B~yoiang-ca3f lying on the road wdth the another cow, by xiriving the wheel over its neck. The cow ftarnp. and dragged at Ihe bdl in tfittemess of heart; and' the king Esused his son's head to be" severed tfrom his bodyO'T^illr that same^heeL” Xet us re-- mark that this is a stock incident related in TamB literature about the mythical Chola long Manu. - ^ter relating soxi&e other wonderful achievements jnlhisJife the Buddhist an¬ nalist says about the pioiis Hindu : “ Only because he freed him self from the ginlt of walking in the path, of evil did this' (monarch), though he had not put aside false .beliefs, gain such miraeulous power; how shoi^ not then an understanding man, established in pure belief, renounce here the guilt of •walking in the paflTof evil? ” Of Elalan the Pujavalfiya adds ihat-he .established thirty twp fortresses in Bajarata and. em- idoyed Twenty gr^t champions.* But the allegation that he destroyed religion throu^out Lanka can only mean that the inhatdtants of his realm hagan to practise their old reli^on openly. The Bajavahya also seems to voice the sentiments of some bigots when it affirms that Elalan “ reigned wickedly.” ® (B.C. 205-161). ' * Extracts from the PujavaJiya by Mudlyar B, Gvzuisekara, p. IS, * refer to page 7 of this chapter. 230 TAMIl. CULTURE THien IrjtthagaiDani had slain Elalan in single ccaabat and-ascended the-4hronej Bhalluka the datter’s nephe??' ar¬ rived from India with a following' of 60,0(K) men at ama (or 30,000 accor^g to the Rajavaliya) in response to his uncle’s i nvitation. Learning that ElHhm ~^fls no more he made a bid~ for the throne hunself, but was defeated and killed.® That all his army was slain is doubtless an exaggeration by the Buddhi^ Qironieles. It is more probable that .those who .exeaped with their lives found an asylum among their idns- xnen of tiie Eorthem country. The Rajaval^a mentions a more successful invaaon in B. C. 103. ^ "Seven Tamils landed on the Island of-Lanka bringing with them 7000 men from the Soli- country and drove out king Valagambahu. One of the seven Tamils having piirsned the king, carried off his chief queen ; another of thepa carried off the dish from which the Buddha used to eat. The remaining five Tamils succeeded one another and leigned 14years.”’^ _ , _ _, - same Chronicle records that during the reign of Van- kan a sika Tissa (A.I>. 110-113) a ChoiEa king made a preda¬ tory descent on Ceylon and earned away 12^000 ffinbalo pe as slav ^ to work on the Embankment -dl- -the Eavery. Gaja^ ■ bahu 1, the son and the successor of the Sinhalese ki^, aven^ the outrage by invading the Chola country and - bringing to Ceylon a large multitude of Chola:; together with the redeemed captives. The Cholian Tamils are said toJhaye been estabMied. in a number of villages of the Alutkuru. ^oiale where they lost their identity ahiong the ' inhabitants.® This is one of the many distances of infiycirtg r fre^i Tamil blond into the SinhalESB pepple.- It- is also of interest to note that Gaiabahai brou^t^th bim a jewelled anklet of he Goddess Pattmi whose worslup he introduced in -Ceylon.- He-as also said to have broughtfiback the bowl relic of the Buddha carried away in the days of king Valagambahu;® 0 MahaynmBa XXy,. 77-97. ’ Ba^avaliya p. 44. ® Ihid pp. 44-49. » CL R. A. S., C. B. VoL Xm, • pp. 144-149. The Cilappatikaram mentions the visit to TTi.^!a of -.a C aja bah u king of Ceylon but on a-friendlirmlssion. BEGINNINGS OF TAMIL RULE IN CEYLON 217 * _^uradhapura was again taken by Pandu and five other Tai^ chiefs from India in A. D. 436. All SinhaJ^ noble fan^os fled to Rohana bfeyond the M »hfl,v n 1 i- gfln£ rfl. The .entirg. Jand. of Rajarata was under Tamil ml e fnr twaniy seven years. Five of the invaders occupied the throne one after another, when, Dhatn Sena was ablb to overpower tbp.m at last. With regard to this Sinhalese king's reagn Tennent remarks: "Ehatu Sena, after his victoiy, seems .to have jna^ an attempt, though nn ineffectual one, to reverse tbA policy ih&t had operated under his predecessors as an incentive to the immigration of Malabars ; settlement aud intermar¬ riages had been all along encouraged and even during the recent xaurpation, many Sinhalese families of rank had IFormed connections with the Eamilos. The schisms among the Bud¬ dhist themselves, tending as they ^ to engraft Brahmanical rites upon the doctiines of the purer faith, seem to have pro¬ moted and matured the intimacy between the two people ^ some of -the. S i n h ale se longs erecti tflmples to the gods of Ihe. Hindus,“iand'ihe promDters nf the Wsrtulianrhereqrfound a" refuge h-om persecution amongst their Qunnathis^ in Qie Dekkam”^ - If we imy believe ^ Vaipava-malai’s statemkit aboutj Kulak-kodjan’s to TrincomalB^Ttw^ probably duxmg the Tamil rule nf .this period that the Yanniyas :&’om India began to colonize the -oountiy between Trincomalee -anfi hd^tota. The Tamil'lustory-mentaoiis the correct date of-ldiig Pandu as Saka 358 which works out as A. D. 436. He is made to reign at Anuraxlhapura, another correct detail Jit Trinco- m^ee Kula^oddu-jnaharajk repaired the min^ Tr^vnAsp r temple and ^ding for the Vanjiiyar from the coast of T-nrlm put them in c h a r ge of the temple and the landR hp h«d alotted for its support. Here hlaRvakanarpulavar rentes many le¬ gendary accounts taken don^esa from thp jfrin psa r Kalveddu. and the Vijaya “ * but the cenfral fact of ^e Vanniyas being connected with the. Konesar temple seems historical. -In I ndia they were a fig^bflftg caste.-JProbafc?y large contin¬ gents of them had accompanied the Tamil invadere at various times and remained behind. L^ter, they set themselves up as petty chiefs in various parts of the north, some of them be- . 10 Tennent I, 397-8. 11 Vaipava-malai p. 4-8. TAISHL CULTURE coming or begin nominated as managem of the teznpie of Trinnomn tee!;—Tka x^ipovo-mpin i aisn speahs of their in- creasing in number and power in course of time. And the name and date oif the king of Anuradhapura who curbed their pride -and reduced Ihem to the rank of Atika^ me correctty given ai Aggrabodhi (the fir^ of the name) in the year 515, Saka year, which is A. D. 593. This is another pinrple patch in an otherwise confused medley of facts and legends. Another invasion claimed by the Pallava Narasimhavar- man^ (630-668) but actually by Manavamma with the help of that Pallava king is noteworthy as having brought fresh accession to the Tamils in Ceylon. He was the son of Ka^pa 11 but was excluded from regal power by Dhatho- patissa 11 who ascended the throne (664). Manavamzna fled to India and took service under Karasimhavarxnan and was^present atnhe battleuf Vatapi-in which-Ihis-monaRlh defeated Pulakasan 11 in 642. Notv hlanavamma returned to Ceylon' Tvith an army furnished by Na rtmimh ftyarmim mid succeeded in taking AnuradhapuraJmt had soon to return to patron for .further li^p. Invading C^lotufifter- theiuign of three of its kings' “ he raised the imperial hannefr of sove¬ reignty over all Lanka.’* “ (691-726).- The story of .Ukkirasingan in the Vaipava-malad looks like a' travesty of Manavamma’s first' taking possession-off-the north and then the south of CJcylon. Ini spite of many a wild, fancy it gives a date for his inbasion wliich the story likely to be based on some historical fact-I Advocate Rritto, the trahs- lalor. of_the_Vaipava^n 5 a^_ into Ejkgli^has a note about this in an xinpublished work BTdiifedlVirvitvyam. It says "“In JC nigh ton (p. Ill) we read: Thjere was a s c I otIj Mahala^' pamu, of the royal blood of Ceylon, who having obtained aid from an Indian king named Narasinha, invaded Ceylon, but was defeated. Repairing again to his patron, he obtained a large force, by me^ns of which he was completely successfuL And he ascended the throne in AX). 720. The Saka year 717- of . the Ijaipava-mal ai Is e vidently a mistake for A.D. 717. ^ 'Bis gr an d f atfaer Bimhai 'V'ishxux also claimed in of his inscilp- - rtitms ib have vanquishd the Sinhnin kmg: Dvibreuil: Fkillavas p. 73. — as ^«V.tnrnrr>,..n Q, VTW TT BEGINNINGS OF TAMIL RUI.E IN GEYLGN 219 The author of the Taipava-malai lived iu Jaffna diaihg the Dutch penod and collected his materials, as he says in.hiBpt^ dates in AJD., and not in Saha. Accustomed to use the Saka year, the author sometimes adds the word Saka to. the Christ tian year without first alterinjg the Christian year to correspond with the Saka year. Simetimes he adds ^e number 78-to the Christian year, intending to subiract that number in order to reduce the Christian to the Saka year. This is an instance in which he adds the word Saka to the Christian year. If It is so, there is still a difference of three years. That difference is not great. Nor is it unaccountable. It may be that 717 AJD. is the year, of the first and unsuccessfid attempt, while 720 is the year of the conquest. According to the Sinhallese account Narasinkan is the name of the patron of the 'conqueror: According to the Tamil, account, that, same is the name sd, the.Conqueror^s son and successor.^* The story of TJkkirasinkan then is based on a historical fact the slig ht desparity of dates notwithstanding. * The author of 'rile Taipavartnalai nonsidried Ma:Davainnia.Tehoin he con^ fnsES-^wilhJNaEHnhayanBaBK^^ als o In part with Magha (to be spoken of in the nSych^ter aa Jaffnabut the northern kingdom did not come into existenoe* yet. New colonists were gcadnally preparing theivay,* Ao^ from the large accessions te the older population bron^t in th^train'oTTanul invasionsrriie-oppp^g factions of Ceylon Bajavaliya ixanslalkm hy Mndjyr_ B. Ganasekara. jj. 25. _ ".An indicaUan that the rule 8^the Tauhi'king, £lara, was demcfcxatie, js afforded hy an inscription found near Anuradhapura. with imints to the tact Biara'granli^lifirsabjects freedom of discussion nMemh^y “Which been denied by some. Sinhale^ longs to all ezci^t the ^privileged ieW. USie Inscription had been discovert st a place to the north td Anuradhapura about 500 yar^ behind the building known as *>>«» Elephant Stables. The inscription itself was found on fiie vertical p»d *^ of a gtnne terrace leading np to a -^ne falattorm rxiourled on a large boulder. According to the inscription the stone terrace and platform were erected at the instance of a person known as "Sanunanna, tha Tamil”. It is described as the prasada (platfonn) of the Tamil w hn foregather^ to discuss important questions. The suggestion is that the leadi n g hooseholders of' the time foregathered in such central places to hold consultations on matters -Of -moment.” T?ic titne oj Ceylon^ 20- 10 - 45. « Britto's MS p. 100. ^20 TAMIL CULTURE rulers themselves "were in the habit of hiring the services of ^e warlike South Inhimi Tamils one against the other. To menuon a lew insia ncea i In A.T): 38 wu heai uf khigTla Nag a (a Sinhalese probably with I^aga antecedents) betaking him¬ self to the continent for bringing ** a mighty force” to defeat the Lambakannos.^ In 237 Abhaya Naga has recourse to a Tamil army for overthrowing the reigning king Voharika Tissa.^® MogoUana I (497-oi5^ goes to the main land to bring an army for defeating_his brother Elasyapa I, parricide anrl founds of the fortress of Sigiriya.” During the reign of Sila Mej'avanna (614-623) -Sri Naga proceeds toRouth India, n-nd returning with a large army olf Tamils takes possession of the northern dominion. The king however defeated him. Of hia followers many were killed the rest being captured dis- . txibuted Amo ng the various Vihares as slaves. Again Agrar bodbi in brings a Tamil army for defeating Jettba Ilssa3H -(623-4).^^ On several other occaaons Sinhalese rulers had JEcoursB to mercenaries from South India who enrolled them¬ selves indifferently under any leader and deposed and restor¬ ed kin gs a^ their pleasure. ^'JPor four bnndr'p.d .yeats,*^ says Teiment "fiom the seventh. tUl the the ex-, ploits and excapades of the Malabars occupy a more promi¬ nent portion of the -Sinhalese annals than that devoted to the policy, of Ihe na tive Bovaceigns. - They filled every office,' in¬ cluding that of Prinm Minister, and they decided the’claims of competing candid ates for the crown. At length the coiuh- tiy became so infested- by- their numbers - that the feeble monarchs found it impracticable lb effect their fnrnhmnr, ^urad^nra- Hence to escape from thlm proximity, the kings in the eighth c^tury began to move southward^ and trans¬ ferred tb^. residence to Pollanarrua, which eventually be- cune the capital of the kihgdom.”'^ The teeming Tamil population nf ithe North -was anxious to ^irow off the yoke of the Sinhalesf. sovEreigns. ifVe -find then- chiefs ever ready to tsast in their lot with sny-xme who M Mahavamsa 2X2CV, 27-45. Ibid XX3CVI,-42-51. -Rajavaliya p. 55. xs Mahavamsa XUV; 70-73. Ibld'SOJV, 103-112.- Texuwnt I p.'lOO. BEGIXNX^■GS OP'TAMIL RULE IN CEYLOK 221 chose to revoli against the central authority. tVhen Agra^- boddi VII died in 781 the chiefs of the districts of the Ijsor- them COmi.Lv »vdtfa--fh<>--ri«r<4^4»rn in t^ft -p g^Try-nipp b pitatI fh^ land by force and rdfused tribute to the king.” Mahinda II the successor of the deceased king is said to have ** crushed all the chieis~cf districts together with the dweUers Jul the provinee.^^ This was never efiTectually done. There tras al- ways.some scat of miKt aiy government among the Taznils.' According to the Sedition preserved by Tnndade and after him by' Queiroz® there seems to have been in the land a milL- taiy order of government composed of Vidanes, Araches and ML ud a ljy ars or Oaptains. That they persisted in sDmp sort of independence is seen by their again joining hands with the Pandyans during the reign of Sena I (846-866J Anuradhar pura was and, notwithstanding that peace 'was sub¬ sequently made with the invaders, the king considered it pru¬ dent to transfer his royal seat to Polonaruwa.'^ He the tot to make this town the capital city although Aggabodhi TV is mentum^ as the first to have had a tenc^orary residenoe jEhere.?* In India the Gholas b^n, about the end of the nineth century; lor assert^thOT supremacy where the^Pallavas jtnd.the Chalukyaa-had ^tended their sway^^Dtappula Y had hardly come "to the throne of Lank a in early^tcfnth century, i^en a -Pandyan king was fleeing from the Cholas and namg to Ceylon begging for Internal dimensions in the Island xirevenied Happula firtsn acceding to his request, and the Pandyan had to xetum disappointed. He left, however, hiB_, crown and joy^ pmaments with the king otf CEylon.” The Cholas under Parantaka'I attempted to ohtain^ossession of the Pandyan regdia under IJdaya m (864-972) and failed. They had however some success in subduing the northern parts. It is this abortive enterprise doubtless which furnished Qie occa- Mahavaujsa XLVni, 83-85. ** Trindade p. Quelrc^ p. 37. ■*3- Mahavamsa Cb. L. ^„Ibia..XL’\^ 74. ^ add. urn, 5-9. 2212 Tamil cultcbjs sion for Parantak&'s boast ii bis insexiptions tbat bo bad con¬ quered Ham.** Ee also speaks of bavins Mlied tbe king of know Yijaya was not killed. Agtm under _3^Iabinda IV (975-991; Ibe CboJa king VaJlabba, apparently Parantaka II sent a force to subdue Rajaratta. It l ande d at Nratota, but was not successfuL The invadeis bad to make a ftiendly treaty with the king of Lanka .Tbe Tamils bad soon “tbe upi>er band. IVlabinda’s son, Sena V (991-1001), thoughtlessly killed tbe brother of bis gensTal, wbo in bis rage made over the government of the country to die Tam il s. iBena took,"flight to Robuna and sent an an^ to fight the* general but with ill-success. In the meahtwne Tamils oppressed the inhabitants of tbe coun-- try BO mucb that'they marie an to the iHng He was foreai in his belplessness-to maks'-a treaty -with-fifB in- - fudated general for pacifying him and returning to Polona-' ruwa lesnmed the government.^ Smhalese fared warseunder biasuccessor yobirnrip -who reign^ at'Anuradhainira (lOOJL-1017;. This was-a'weak monairfL He bad not tbe wberemtM to pay tbe airears of bis -O&xal^army. They. Tevolted and the king soii^t safety in fli^t to Robuna. ^In tbe reanaining country TTer Ai pa Kannadas earned on tbe fcvemment as they pleased.” At this juncture the great (Eola emperor Baja- raja I (985-1012) belbou^t himself of adding Ceyhm to his pDssesaons in the South of India and sejut a force of 95^000 Tamils according to the Pnjavaliya ancTs^zea ^ tbe country save the remotest paite of the South still held hy tbe Sinha¬ lese. This was between 1001 and WOi, By about 1017 kinF blabinda himself was captured and deported to lndia with bu crown, jewds and the Pandyan regaHya left a furtive king durmg an earlier reign. Mabinda died a captive in India. 30 Ind, yU P 2T n)id 12-16. The author of Ancient Jaffna (261) sees xeason to “““ ^ Vall^ha In the legendiy Valvar-kon-pallam of the Vaiijava-malaL 2* Ibid I iv, 67-70. BEGIKKINGS OF TAMIL RULE IN CEYLOX 223 C^lon made a provmoa of the'Cbola empire and named Mummudi Chola Mandalam. Polonaruwa, the capital was the nnTnft 'of .Tftnfl.naf.h<>.piir«.Tn with a vicergy in it. Maintota, the great port of mgress for Tamil armiefe, was re- siOmed Hajarajapuram. Several Hindu temples were erected at the cdpitaLcity and in other places. "The land so long filled -by ir ri fii stib le tides of hrvaacn, becanfe now fit for the peace- fid i>enetxation of more and more Tamils from the mainland. After Rajaraia I Ceylcm continned to be subject to three Chola emperors in succession, Rajendra Deva H, Vira Rajen- dra and Adhi Rajendra the one time viceroy at Pohmaniwa. The foreign rule lasted for more than seventy years, eighty six years say the Pujavaliya and NikayaSangrahawa.*® There were, o c c asi onal risings by fihe Sinhalese always repressed by the .Cholas. According to &e TVf«.niTnH.Ti gal inscriptionB of the Gholas three ihigs.. of Jaffna jubbably feudatories were deprived of .their crown and Mllfid d nn n g the Chola oecupa- .tion of Ceylon: Manabharana bef^ 1038-30^ Sii Yaliabha Madana JElajah In 1042 and Vira Salsa Masha in A012. At last, jayabahu predating .by the -wars of siiA>sRinn nrnnng the^ Cholas in India which ended in the accession ojf Kulot- tnnga Chola I 106.9, hadlan ea^ walk over to Polonaruwa. He en t e re d.Anuradhapura in 1070 and was 'saihsequently -Crowned k i ng of-all -Ceylon.®^ Among the many inscr^tion^ during his rule of more than fifty five, years, there was a re¬ markable Tamil inscription at Polonaniwa. - JBy it &e Velaik- kara army of three divifgftrm fipm South India, probably 'brou^t under the ChoJa^ made agTeement ndth' the long to protect the Tooth relic iemple newly erected, by him at the .loyal city now renamed Vijayarajapuram,** ^ PnjavaliyB p. SS ; .WjkayaJSangrahawa p. 19. so See Ancient JafEna pp. 27B-284. jUiahavamsa Ch. LV: LVHL Cf. Codiington Histoiy of C^lon Ch. m and IV. 02 See R. A. S. C. B. XXIx, 256 ff. As many members nt the armies from the opposite coast the Velaikkaras alto contributed meir .quota to the new colonization of the north. Ct a land In Toliwraza kuric- chi with a toxnbo name of Velalldraran. 224 TAMIL CULTUItE £ince the deatii of AQjayabahu 1, jjjrobably in 1,111, Cey- Ion Again fell a prey to internecine conflict between jnem- bers of the royal family till Farakramaba hii 1, by -intrignes ftTifl Viinnfi Rhpfi- literaJiv cut lufi wav to the throne in 1153. We do^Dot hear of the northern couiitry as subject to the Idngs of Polonaxuwa till thin great Idng’s accessio n. -Unde r the Obola-re^ne~a]id later fendatory chiefs who often.rebelled against the central authority conducted the government nor¬ mally Parakramabahu the great seems to have kept down their rebellious spirit and to have exercised some sort of sup¬ remacy over them. The fact of his having employed Tamil soldiers mostly for his expeditions is idgniflcant. His Tamil inscription at Nainativu regulating trafiBc in the snrround- ing seas points to the sovereign authority he enjoyed in the ex- tfeme north. But after his death (1186) his successors found themselves unequal to the last of holding the north in check and th^e seems to have been a line of 'independent Tanul Kings ruling there. Jadavarznan Bundara Paodya I (1251- 1280) says in his Sidamparam inscription, apparently pf 1^7 that he rei^ved tnbute of elephants and gems from the king of-Hsin. As there is-no mention of the-invaslon of this Pan- dyan in the annals of Sinhalese kingait is likely that the nor- .them Kingdom was meant. Jadavsrman "N^a Pandya H in a precord of his 1 1th year (1265/6) boasts Heldlled one of Ihfi.tTKoJdngs-of-Ceylon-captured his army, ehariols^-trea*' siires, th r one, crown, necklace, paras^ and "othfir njy^ possessions, planted the Pandya with double at ■Ko namalfli and the hi^ peaks of the Trikutagiri mountain, iroived elephants as tribute from the other Ving of Cfeyloa mdj^bdued the KiraJa Codrington who notes these faets Bays: ^^he slain monarch must have b^n the Ving of JaSEna and the oflier Parakrama Bahu (II) if ^ these records refer to one campaign as seems probable, its date must fall between 1254 and 1257. On either side of the wmin enhance to Port JVederick, Trimcomalee, may be seen the double Pandyan fish on carved stones taken from, the old TCrmpgar - teiiipla” ** " CeyL Antiq.Xji.SO. BEGINNIKG^OI^XAMIL EULE IK CEYLON. 225 At Polon 2 ruwa.kiz^ were set up and dethroned in quick Buceegdon. After Pfl- rAkrama. ~Rn.hii the Great ten kings eat the Sinhalese throne ewh for a short timp . Anikanga the eleveulh Luumdil jm-iumy ^mm th n Chnln, P AHnfry -slew his Bon the infant king and exestased power for oinly seventeen days, when Ldlavati, Parakrama Bahu’s widow, began to rule for a second-thne. But she was dethroned hy JLiokssara who brought a, Tamil levy with hunTrod reigned for-nine Tnnnfhff . The queen 6 ei 2 ed the tihaxme mice mom but was speedily >ouEted by ParakramaPandya^or three years. He was deposed abmit 1215 by Kalinga Magha who descended on (Seylfon with a large army of Heralas, claiming the throne by inheritance th r n ngh his kmsmen who had reigned before. The story of hiR found- .ing a new line of kings in north Ceylon will be recounted in the Allowing Chapt^ ^ ^Le cJClteraiure of ^aXva ^SidJIumia an J ^iU ScLoL -D*.X‘JEStH:)OSS, m.jl, L.T., jj.xitii. D r. G. U. pope, '*the student of Tamil has testified years ago that ‘ under some form or other, Saivism is the real reihgion of South India, and of North Ceylon ; and the .Saiva Siddhanta philosophy has, and deserves to have* far more influence than any other ’: It is * the most elaborate influential and undoubtedly the most intrinsically valuable c>f all the religions of India.^ The literature of Saivism is very wide indeed- We ghnll group them into the following divisions for purposes of con¬ venient treatment: (1). The Vedas and Agamas {2). Puia- nas and Ithihasas (3). Saiva Tirumurai (4). Siddl^ta Bas- tras (5) Pandara Sashras (6} W^orks on <.Saivic -schools. (7). A Csce n a n edus worhs (8J Journals ~and .(9) Enpligh "wurkfi. “ ■ The Vedas are the highest revelations to wh^ the Saiva Siddhanta philosophy ^d the other schools of Baivism-are. usually traced. The_tenn Vedas com es from .tiiE_JODt Vid, meaningJ^owledge. These scrip ture^are four in numbec-r^ Rig, Yajp, 'Sapm and Atarva. Evepr one oT thAcfi xian be mainlydividEdmtDkarmakanda-and jnanaianda. The latter part indudES the femons Upaniahads -j— “ the end of Vedas.” There are very few Siddhanta scholajs who do mot refer to Svetesvatara.I^anidiad,. even if they do not-speakof-othOB. The Vedas are in Sanskrit. A cert lin Siddanta scholar by name Swarm Vedachalam claims that tnere existed four Vedas in TanH7 with the name names and that out of fb ^ s e the Sama Vdda, it is alleged, was sung by Havana of Ramayana f^e.** D. L Jesudoss is Lecturer in Philosophy, AnHamahai University. • It:*Jcs Pope’s own. __ Siddhan tam VoL 5. No. 9; see the inside ol the back portion oX the'cbver “ * -- THi. LITEE.:ii:jlE.£iE 6AIVA SIBDHAKXA 227- The f>atvag Vasa (13; Svayambhuva (14) Agneyaka (lo) Bhadra (I6) Baurava (17) Makula- (18) Vimala (Jj9) (20; Mukhajnigbimba (21) Udgita ^22) lilite (23) Siddha (24) Santana (25) Xarasimha (26) Parameswa (27>Kirana (28) Para. Sometimes the Agamas that are counted Saivic are numbered as hundred and eight. Every one of these aga- zoas conosts of four parts — jnana kanda, yoga l^dya han d a and sariya kanda. The worship and '^e celebration of festivals in the temples dedicated to Siva are based on the agamas. Purser, they are also treatises on God, sonl matter technically called by the Saiva RiddhaT^tiTi^ ^ Pali, pasu and pasam. The bo called inner -scbooLls of BaiviEm — Pasupata, Mahavrata, Kspala, Varna, Bairava and Ailgra Vada — also trace iheir precepts and practices to fhpyp. aga- mas. (2). PMTtmas are allRgnrical stories. The outstanding Saiva puianas-are Siva Purana, Skan’da Pnrana^JiQgaJPii- rana, Vayu Purana, hlatsya Purana and Kurma Pnrana. • The IthViasas also'are stories but they .are etmmdered to be historic events that have occurred in recent 3 mgas. T5iEy' may be smd lo explain reli^rrat-the secular level. The weQI- known ithjha.sa.s — Ramayana and Mahabarata —r throw ' Borne light on Saivism. Moreover some of the leading Tprix- Eonalities of these stories such as Ttama, Havana and ‘KriRhn^ are regarded by the Saiva Siddhantins as devotees of ^va. -(-3). The-Batt?o -TiruTmtrai are the eanonical-fiterature. These are rJaasified into twelve parte- ■ They were pbdSBed by Nambi-andar-namhi, but not in -the historical ordier. These works are devotional literature and coTusequently they are emotional on character. The songs of T^ gnnT»Msi.TnbRTiflgr form the hrst three rirumurai; those of Appar comprise the next three tirumurai; and Sundararis hymns go to make the seventh tirumurai These songs of the three Saiva Bama- yachairyas are called tevaram and all of ihem together go by the name of ad^gan mural 228 ’ TAMIL CULTttaE- t ^ow^btifol the 10^00 hymns"snugSamhandsr only 284 aifi extant^ out of 49,000 hymns of Appar exc^t 315 others are extinct; and out of 37,000 hymns sung by Sundarar only 100 exist. Tiruvasagam and Tirukovaiar of Mamukkavasagar go to make up_ihe eighth tiruniurai_G.. TI. Pope has translated Tiruvasagam into English. Schomenis and Erederidk HeHer have translated parts of it into GermaUv !Iliough thaortliodox saivaites regard it to be a heinous cnme to write a commen- tary on this work, the late Professor K. Subramania Pillai has written a.running commentary for the same and the erudite Siddhanta scholar Panditamony JSatiresan Chettiar has written lucid commentaries to Tiruchadagam and l^tal Vinappam, two of the parts of the same work. The works of nine saivaite devotees (beginmng- with Tirumaligai Devar and ending with Sethirayar^ caHed^ruT^ palUmdu comprise the ninth tirumurai. Sage TSmmular’s Tinifnim'^aTn is the tenth part of the rAnrmifia.1 literatiire» There are 3D00 stanzas in work. ^T*b e~elgyf- n t h Timmiirai u a compendiam of the works of jomny "authors fmm IHni' 'vali^ayudaysr'toPatrihatarand those G. H. Cobban has translated some songs of Pattinatar.~ The ■as Peria-puranam. which means * the gr^t apdc (4). Apart from the devotional •v larks mentioned -just above, there are fourteen philosophic^ i rorks in Tamil which* arci usually denoted as Siddhanta sastrjjs |or Meikdndc^jostTax. There ^ire eommentarles as -well as 'Eoj^liR'h trandalioiis ior many pf these works. The most important of the BiddJ^ta sastras is the famous Sivnr-jnaim-^bodham by Meikandar. It cdrnprises twelve Butr^ terse in nature. These'Sutras endKxly the metaphyrics and psychology of Saiva Biddhanta in a nut sheilL TVT^^iVpTidflr hiinself prorides arguments, analogic and brief commen- tanes to these sutras. Some scholam, notahty_X)r. Sastii and Dr, S. S. Suryanaiayana Sastrirregard the Tamil S^a-Tnana-bodhamas a mere translation of the Sanskrit Papar yimochana padaJa of the Haurava a gama.- But many othus THE LiTERATURE OP SAIVA SIDDHAKTA W ■ilo-this Visw, Rev.-fl.-S. •Hoisin^taii^ Gor- dou eiTi!^ J, M. NaUzsamy Pillai, Sir PoniiazQbalani ArnLachalaia aixd Shuddhaaianta ParatS have rendered the Sivi^jimiUFbo'&ani ffito Eh^^; P^'^Peniihal VirniTKiT^ Pa^ Periu B al, Siva-jnanabodha bashya (Dravida Mapadi- yanj) by Sira-jaana-yoi^ are the well Jmnwrt •r. nmmpnfflrT«»a on ima worh, ^ The nezt ■vfork o!f importance in this group is Siva-jnana^ Sidihiyar. It contains two parts. The first part which is caJkd para-paksham refutes fourteen schools to Sai- v i s g t. The second part is known as supakshazn. This part contains a preliminary chapter on Logic and a lucid elabora¬ tion of the twelve sutras of Siva-inana-bodham, There is a saying that half a stanza of Siddhiyar wilhsiiffice to under¬ stand the pmport of many a work. The AutVipr of thm work- was Arulnandhi Sivachanya> who-ivas first the guru of Mcd- kanda kfajhgr and later the disciple of ~Mftikfl.T>da himself-1 Out of thejnany-commentaries for Siddiriyai^-^e joint comameiitaiy by Siva-inana-yogj -asA .SihEamamya JDesakar (innvar lum) and ihe jndj vidTiAl f»o mmehtfl.ripft by Jfiraniba- v^bkiax, fiivagra.^'ngij IMb raip^RnfL Desikar and Tnanapta-' kaaar are well known. All- these are commentaries on > thB supakshaxn. Tattvaprakasa Tambnan-Swanu lias commeht^ ed on the Parapaksbam. J>r. Gzant~Bnd^. M. Nallaswamy Pillai-have translated parts of Siddh^^~ Irrupavirupatu by Arabaandhi rign-in W''hn ofhe r -~’gft.c:^f. WDit It is in the form of a conversation between a master and his pujnl, on God, soiil and' malas (impuritaes). 'The next is called TxmiajMiyaT by 'Vyyavanda Heva off T&aviya^ lur. It comprises of 45~Btanzas which deal with the ways off obtaining salvation. next of die scries in the Siddhanta sasteas is entitled Tirukkalittupadiyar^ which can be regsonded as a commentary on the previous works mentioned just abov& Then comes Vnwm FiZloZ^koTO, again a dialogue on the evo¬ lution of matter, the dance of Siva,' the five-lettered mantra' and the way to attain salvatiom. TMs.workis foUbjvedv./. Vnmai^neruvUlakhgm which deals with the different steps on .the way of the soul's progress toward muktL 7 230 TAJVXi;. CULTURE ^ i^e ot^er works of ^icldhanta sastfM are by Umapati Siva^arya^iio lived aed died very near Annamalainagar, the -preant Beat of Tamil Jeammg and culture. The chief of XTtYinpflfi^a wnr]t»-jg RjunjirnknAn/m _This also txfiats Qtf God, 80 ui, fettere, etc., but the laethod of treatment is interesting.' The topics ars dealt with in a concentric style. In the first part something is^said on them and in the second part addi¬ tional information is giyem. Sivaprakasar, Chidambaranada Munivar an d Tir ui n1nT>grfl.Tn h^vf* written -commentaries .on it. Rev. Hoisington and K. Subramania Pillai have t ransl ated Sivaprakasam into Engli^ Now let us refer to the other works of Umapati. Tiru- arulpayan treats of a variety of topics such as the naUire of God, soul, anava and grade. Hoisington and G. U. Pope have translated this into English. Vinavemba deals with the salient principles of Siddhanta saivism. It is akin to Imi- pavirupatu in many respects. Namashraya Tambiran has commented on this work.' The poem PctTipahrodcd reveals that every act of Siva is for the benefit nf the souls. KodSk* Jaivi iaa .fliag-song wherein the soul’s upwEirci journey towards aalyalaon is companed with the rearing nf the fiag. JNenm- vidutjia iB sn nddresa-to Tirugnanasambandar deali^ the, thr^ eternals of Saiva Siddhantapati, pasu and pasa m . It also criticises the alien schools of philosophy. Sankarpimi^ Takftranam Ts a polemical work in which one can meet Jbo^Jhe e3g3ositibn_^d topost ure of a ^umber of allied and a-lien schools to Saiva Snldhanta. • • _ Most of the sections of the Siddhahta Jit^atcEe which we have considered so far are closely connected. Their intear- re^tibns are eiqnessed in a familiar Tamil stanza which' that “£he“Vedais the cow; the AgamfTisits jmik;; the“Tainil of the'four-smnlB~(Tevaram and Tirnvasagam^ is the ghee churned from it; the excellence ctf the weR instmelive Tamil (Srva-jnana-bDdhamj -of Meikanda Deva of Tiruveih* nmnaliur is:3:ke the sweetness of such ghee”,. ' ■ (5) We shall now pass on to Ihe next sectioni There are a number of saivite "Mutts in South India* Many of the .swamis o' these mutts have recorded the teachings of their gurus and also, their pwn thou^ts in a number of Tannl works in the form of poems.. These are called the Pahriacs TJSE UTEHATURE OF SAIVA SIDDHANTA 231 -Eastr^. Eveii though tberpare quite ^ number x>£.such w-orhs, -fourteen of them are regarded important. These are the writ- ingE of the venerable sanyaais of Tiruvaduturai and Dhaima^ karyam, Dakshinamurti Desikar*s dasakaiyam, Swaminatha iDeakar’s dasakaryam, Saiunarga. Siddhiyar, Sivachrazxia Te- livu, Siddhanta Pahrodai, XJpadesa Rahrodai, Panjagra JE?ah- yodai, Siddhanta Sigamony, 'Upaya-nittai-venlsa, Nittai vilal:- kim, Upadesa'venba, Athi^ya 'xnalai and Namaaivaya'inalai. (6) To any one interested in the difTerent RTthnnla of S^vian, the following works will be of much interest: Mnni - xnekalai, Sivajnana Siddhiyar, Sankaipa Nirakaranam, Sarva J)arsana Samgraha (translated by Cowell and Gough), Tatwa- prakasam, Mukti-nilai, Mukti-nischayam, Sivaneri prakasaxn, ■kleijnann vllakkam, Prabodha Chandrodayam, Perun-tirattu, knronliratt^ Thnmantiiram, Sivaprakaaa _vikasam/ Satha- inony .malaij, SiddhahtarsigaanDny, Avirodha unjayar and its nominentary, Tiruporur Sanni^ii-niiirai, Omvil nd nkkam, Srikanta Bashya, Takkayaga-parani, Abirami andhadi, Baun- daryalfdiari,, Vedanta aoolamony,''Valla3ar. Sathiram, works by Pamhan swanu^ Mattsvdlasa-prahssna^ivBjs^ deepaix),' Ac^aita vehba, and Prabhulinga ieela. ~ **• ■ • - (7) Besides the works -we have mentioned hitherto, there are aTnnnber of other works onSaivifiiiL Thn^ ^i gh this list of miscellanequs works wiU ever remnin mr.nmp1p.te x>f them are worth mentioning. They are t Gnanahaxana vdakkam by Vdlalambala Munivar, Archa decyam by Boma- Bundara Nayagar, Psalms of Thaypaimnamr (Gl M. (^bhan, B. S. Bubramaniam, and Isaac Tambyah have translated' many of them), Arul>pa of Ramalinga swami, Tinipugal of Aninagiriyar, Tugalani. bodham. .of Chittambalam Srv^ananda Lahari by Sankara, TTiriikkanivaa-patittnpath- ahdhadi (which .is also x^ed smaller Tiruvasagam) ami . Tnanamirf.hft.Tn by VaJdsa Munivar. Some European scholars have also attempted to study Saivism and have produced useful literature, D er Saiva Sid- dhcmta by BL W. SchomeruB, Satsamaya vUafckam jby H. ,A. Popley, and stray writings by T. Gowdie^ T. Foulkes, G. E. Philips, A, E. Clayton, Dr,_Bainett, N. Macnlcol, G. U.Pop^ TAM)5- 'VUrVAUi H. R. Hoisington. Prof. Gzrbe, R. E. Fraser" and Farquhar are us^id to researcb.scholars. Similarly 43n the Indian side the writings of Armnuga 'Xavalar, J. M. NalLasaany PiDai, Dr. S. S. STiryanarayjana Sastri, Suddhananda Barati, Bala*- ^bramaina^Mudaliyar, -K. M. Balasubraraania Mudali^af^ C. K. Snbram'ania ^ludaliyar, Prof. K. Subramaniya PiUai, S. Satchithanandam Pillai, D. Gopaul Chetty, Maxaimalai Adigal^.V. Kaliyanasundara Afudaliyar andd^jeswarlAtxuzial are worth-study. (8) Among journals the pride of place goes to Siddhanta Deepika or-the light of Truth. This journal, which is also known as Agamic reA,dew, is unfortunately not published now. The journal which is efficiently popularising-Saivism is “ Sid- dhantam*\ Jnana-sagaram, Juana-sainbandam, To dan,' Tamil-Tondam, Kalai-magal, Sentamil, Sen Tamil Selvi and Tamil Pozil are some of the popular Tamil journals which cany now and then artides on Saivism. Back numbere o| Jomgial of the Amarinan Oriental Society, JbumaJ nfr Orien . tal RuBearch (Madras), Contemporary Review and,Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (Bengal and Rombay) carry a few articles on Saivism. -(9) The following are the outstanding works in Eng¬ lish on our subject: Saivu Siddhanta as a phUosophy and practical knowledge of Marai-malai-adigal; The Saiva School ' oj Jlinduism by S. Sivapadasundaram •; Vaishnavism, Saivism and-^ninor-reLigious systems by-R. J. BnandarkarT"£iira«f«‘ voita of SriJ^nta by S. S. SuiyanarayanalSastri; 'Essentials of Hindmsm in the light of Saiva SiddhantaJOy Si. Snhn.rfl.tna. Mudal^TO'; New Light upon Indian Phwisophy by D. Go¬ paul Chetty; The Metaphyjsi^ of the feaitio. System by K. Subramania Pillai; Origin and Early History of Saivism -io-SoutA-7nd£o by-C.-V-Narayana Ayyar^ ^awa Sididlumtainr the Meikanda Sastra by Violet Paranjoti; The Philosophy of Saiva Siddhanta by Rev. Fr- Gnanaprakasar ; The Doo- trine oJL Grace in 'Saiva Siddhanta by R^, Fr. A. P. A mina - samy ; Introduction and History of Saiva Siddhanta, by G. Subramania Pillai; University Lectures on Sofua Siddhanta by- M. Balasubramania Mudaliyar; A. logical presentation of- Saiva Siddhanta philosophy by John S. Piet; The Saiva Sid- THE LITERATURE OF SAI^■A SIDDHAKTA 233 dhanta Theory of Knowledge by Pomuiah; BJid A Hanfi^ book of Saiva Religion by' Subraxoaola R&lhiresu. Every year the Tirupanandal Mntt in co-operation with the An n a mal ai ZJnivergty is pnhliKyiiTt g “Rngli^ h Saiva Siddhanta. So iar Prof. R. Ramannjachari, Prof. G. Subramaiua PiUai, M. Balasubramania Mudaliyar and Vaj- tavel Mudaliyar have published the lectures ttey delimpd at -the Benares and Adlahabad Universities thr ough- -this en¬ dowment. Those whp have just picked up Tamil and waht to launch' upon a study of Sarvism would do wdl to begin with works called kattalais. A kattalai in* Tamil is a short treatise which presents within a small compass tib,e fundamental principles of religious philosophy. The chief among the Saiva isttalaiB are Sivaprakasa kattalai, Siddhanta kattalai and Tiruimlavai kattalai. ^lun Jirdl-^Drix^cJLjr in Pbof. E. T. RAJESWARI, m.a., l.t. K AMBAN is liailed as the Emperor of Tamil poetry. Bjs story of Ramayana. is well known throughout the length -and breadth of the Tamil country. Tt'is really one version of the famous Valmiki’s great epio. As point^ out by Sri. V. V. S. lyar, Kamban ailsong with the other great' •poets of the various languages of India refuses to translate -the great epic, as was done in the West by the translators of the Iliad. Hehandles the old story in his own inimitable~way, giving the world a new epic of his own, like the goldsmith giving us new ornaments out of old iewek of gold.presented to him. The architectonics of his epic has been studied &om the point of view of the TnaTn actora^of this, drama.. Ramayana, from another point of view, is a senes of stories and a study of these may jeveal the technique of JCgmbgn^a -art; for, here he enjoys a freedom of construction deve¬ lopment of plot dezui^ to him and others, in tiie onward march of tihe main plot. A detailed study" of thesa Tnipnr plots will, thus, reveal his originality they are as it_were the main li nks of his central plot, giving to his stoiy its unique fonn and-shape. The author of Sri Vacana Bhushakam in Tamil ^ves expression to the Vaisnavite view of Ramayana—^that it is the glo r ific atio n of the imprisoned SitaJ The other female characters naturally represent so many studies in characler contrast. This principle of epic conitruction, may give "Unity to the study of the various sub-plots, if conadered ^rom this point of view of the minor female characters of Ram- ban. And curiously enou^, the very first sub-plot is that of Tataka—^a fEsnale character. -Miss K T. Sajeswaii is Professor of Physics, Lady WiUingdffla Traizi^ College^ Madras, THE first TUAGEDY IX KAMBAN 235 Critiei s m is in one sense a comparison. To judge the originality of ISambaiL what can be of greater importa'pce a comparlBDn ot iiis version with that df hiK nri giTial Vol- ni ii t i ? Comparisons, unfortunately, are odious. A compari¬ son .for arriving at the special characteristic features of tfip. things compm'ed is different from a comparison for arriving at a judgment on the superiority of the one over the, other.- When it is a Question of comparing two greatest works of art, it is the first kind of comparison which will be of any worth. It is like a coniparison between the best of rubies ^d the best of emeralds. Tastes differ ; and there cannot be any consensus of opinion about the preference of the one to the other, though there can be no two opinions about the disti n guishing marks of each arrived at, after a careful com¬ parison. The same is the case with the'two epics, compared. ni. ^ Wi^ this warning in mind, Yalmiki^s story may be ex-* dnuhed. The sage Tisyamitra takes,the princes, ,anff Lakshmana, irom Ayodhya to the pilace of .Ms sacrifice. On the way, the 23rd Sarga or chapter in Balakandaj giveans the Btoiy of KaTna . sra . Tna or Cupid's. grov^ ‘where ' Kama was burnt to.a^es by Siva. The l^ih Cihapter describes "Yisva^ mitra’s-crossing the .river along with the princes, his expla^ nation .to the-inquiry of Rama for the peculiar: gui^gling sound Jieaid in 'the waters as they enter the rendezvous of 'Tataka. Visvamitra describes to the curious princes, who are surprised to see this wild forest, how the spdt appeared prior to Tataka's advent and 'what havoc she has been making in the forest. All these are narrated by Tvay of conversation between VijBva6!r mitra and the princes, who remind us of ‘the curious boys of the world, putting a. series of questions to‘their obliging elders. The story of Indra is here narrated by Visvamitra, how Indra killed Vratra, how he became a’carrier of the m of ■Brahmahattl, how he shed his sm and hunger at this parti- oular place when washed by the denizens of heaven'frith the holy waters, how he was moved by*a feeling -df joy and how 236 TAMIL CULTLKL as a consequence he blessed this land with fertility. The place is nxyw seen by the^ princes as a land laid waste by the over¬ grown forests, wild beasts, and frightful birds. The doring portion of the 24th Chapter refers to the revolution effected by Tataka possessing a strength of 1000 elephants. Visvar mitra tells the princes that she was the- wife of Sunda and mother of Maiica, as powerful atf Indra. She is blessed with a big head, Tound shoulders and a body of spacious'propor- tions. Eveiy day she assumes some cruel form or other, for frightening the people to destruction. Tataka destroyed this place, by these revolutionary methods of hers. Visvaxnitra winds up this partx>f his conversation with a request to Rama that the prince should clear this land of its dangers. This is all the story that Visvamitra narrates at this stage. The 26th Chapter begins with Ramans query how a woman — o{f the weaker sex— comes to be possessed with the strength of one thousand elephants. The sage starts to nar- ,.Tate the story of herJife from the be^nning, in the good old grand-motheris way. It is all in short the effect of a bless¬ ing of the Creator.. In olden times there lived a great person by .na m e Suketu of exemplary character but wi^ no fibUd . He performed a, great Tapas and the Great Grand-father of tire Universe was so pleased with him that be blessed his de¬ votee witb a daughter by name Tataka. She was endowed with the might of 1000 elephants—perhaps as a r-nTtsAlntinti ' for not blessing Suketu the much-aspir°d-for son. This Tah^ grew up to weeman^od full ojf joy and beauty. The lather lgave her in marriage to Sund^ son of Jamba And in' tjune.was born to t hem a son, IMarica.. UniFortnnately, he was cursed to become a Rakshasa. ..Sunca was next kjITpH by -Agastya. Tataka with her aon rushed towards Agastya,* ready to. pounce on and devour him. “the unfailing- curse of ' £his sage drove the son as a Rakshasa, while~Tataka’eamB to" a s s um e cruel and unusual forms. .Ovexp owered by never-' to-be-warded-off-course and consequently by her irreslarible anger, she destroyed the country and laid it waste, to become the haunt of wild beasts and birds. Visvamitra concludes this part of die story with a pero- Ta^ to Rama. ** Oh Rama, for the sake of the good of the ijowB.and thw Br ahmin s, kill this woman of cru^ valour and THE FIRST TRAGEDY IN KAMBAN 237 extreme hard-heartedness. In these thrcte worlds there is no excepting yourself who can gladly undertake the des¬ truction of this cursed being. To feel any soft-heartedness at woman—^is to waste our sympathy,—it is to no purpose ; it is not one’s liuly. For the good .of the four castes, any act has to be do^ by the sond of the Kings. 'Wh.eth|T the act is true or fals^ whether it is pure or impure, it has to be per- •formed-at any cost, in the cause of protecting their subjects. This is the ancient duty prescribed for those on whose shoul¬ ders has been placed the burden of State. Pray kill that un¬ righteous one. To her we owe no duty. It is told of olden times that Indra killed one Mantara the daughter of Viro- cana (e 2 CV/rjt the princes for a long time and raises a hail-storm of stones. Rama neutralises this, by rai^g a counter-storm, of arrows, and cuts with his sword her hands. She roars but T.iiirg>»ma.nn. mahes her earless and noseless. She at cmce as¬ sumes many forms appearing and disappearing at will, and confusing all by her own magic. She lareates a downpour of stones. Thus is the fight going on. The sage again inter¬ venes with A timely warning- " Enough df this soft-hearted- ThS dnful woman of evil charaeter, creating nbstacles to my sacrifice, has been growing strong, from olden times of her jnflgifi and illusibn. Kill her therefore before toe sun sets.. Rahshaaas become nnconc^ahle after night- :felL” ■ . - - Tataha is mhde visible. The weajxina hurled at-hear inake her ay and roar. She^rushesAt them like an on-rushing thunder. Rama, hreaks open her, h’eartrwiUra weapon. She fftpfl down. The King of the JD^vm with his-followers war¬ ships Rato A, and begs of the sagej to hkss the prince with toe Mantras and arms, to do his dut 3 f by the Gods. IV One general remark will occi|Dr to anyone who compares- both the iiosions of Valmiki and Kamban. stoiy as by Valmiki is Tmnated in the most natural manner remihding us of the rustic people and the children - 7 - always curious to know about things which come on toeir why for the first time. Rama, in the story of Valmiki is one such young child, curious to know-the wonders of the world,, as fmd when he roeets them. Why is the forest so wild ? What Q toi-** gbigUng sound How can a woman-of the weato 4 = 0 ^ Ko BB ptTTT^p- as thousand elephants ? THE JTRST "IRAGEDy-Rr KaMR&N 239 Rama is oi reverence to ttie all ioiowing Tn%r\ vis- vamitra Tehx) explains these intdlectual probleins oflus child- h o od ^ and , the refore , he proTniaes fn do sg he ib oryle T*^ by, his eympathetic teacher. Bama and talk .And act like two playmates in some joint- adventure of boyhood ; Tataka appeari^ to th^ no more than a dangerous worm < 0 * a bird or beast, to T5e worsted by them-by removing & nose or an ear. Visvamitra reminds us of the world-wide story teller, something more than the usual grandmother telling all sorts of tales whilst feeding the children at d usk. Perhaps he is! so m e th i ng more than a story teller too — a true teacher waiting for'the active question of the pupil for starting his divine art. Like a good teacher he explains, ini^ires and moves them to act. In this world of this teacher, the death and resurrection of Rama, the erael forest^ the diabofi^ Tataka^^^^ become so many scenes in a drama in which hi the end, the an-Iookeis and the auihsnce ^ these vedtable pnpilB themselves—take part again in A ^dayful. mood as gamester^ thou^ the end of it all Is the' tra^ death of Tataka. This is Indeed edueationibr life. What aieacher 1^* What pupils and what a wonderful 'way of teadiing 1 How' we widi we bad rachtearhers to face our world and its prob¬ lems, sure of success in toe'indlpn'this'pI^Beld of bursl' Then only we can understand the Timer signihcance of Sha^ speare's statement *■ all the world is a stage." "We sro the greatness of this teaeherin his slowly working up the playful feelings of the princes to. the required-sublime heists of a tragedy. But he dn^mot give up the method of stoiy-tellfog — an art appealing to the ima^boation more wonderful tEan our art of .-visual education merdy-appealing to' the' eye. Even this story, is not told as a continuons narrative but in two different stages as and when the pupil is-iipe for tb- ceiving the instruction by putting active and proper questdons. There is no forcing down of even stories on unwilling ears, or before they are demanded in all earnestness.* There is therefore Tepetition and slow elaboration, but these are taken’ advantage of, .for emphasising the important* facts. But so many times he has to prepare the ground by suggestively overstalling some questions and answering them, before ^e 240 TAMUU CULTURE pupils get confuBed or luiEled. He r^sed a doubt, wiiether a woman can be Jdlled by a hero — perhaps, that wwR in that, that it was beneath ODe*s di gnity to kill a woman even in war — strihatti and he tries to answer his question by reference to ancient hi s tor y to the duties of the Kingq to do eveiythmg in the hi^er interests of the State. - — The child likes to be commanded and modem xj^cho- logistshave told us that it looks upon its father or the teacher as the very incarnation of an omniscient Law Giver. True to this conception, Rama, as an ideal pupil, agrees to do as he is commanded by Visvamitra. The princes continue to be in the world of play ; for we have here a wonderful example of the play-way method of education in true citizenship. The teacher, howeverj bc^nging to xm adult world, full of its own doubts and dangers, is really serious and is impatient with the pla 3 dul prince*; teasing Tataka, as ehildi^ will tease'a worm. When Tataka rushes at the princes, even thp all-knowing Visvamitra is unnerved. He utters a terrific sound to stopjier, and he blesses die princes with 'sdetory, lest' anything untoward should happen, to them. T!h!s is not at all necessary and the JEUshi must have Ibiown this unneces¬ sary, but love is blind, and hence his amdety. yje have further to be reminded of her-monstrous cruelty, we forget all this in the playful wajr the princes wiifi her. He is getting nervous-beeause lie feels they ar e' p laying wiflT firer_ The princes in th^ reverence for wo^mhood — womaniiood - whidi the sage hixns^ has emphasi:^ — aim at putting an end to her cruel behaviour, instead of aiming'at her very Kfe.'Vi^amitra, therefore, hastens i|o warn them, and goads' them ,oD io kill this monster of a ttoznan, before it is dark, for monsters become invisible at du^ The princes ixnpH- eitly obey, but they are not serioui even then; they make, her speak and cry and they cut her in twain as they would \ave a worm. Valmiki thus revels in his art of story tdling. The. story is told through Visvamitra. Repetitions and digressions really beautify folk talea For there isuo hankering after the strange and the"melo-dramatic in ihe anwent world, feeling happj' in the midst of familiar surr./undings listenmg to the THE FIRST TRAGEDY IN KANIBAN 241 6 aine“bld“sl6riespflfi’Ho‘TnanyT*eininji€r6 of theirnEtflblEC^lifej* with no dacgETB of strange and untoward happenings. The method of tantrast is a lso often utilised to produee a teHiiig effect. T£d£;ka*B heartless cruelty and wanton destruction are certau% heigh ten ed by the ancient story of Indra's blessing of fertility showered on this land. A land blessed to be fertile S9 lying waste and cursed, because of Tataicft.“Thifl contrast k not directly dEscribed. One is made to feel the contrast, land overgrown with forests and wild beasts is BO unusual as to' excite the curiosity of Baina. des¬ cribes with all his feelings of curiosity and surprise this strange phenomena of a dense forest and wild life. The good teacher^ to heighten this feeling, g^ives &e story of Indra imd > his erstwhile fertile land. Naturally the question, will arise r "How has the fertile hand been turned into a wild forest 7 Q[1ie story-teller and teacher having Idodled the filling art- fuRy, sarisSes it himself forestalling the question, and offering an exjUanataon by way-of the story which he'^be^hs to narrate. The details about her fam^ are huczi^y i^vesL The story of this wcman’s scf of destruction beodmes prob¬ able onb^ nf -her'strength.of -one tbmiRMid elephants, hinted to by the stnry-tellEr. But fhe curious Rama senses a eontradifitirm . m member of the weaker sex possessing the strength i>f one thousand elephants, and be^ of the teacher to explain. The teacher’s face blnsanus into a smile, and b& is happy thi^, Rmna’s curiosity has' been thn%' for'b^ng ^ven-the required riispa. The expbmation is that It is a btengng of Brahma. This power intoxicateB and corrupts tim.wcanan and her family so -muih hat they 'put themselves Bgainst the sa^ Agastya, only to excite his enise sendhig tiiexn'down the riiding plane to the state of Hakshasas. The qu^tiouB and answers thus had centred round the fact of the womanr hood t\ TataVa. The effect of contrast, introduced to hed^ten and visualise the cruel monslrosity of Tataha, perhaps Vis- vamitra bunself frals, has been neutralised by tlds emphasM on .her womanbodd. sage therefore as already stoted hastens to narrate amaeni: history, to lecture on Song^’s duties andtoissue finaUy a command to kill her. The pupil is pre¬ pared to obey fhe command, for he f^ls he is plearing both 243 TAMIL CULTUBJE- hiB father and hja teacher. He repeats like a good student Visva-" xnitra’B conception of the good of the cows and B rahmins, in at . nnne rPAtiy with hifl dra^vm UP boW._ This SDUnd reaches 'die ears of Tataka and she ni^es forth to the spot. Curious Rama seeing her thinks aloud in deasiibing her to TAlcabmana. and in speai^g of cutting away her nose and ears. There is all the same a condict of emotions in his* inuid7 a conflict between the feeling of reverence for womanhood and his feeling of reverence for the words of the sage. He feels he can punish her and set her npit. This still further excites her anger and she rushes at him. Vlsvamitra unnerves her by his angry cry. The fight begins, playful, as far as Rama is concerned ; serious, as far as Taiaka is concerned. Her zm^ic supervenes, but the princes 'take It all as a play. Once again Visvamitra has to intervene to remind them and the readers, of the seriousness of the atnation. Tataka is felled and is dead to the joy of the Djovas. *To realise the. im* portaince of what the princes consider as play, the JDevas'are brought in to bless the princes* This stniy true to our'understanding of it occurs in Bahr kanda, canto of childhood andjyouth, where in tha beginning' the princes receive their education.' They first receive their .instruction under Vasishta, the Kulaguni. After the Gum- kulavasa, travel -gives a finish, to education. • This .j^uxson 'with' Visvamitra is therefore jiart df the education of the princes. Vasishta is a perfect seer anfi. a sage, versed in all the arts and philosophy, practical arts not ezceptedL He knows what is warfare but he is'not a warrior himself.' He is never called upon to use his how and arrow. It is true he won a "rictory over this very [Visvamitra but he has won it through his spirituaTpowe^ The phyrii^ art'of warfare he has never practised hims^, although he knows all the ins and outs of it. Rama learns all the great arts hton hjm, and practises them too.’ ButA'asishta himself feels that this education received his hands, should be made perfect by an apprenticeship under a seasoned warrior who hji.q him¬ self taught and used the ireapo?-:- of ■war, not theoretically in mere imagination, not as an expression of spiritual power) but as a soldier fighting on the battlefield with the bow and~ the arrow. In addition, he is the great sage who will pve THE FIRST TRAGEDY IK KA3MBAN 243 practical instructaon, for a He of high ideals. It is this which actuates Vasishta to goad on Dasaratha to send R-«Jria. with Visvamitra the erst while warrior who « n-t. thft RnmP-fimA-n. ea^ and a seer well versed in all the arts and the philosophies of that age. Vahniki is the’gresitest of the bards, those messengers of the andent world, going about their work by narrating tales of valour and love in the coloniful oourts o!f powerful kings or the festive congregationa-of common men. HIr art of story-telling assumes a new form an the present context of a conversation between the curious youths and the old man, on their way through the rivers, forests and groves, all strange and new to the princes who have been enjoying city life. It is not a catechism we are having but a real n-nd natural conversathm where the old TnaT> tries to come to the level of the youth. The narrative has to be fitted into thw peculiar frame. To use a modem phraseology^ one has here the play way method in education for life, through real acti¬ vity. Life situations occur for explaining the geography and the histoxy of the places visited, aill'tending to ihe final!JEniit^aa' of activity, of desrciymg evil, in the mterests of the dxiinb' cow and the ^intual seer—^the highest ideRl of any citizen- ship tr ai n i n g. The &mie-WQrk of this play-way method creates problems of its own in Ihia nanative of the story of Tatsaka. The high serionsness of the ideal, the cruel monstro¬ sity of the villain, should not be_neii6alised by thi^ playful spirit. The_ art of the story “teller is almost at its breaking point but he has successfully negotiated the dangerous curves cm his way by making the Rishi burst out, and intervene at the proper'moments, and by “finally crowning it all by the blessings of the Devas. PART II- I Keeping in mind this story as given in Valmiki, a com¬ parative estimate of Kainban*s version to be .attempted. The tragedy of Tataka is given in one chapter by Ka-mban^ and the story ther^ begins with a reference to Ka.TnaRhraTnn BO called because Lord Siva burnt to ashes Manmatha or 244 TMUL cuLmm t>Cipid in that very place. The cozhtry itself, -where Kama’s anga ^or body) fell, came to be Imown as Anga Desa. The -whole of Valmiki’fi 23rd chapter is thus summarised in the H.’iH ,K^r;!7j^v5;?rr5 yrsjnf verse is in one sense Kamhan’s own esdamation about that place of such divine association — an exclamation which the poet takes care, as a dramatist, lo give* us^ as the Teiy ex¬ pression of Visvamilara. As will be present^ seen, all thia serves as a fitting introduction to the suggestive description of Tataka’s desert. What Kamban has omitted is equally important for ar¬ riving at a conclusion on his art. He does not refer to the crossing of the river after lea-ving Kamashrama, much less to the explanation of the gurgling noise of the waters. Kor does he waste his time in gi-ving us the story of Indra’s Bia- .mal^ti, hw diedding the ^ at the place — his consequent, •feelh^ o|f joy and his blessings on thi s land. Above all, there is one important change whichKamhan has introduced with telling effect. He does not follow Valmiki. "in d^c r i bing this haunt cjf Tataka. as a land overgrown with -wild vegetation mod infested whh terdble beaste and tenific brrds. He describes it as a burning Sahara, jf we may that term. To make it .more striking, he makp-a the aetcas stand brfore our -very eyes in that most dreadful desert inihe hot sun. The desolation -there is complete. The descriptiooi of this des^t is“ M of hyperbole, perhapsiest fitted to sug¬ gest the devastation by a' supernatural demoness. H _ The sun drinks this favourite c^' of land to its last dregs leavmg not a drop of liquid nor an aS ^ coolne^ His bfiT»Tmr of vi^ory flies aloft there. It is tiere an e faemal >^ipnmCT - The very God of burning fire, his heart -wiU be scorched, if, he were to th i nk of this spot, and his eyes will bum sway •if he were to see it. (Kamban Tataka’s Vatai-patalam.) .Even the longue describing the heat of this place will be .Mnsumed -to* ashes. The darkness, supervening-on the last .0^ of destruction along with the mulAnf the heavens and •4he worlds mtervening will be burnt to «shpp. So will be rHE FIJiST TRAGEDY IN K.a:MBAN 246 burnt a xi£rw Sun. rising a^esh thereafter, and bo tiHI be the clouds — the li^tehliig and the thund^. What else will escape thi» burning death. (6) -^ycp-good-4ha> g B^ €f - w eridl y - cB3 e ym ept--pre3fiB t a cr ueV ghastly and mortal appearance of the devil. The sweet scented aloe (akil) comes from the very entrails of the mons¬ trous EaBi, xiestrojdng its mother in the dance of death of that de^t, this dance of death .curious^ enough becoming the very dance of her birth. The beautiful pearE splash forth from the'splitting bamboo dried up smd shorn of aU its glory of green blades. Again a birth in death. The serpent there in its death pang of burning heat t^is down its mouth, whilst from that womb of death its ruby flaRhaa forth (8). The desert cracks and the rays of the gems rai the heads of the jsgrpent king of the Netherworlds, glisten And glow, Hgbf.ing up the very vault of the heavens. Rut in that dreary, libs o- lation they appear like the blood streaming forth the •c r a c king wounds on the body of ourmother earth. (10) Thus ^e b e ai rfif i i l and fragrant articles of value and adnmTY>AT^». ins t ^ d of creating' jcy in Jhe hearts of the Epsetators are '^madeto mgiire awe and horror, “^Wbai- a tnansifQnnatiQn ! only io be equaled by the metamogihosis nf fhE-beaulafnl Tataka into "a demoneksl - “ * . • The very five elemEnls are. terrified ."by ting burning heal-. The ever cepandnig aud galloping \^md can never run there and escape. Where is the question, of its standing in the desert ? The water-heaiing dark elouds, how^could they run over this d^ert which is drinking away all the water? The fieiy sun—his chariot can never run over thig desert on .his daily rounds lo cixes the heavens; he can never travd. straight; he has to go round beyond the deserL The earth —^how could it rim away from this desert, its own form T The fifth element—^the ether—^the heaven^the heavenly of this desert in her ethereal terrific form, how can she run away froia her heavenly charge ? (9). _ — * ^ _ "Here the natural and .deadly enemies like the elephants and the pythons famished and Morched. lie in mutual em¬ brace xf death. The elephant finds no ^de except in the •wide open mouth of the python, its portal of death (11).' This Is the absolute empire of fire imdiiturbed by any other ^46 TAMIL CLLTtTRjE I king. _Tbe dar^st things cd the trnrld axe scorched. The crows and dfiphanls lay dead like the dlouds Tahang down' scorched up by the fire of destruction (12), The mirage mov- ht the desert rears up its head, but out of pity for the devns of thp. heavens, it does not reach the heavens lest the latter should be burnt away. It bends and curls like a beau^ tiful steeam of water (13). The mirage raising up in the midst of_ihe fire of the desert is the crystal throne adorned with gold legs specially prepared for the Lord of Summer reigning over that desert (14). in Surdy this is not a place where the princes and the sage can leisurely saunter along and feel at home to converse about the history of the place. This conversation takes place in Vahniki-on the cool waters of the Ganges, whilst the princes cross that river, and have a si^t of Tataka’s forest at a distanee. Kamban however makes them hold this con- ver^tion in the vdy burning deser^ itself. He realises the dramatic awkwardness of such a situation, however effective it may he, for emphasising the desolation of this placse brou^t about by Tataka.- How is Kamban soMug this dramatic pro¬ blem of avoiding this awkwaniness ? Valmiki in his ■22nd ch^ter, Jong before’lhe crossing of the Ganges but immediately after the prnmes axe brought from J>asaratha*s palace, .makes VisVamitxa teach them in oil soleznzdty the two great manthras which' axe to make fiama unequalled in all respects, to be free from the dangers' of the Bakshasas and to he free e^en from the pangs of hunger .and heat. I^amban however has not till now whis¬ pered a word about these manthras. .^ter placing the prin¬ ces inside this-desert, he visualises a dramatic situation where they can be initiated into the mysteries of these magic fm- mulae with telling effect, 'llsvamitra notices the flowerlikB princes placed inside a cauldron of a desert (17) and hastens to teach them the manthras (18)'. What a change is wrought ? The description of the desert Teminds us of Milton’s Paradise Lost—^the liquid fire of helL But the manthras make the princes walk as though on clear, crystal, cool waters. It looks as though the heat from the liquid-fire hng been re- -TUB FIRST TRAGEDY IN KAMBAN 247 moved,, reducing it to an innocuoue coo] Btreamlet off ordi¬ nary water (19;?. Tbfe wortii o7 the pudding is in the eafJn^ Tie mantbras eease to be mere vfirhal statements. Their liiTn wav, the story of the manthras becomes most arresting from a dramatic point of view. Where there is no present expe¬ rience of the diaboliea] heat, the conversation can start with- out any trouble; and it thus so starts. This is Kambaifs solution of his problem of art. IV “Poetry is emotion recollected in tranquillity”. The desert is no more a burning experience to the princes. 'There is a world of difference between looking at a battle from in¬ side the_ Bimy as the fighting soldier, and viewing it from the sR T TP.i n e heists of the mountain as a seer. This is the differ¬ ence between actual life.and romantie poetzy. The rlAgBiw hd^ts of poetry cah be and are reached here. It iB. not the distant si^ of an onloQker hut the fiving espcrienee as it ^were oif the wounded, transmuted and su hlhrmti^ into.jxjeby'^ The suffering and painful m^erienix of £he humlng des^ has been tasted. But at the present TnnTnCTit^ thrmlm to t(ie manthr as, it is jnerdy-arrecclJEction of the espEtdenced emo- tion in all tranqniifli^I Thus is reached Ihe'subliniB detach¬ ment of real poetry. V The conveisatjbn proceeds. "R^tTng. nukH why the desert is wasting itself away.' He remembesrswhat Visvamitrahas told them just before entering the -desert about Siva reducing Kama to a^es. Rama’s question is therefore coloured by newly acquired knowledge and he asks " Has that Siva burnt away this place as well ? ” (20). The very first dramatie speech in this padalam is that of "Visvamitra, iiarraling with lightning speed, the story of Kamashrama. The second dra- matip. speech is the question of Rama. The Story of Kama is itself made to serve the purpose of this main story of Tataka bringing about a greater cohesion and coheVence than is found in Valmiki VA.Mii. c I n ri'i; VI Here we see another peculiarity of Tamil poetry. The poets do not always proceed, when tlicy use a simile or a metaphor, from the known to the unknown. When what they describe is already clear, invoking the correct 'emotion7 they use for comparison ideas, especially moral ideas, which are not, prima facie, so very clear. This is one way of cloth¬ ing the situation and their poetrj’- with a moral grandeur. Rama asks “ Why is this desert more desolate than the land of the sinful tyrant ? ” (20). This question reveals to us the high ideals of our statesman and prince Rama. This may be something unknown to the ordinary reader but an indirect way of preaching ideal statecraft. In describing the desert, Kamban has compared it to the eternal heart burning of the self-respecting warrior forced to lose his honour by the trick of a deceitful rogue, of a coward unable to stand face to face before the hero, on a battlefield of raining arrows (7). The desert is again said to be as hard hearted as the minds of the prostitutes selling their love f' form of monstrosity and ugliness, more than a mere remembrance to Visvamitra, stands in strong contrast- 250 TAMIL CULTURE to the lewitehlDg beauty of warrior prince Rama—-a masculine beauty driving ayenjnen-so niad as to pray-for-a feminine form for themselves. (41^. -Kamban thus emi^ia^ sises Tamilian conception of God as beauty by making it ■^stBfid-befere-the-emhadiment—^-^u^iness:—93i e sa g e gi v es expression to this thought of his and continues. “ Emn as the defect of the supervening desire destroys single handed all the good qualities in roan ~ so does this de¬ moness aU akme destroy and lay desolate the great expanse of Jiabitable land, once so full of incomjiarable 3 delds (42). She is in the service of Ravana, and obstructs the due x>er- iormance of'my sacrifice. She kills all the species of living beings in this part of the country this Angadesa—sanctified by Siva’s burning down Kama. She roams about reveUing in this wholesale slaughter (43)-” Yon are the son of a great king who strives for ever to protect and perpetuate the living beings, looking upon th^m .all as the very life of his life. What more is there to yon ? In a few days she will devour away all the living be¬ ings—:those eternal beings of creation,” (44). vin Hama full of astonishment shakes his head significantly in the usual Indian way, and in all haste where- the lauthoress' of this cruel aet xcaides, as thou^ ready to poxmce ‘upon her in righteous indignation (^). Hardly as the sage completed the sentence “ lives liere in this very moun¬ tain,” when Tataka walks in like al mountain of fire (46)- Thns is tueated another dramatic mtiiatibn. . Kamb an again indulges in his pasmon for hyperbole, as usual for the purpose of reminding us of the supecnatiiEal powers of the demoness. The jingUr g stolnes of her ankletB are the-very mountains at every step of here the easth goes down into a deep cacv«*n of vacuum into,which rushes the* waters -of flie sea, while the mountains near by mdi* after her, named along by her momentum (47), Kamban’s sdenee colours thus his imagination- Tataka bites herlipjs and stales, as though her two eyes are two etemaJ fires of destructinn (48^- Bhe rises up frightening even the thunder, the heavens THE FJRST TUAGEDY IX IvAMBAN 251 and all the worlds. She is adorned with the necklace of Uv- ing-elephants twisting their^runks with e.ach other (49). Si© laughs at these new comers, grinds her teeth and glances as though at the very god o f death (50). There she BpftnJrBj ■“^ithmyimconquerable strength I J^ve destroyed eveiy- thing within my jurisdiction-. .Have ytiu come to offer me the tasteful flesh made thus scarce or have you been_jiriveD by your fate?” (51). She is all anger and concludes, “I shall throw this trident to pierce through your hearts ” (52), They are thus standing on the veiy brink of the preci¬ pice of death, Rama knows Visvamitra’s intention though as yet unexpressed. But he is not aiming at her with his arrows. This great soul thinks that after all she is a woman (53). Vo^amitra understands what is passing in the mind of Rama. Is he not a great seer ? (54)- great disappoint¬ ment and consequent resentment become clear.' Perhapc^ Rama feels the sages are safe, they bmng very mimb alive. Visvamitra proceeds to dear up this possible misapprehen- sion, “ All that is sinlfuli she has done—she haa not us all awajj it is true—that is however because we axe but ythpff to her” (55;. "Should one thinkyof this'.cniel one as a^woman? It is indeed a matter of great scorn for a gr^t warrior to kill a • woman bashful by .nature. But here tHe mighty masciil^e Ehoulders of the. fearless heroes lie vanquidied by the merest mention of her name. Pray tell me who is considered to be masculine ? (56), Indra himself ran away defeated, What to say of others ? The mantaia mountains are her diouldera. In maajulinity what difference is there between the so-caHed ‘ men and this so-called woman ? (57). A few vcibes are here found in some manuscripts which would be ccihsiddred hy us latei^on. "Oh great descendant of the protector of this world, should she be masculine in form also, she who is setting her- self against the great souls, kills the living beings meant for . eternity, destatjying the very Dharma? (62). Death, waits &r the appointed day, and even then considers the virtuous acts for sending the people to the heavens ; it does not like ‘252 TAMIL CULTURE I this, monster stand xvith its mouth waiermg merely, at toning to another’s statement that iiesh is b^g sm^t (63). What can be more simple than her mean act of masticatai^ and devourin g the innumerable living beings even before thear spans oif appoinlecT lile come to hn end ?— Tu as a Tvoman bespeaks of very poor imagination** (64:). The sage proceeds to assure that he is not speaking- put of anger but after deep consideration over the eternal Dharma.--?*Ti> stand pacified in her presence is not Dharma, kill her ” (65). X There is no room for further parley on this battle ground. In passing, one may notice the similarity between this battle¬ field and the famous Kuru-kshethra, where TCrifibna. goads on Arjuna to kill the enemies arrayed against hirn, giving! up the deluding kmpanya or soft heartedness masquerading as imi- versal love. Rama- majestically concedes not without an in¬ ternal struggle and a pang “If occasion demandi^ the performance of something other thpn r) hnrmft ;i ~mp.i»lr im does not say adharma— if I am commanded to perform O thou in carn ation of truth, thy word is my Bible, and to ila asthbu hiddfyt is indeed the way to j)erfnnn Diie*8 duty ” XI Tataka reali^ Ramai determination and taking'time, by the forelock hurls her spear a|i Rama (67).' The tridmt came on Rama like Rahu cominj^ to eclipse Bie moon '(68). Nobody sees Rama bending his bow or- leasing iusiazTow. It is all done in the twinkling of aenjeye, for tbpr p Up p her fj *^”** 'broken to pieces (69). She brings ja. downpour of briplfb5LtR cm Rama, but he taisffl a counter stann of arraws (70). Hb ■ burning arrows, rushing fast, liln the TmfAiling words of the sages immediately coming true, are aimed at this d a mse l of darkness, and they pierce through her : chest, rushing away without finding a lodgment inside there, like the great things uttered by the leamed to the unedmat- ed (71)—another example of Xamban inspiring the story with his lofty ethical idealism through his aimilea. It Is .in-, deed very difficult to bring out the enchanting music of the THE FIi{i>T TllAGEDY IN K^UIBAK 253 words or to plumb the depths of tlie thoughts of tbiK oft quoted reise. She falls down dead—as though thf* victoriouB banner of Havana ominoudy broke down to pieces (73). It is all now aTdood of hloddTXTS) It looks like the reratyofThTtwili^T faBmg down without a support (74)^. The god of death so long afraid of .Ravaiia has after all the taste of Hakshasa’s blood (75;. The scene closes with the Devas showering their xaln of flowers in grateful recognition of Hama’s act, requesting the sage to bless the prince with divine weapons (76).. {To he contirmed) Paxdit K. P. BATNAil, mjl, b.ox. Chaptee 1 — The Tamil CoIinibies (Copyright reserved) T HAMILAKAM (Ptolemy’s “ Damarike”) was &e word used in the ancient Tamil works to denote the Tamil countries.^ The boundaries of Thamilakani changed from time to time and hence different accounts were given in the SarurMTi and o&er ancient Tamil works. According to Thd- kappiyam, the most andent Tamil work existent^ the Nor¬ thern boundary was Venkada HUP and the East and the West: were bounded by sea.® The southem boundary which is mentioned in Thol^ppiyam merely as' Eumari’ has been a subject of dilute among the commentators of this work.^ There are other scholais too who have different opiniohs^ It nan be, at any rate; said that the ’ Kumari ’ referred to in Tholkapplyam w£^ the flame of a river. Bikandiar, the author of Isainunukkanu mentions the boundari^ of the then Thamilakam. In one of poems he refers to the river in unmistakable terms as ^Kijm^th-Theempunal’J^ An- Pandit K. P. Batnam is Icctux^, Gtovcrnment Trainix^ CoUesef •CMtpnhn. ^ PatbittuppaUm-xPathigam U; Itotmekalai—17. 62; Silappa^' karaxn IIL 37. 3 Called Thinipatlw pxxseni. -3 •• satJSs^iisstJi. Qfisx^fLp.ojr^sai^fi — TholkaniiyaQi —Payirain. ^ Tbxdkappiyam —• Ponilallilgarain K arh^nm-Wn^yam ESufii- Ihathigaram — Ilsinpooranar. p. 609. ^ "Qeuiiaj-jB ^mjtarp QuarBoh^** EDUCATION IN .\NX1BNT TAMIL COUNTBIES 255 other poetess, Kakkajpadiniyar by name, iiEes~thiB very trord to denote the south boundary of Ae ThaznilaJcam.* -This EQUth em portion a p pears to have been submeiiged by the sea reducing the Thamilakam to its present JSmit. According to SHappathigaram, whidh was written in ih« 6&> Bond centiuy AD., the 60 uthem_ boundary of Thamilakam was Cape Xumarine called Kumari Afunai iQrTamil scholars. There is ample evidence to the subme3:s^n6e of large areas by the sea in the ancient Tamil works' as well as in oOier works like the .Hasavali^ and the Mahavamsa* whidh w^ written by Ceylonese.* The Silappathigaram says “The river pahruli and the Kumari Mountain were submerged by sea.”“ This is con¬ firmed by Panamparanar in a verse*' composed by him* Aili- yarkku Nallar, the famous'commentator of Silappathigaram gives the names, positions and the-extent of the lands which went under the sea. * In the ancient times Thanulskaxn was composed of the three Tamil Kingdoms eaBed Pandya, Chola and Chera. These were also known as Thenpiilaxn, Kunapul^andKuda- respectively, according to -riieir portions* iba later times Thondai Nadu .with Kanchi as its capital became £be fourth ThamiLNadu along with the older three nadua. ’ * • Auvaiyar speaks of the boundaries of th^ four Nadlm as th^ were found in the 12th Century AD. in four zas.*^ She has also connected these four countries of the Thamilakam in a venba, which leads-r-*'The mountainous, tracts of Cheranadu is fuB of elephante f the fert^ land of the Cbolas is noted^fpr its rich harvests of paddy; the southern _I_ _ / ^ < tuu.S(^fl QlfSfi(^h 0ssra0to Qojibsi-jb ^utLjssrp Ouer^ Qia^jpi Sl^jsrfSr(^ QaaiSii tusemSp ~ Kalithokaf, 104. 1-4; Iraianar Ahappoxuluxai. p. &. * Basavali, P. ISB. * Maha-Tanxs&m, F. 61 Also see Teimanfs History of Cfiylon^pP* 5-10. 10 ** uSaJUStti BJjrpjgL.^ O^rQii OarQitsujii Osirvar." ** Kunmthokal SO. — ^ Thai^ppadatiraddu, T.-. :JL v.a'JTI'RE 2 o« land o7 ihc PiiXjdiyas h famous for its pez^rls ; the Thondai>> nf >md Iftaming. „ At presESit Thamohikam consists of the southern part of the Madias Presidency' and sonae portioiB of the States of Travajocbre jand Cochirj. The Tamil speaHng population of th^ areas is cajculalerj as 18,517.415 in 1947.^^ The Nor¬ th^ and Eastern Provinces of Ceylon can also be deemed as apart of this Thanmakazo; as Tamils have been living) in these areas hrom ancient times. The number of the C^lon Tamils is nearly ei^t hundred thousand. » « • • Chapter n The Tamils—Their Qhioin, Culture asd Civilibation The people who lived in Thamilakamwere called TamilsL •Whether the Tamils were the indigenous people of India,, or whether they came down to India as &e Aiymns and thp otheiT tribes did in later tim^ is still a highly ^mtxoversial subject. Vaxious theones have been propounded by European and Indian EchDlais. Dr, CaMwell,^ KanagasAh ai pilIni ;^ JVharshmaii,* Eergu- son,^ Kennedy,*^ Timpathy* and some other scholars the o rigina l . home of tlie T a mi ls outside Jnxiia. Pno ranalm- gnmpiUai, however, made an attempt) tq^show that the theo¬ ries of some of these Friinlars were a^ conjectiir^ lYoim a. stu(^ of the finding s at Hamppa andilMflihEDjo Haro ofi anrient T a mil latexatiiie a good pt^tion of 'which is avail” able-only new, PooranaEngampiUaj wut fo r wa rd the theoiy ' that the Tamils were the abori^eB qf the lost Lemuria.* la jUatisUrfll H a n db o ok ol Ihc ConsUtuent Assembly of A Cotraparalire Grammar of the inavixiiinJiaiigiiages. s atemils ISDO years aga * Histo^ of India. * H is to i y of Indian and EaStem ArchilectiirB. B H. S. JosmaL B Ancient India. ’ History of Tamil Litcra&rrc & Tamil India. IvDUCATlOK .\KCtEXT TAMIL COXmTRIES 257 Th:- is not coaly rejected. The continent of Lejnnria cover¬ ed o vast area that extended from the present Tamil coiinizies ijilD the Indian Ocean.® The Tamil works faintly speak of this area as Sambuththeevu or NavalantheeviL® _ AB_a result of successive deluges this mass of Ifa-nd disappeaied from the face of the earth leaying that portion of land soutti of Vin- dhya Hills which is now called the Deccan: The fact of these deluges has been accepted most students of Geology, His¬ tory and Anthropology. Professor HaeckaFs view on the cradle of the human race also confirms this theory.^® H. Ris^ was of opinion that the Deccan was one dff the most anci^t geological formations in the world.'^ This supports the fact of the continued existence of Deccan for mineni^-rmp There¬ for^ it is possible that Ihe Taimls have been living in the Deccan not only since the dawn of Histoiy as Hisely himgpjilf said, but also from time immpTn ori a l- P. T. Srinivasa Tyen- gar too, having analysed critdeally the ancient Tamili words and custom^ comes to the conchision that " It may therer fofe be taken as fairly certain that the TamilB wjere mdigeaioiis to South India.’*“ « • It-js not out of place to refer to the cozomdut' Ly Panmekdakar, jin the word "PaJankudy found-m one of the“vers€s of Thirukkural. He explains the meaning ojf thip word liK^y as The families living conlinuauBly since Ihe creation of the world.^’ PurappondveDhamataij one of the ancient Tamil works, contains another interesthig refereni® to the high antiquity of Hha Tamil race. Speaking on the antiquity of one family it ssys that the forefeihers of this femib’ came into existence the y^carld wm only a rock before the formatiDn of soil?*' All thp.^ go a long way to show that the Tamils were the abori^n^ of the submerg¬ ed Lemuria of which the Deccan has only been left by the devouring sea. « k ^ Lost Lemuria—Scott Elliot; Histoiy pi Creation,'VoL 21, pp. 325- 52S—Professor Haeckal. 0 Manijnekaifli II—107; PeruzikBthai 2,28 : 76 ; Appar Tlicvaram 11-6. ffistory of Creation and Pedigree of M a n, p, 173. The Peoples of India, p. 2. ^2 History of the Tamils, p. 21S. ^ izsar eroa^flf 25B TAT^nL CULTURE ^*The Hyperthesis” says Dr Ferguson/^ “that would represent what we know of their GDravidians) history most correctly is ihaT^hich^places-thear nrigimJ-sp-nf- .m fhp. treme sout^ They have no traditions which point to any seat of their race outside India, or of their having migrated from any with whose inhabitants they cat^ rJaim any Idndiad. Bo Jar as we know they are indigenous and origmaL” This view of Dr. Feiguson is confirmed by Dr. Grierson who says in the linguistic Survey of India, “ that the Dra- vidian race is commonly considered to be the aborigines of India or at least Southern India, and we have no informal tion to show.that they were not tiie aboriginal' inhabitants of the South.” Dr. Madean also holds this view.^® The Tamils of Lemuria or at least of tL.. Deccan whidi was formerly a part of Lemuria* migrated to iNorth India and to various places outside India.^® Hence, we ah advahCed civilisation in Moh^jo Daro and Ha^ppa before 3060 H. G. Scholars lite Father Heras link this civilisation' with that of tiie Dravidians.” But there are some other scholars who are not prepared to subscribe to tbi« view. The worship of Siva hi^ been accepted without any reservatioiis whatever, even by eminent Eurepean Scholars like MaxMuL ler nnd Rev. G. U. Pope, as the singular cult of the Tan^ in South Inifia.^ The prevalence of I the worship of Siva among the inhabitants of Mohenjo D^o is undoubtedly a pointer as to the relationship of the |Drayidians with the people of Mohenjo-Daro. _ j Sir John h larsha J l himself says * There is no reason to assume that the culturB of this Tegion was imported frorn other lands or that its character was prbfbundly -mnflifipd by out^ influEnces This view inevitJhly leads to the con- dusion that the Mohenjo-Daro civilisation is a part ff*^d parcel of the ancient and pic-Aiyan ervilisation of Tndm « Linguistfe Burvey of Tnrtin^ VoL IV. 15 Manual nf Madras Administratinn, VeaL L 10 India and Ftacifle World, p. 27&—Kalidas nag. !! f to-Mohenjo Daro Riddle—THie New Review, No. 19, VoL iv. » South I ndian Bronzes, p. 47—G. O. Gangniy. »* Mohenjo Daro and Indus CivillsatiDn, EDUCATION IN ANClEirr TAMIL COUNTRIES 259 which is cadoubtedly tha Drs.Tidiaii civilisatioii. This coBr chision is supported by the costention of R. Bisely says ** The.Drarndians were the oxigmsl Jnhabitaiits of the TnHign -peninsula and developed-ar-civijlisation-whidb -was-telKsouto- ^lesopotaania and fanned the basis of Seanitic civilisation.*'^ After nearly 2£XX) years of the Mohenjo Daro ctyilisation the 'wheat coloured ^Aryans'descending^to-the plains df- Punjab about 1500 B. C. found a race of people whom they ealleii the Dasus and with whcEm th^ waged a bitter bub’suo- ceseful stnxggle.^'^ This war undoubtedly forms the histodeal background of the Vedas. Whatever be the connection of the M(dienjo-Daro dvili- sation with the Dravidian cor rather Tamilian^^ civUisatiaDy the Tamils in India had an advanced civilisation at 1000 years before ihe coming of the Aiyans to India.” Hus tiieory is supported by tiie Rymns of Rigveda itself.” The Dasus or the Tamils lived in cities throughout India. Their Idz^ ware hunous for their wealth. Th^ had in> nmnerable cows, horses, and chaii$dB* These.were hept in with hundred doors. The .Dasus beautified themsdlvea with golden .jewelleries and diamonds. They did not accept the reli^ons practices of the Aryans. The txaders were Rnlled ' Panlkars? and th^ carried qut thedr buaness by sea and Ifl-nd with countries even in Europe and Africa. The ravilisatifln -of the Tamils and their langna^ in- fiuenjced greatly t^ie Aryan gvifisatinn and the Sanskrit Xon- guage and the dialects of the North Indians tbn.^^ Vln course of tiniR the Aryans gradnally incorparated tfaa~ indigenous ns Hie Peoples o2 India. « Bisved 1, S3. , a? jDravida & Dravidiuk—Tbe nffi gm of these word s was explained Isy Dr. CaldwelL No Tnpni:inn of these is made in the ancient XaxpH wsi^ ^ Discovery of India —^by Pandit Jawaharlal Nehni. Dravidian JSemeiit in Tndian C»ltiiTe~-G. Slater. Atirtimt 7T)diaj ppi, BTipMin . pp. 53, 5^ He Ancient Hislnzy of the New East—J". H!. Hall . Higveda Hymns 1-33; Vedic India—2L A. Basozii:^ 1-104.; 1-12: 20 xjfe in Ancient India—P. T. S. Iy eng a r . =1 Lecture on the Aneisnt History of India—D. H- Bandaikar. 260 cultuee people in their comm unities and became the predominant Taoe of JNorth India: But in Soutt^nCndia their attempt aF Eubjugation of the Soinh Indians by force never succeeded. Asoki^_(me of the greatest Emperors of North India,_extended_ his Maurya Empire only as far as Kalinga. The attracthm of the fertile plains of Kavery and Thamraparni was so great that the Aryans could not resist it. Infiltration by Aryans took "place and they entered Thamilakam as colonists, tutors and priests and gradually influenced the Kings of the Tamil countries. As a result of this peaceful penetration Aryan culture introduced a vigorous element into the body pohtic of South India and sizperimposed its religion and to some extent its institutions on the South, though it could not de¬ prive it of its individ uali ty. The structure of society, lan¬ guage and custom remained essentially Tamilian. The majority of the Aryans who entered Thamilakam were Bra hmin s and these Brahmins were mainly responsible for the 'Worst caste distinctions now found in the. Tamil countries. Claimin g themselves as the highest caste in the world—the Gods of this world—they successfully introduced the dis¬ tinctions even into Saiva religion for their own ends.: They aIho went to the extent of calling their language Sanskrit as the language of the Godi They reduced the Tamil lB.'ngTTfl£A ■ to a porition of a dialect of fheir language purposely hiding its indepeardent origin.^ Sanskrit authors like Kshmendm and others spitefully called the Tamil language as " Paisachi ” the language of the demons. The |3rahminB also had their own settlements which were named' as “ Rfl. t hnrv At.hiTun.Tig n.- huns*’* and “ Piramapiorams ” in the South Indian inscrip^' ticms. These settlements were the ^eats -of vedic studies in the Tamil land until very recently. Buddhism and Jainism also foiind their way to South , from early times, introducing the Aryan culture wnH modi¬ fying that of Thamilakam. The lit^ary works of the Bud¬ dhists and Jains have no doubt enriched the "Tamil Utera- thre. The history of the Tamils who lived in thR Thamilakaiin of South India from ancient times cannot - be •IracEd.nasily 22 Uiavarajn lUai, pp. 34, 23 (by the same author). EDUCATION IN A^‘C1ENT TAMIL COUNTRIES 261 due to the paucity of evidence available. Yet the three South Indian Kingdoms seem to have been well known in ancient limes. The rock Edicts of Asoka belonging to the IVth Cen- turj' B. C.,mention them.^ —Megasthenee, Greek ambassador' to the Court of Chandra Gupta Mauiya speaks of the Pandr yan kingdom, its wealth and the strength of its armies. The Sanskrit grammariaiU Katyayanaa whom J)r. JBhandarkar places in the 4th Century B.C. refers to them. Vahniki’B Ramayana and Mahabaratha too describe them. Strabo (22 B. C.) mentions a king “ Pandio.” Periplus (81 A. D.) and Ptolemy (180 A. D.) give details of the principal ports and marts of South India and indicate that they were places of great antiquity. Apart from these foreign references the Sangam works are the only evidence now available in. the Ta mili country for a history of the early Tamils and their cdvilisation. Tradition, and Tamil literaiy and grammatical works make mention of three Tamil Sangams^ which are said to have existecr successive^ for a long f imp. almost before the Christian era. Interesthig details of these Sangams are given in the commentary on Iraryanar’s AhappomL It .fixes the be g i nn i n g of the Jlrst Sangam about ten thousand yeans before the Birth of Christ. The existence of these is seriously' challfinged by critical scholiars as the accounts of them are full of improbabilities and inconsistencies.*® Even though it is very difficult to decide the beginning of the first Sangam ai^ the* duration of the three Sangams, it is now ahnost certain that they-.existed for a long tiniP before thp third century A. The traditions and the pnranic versiotLS as well as the copious reiferences in the ancient Tamil warkfiP to the existence of these Sangams cannot be easily ignored. Mareover, the traditions of India are not wholly devoid of historical element.*® “ Rock Rdicts, 11 , xilL 34 Assemblies Di learned men. Somewhat alcini to Academld'Royale in the days of louts XIV. S5 7 : 2 ^ Chronology of Early Tamils, pp. 24 and 25. 2*. The Pandyan Kingdom, p. 38—K- A- N. SastrL Sangathamilum Fitkalaththamllum, pp. 5>2L *8 Lectures and Essays, Vbl. II p. 199—^Pro. W.^F. CUSord. T.-iMIL CULTURi: 2b2 The ancieiit hisiory of Deccan, and its mbabitants hag not yet been traced fully and the axdmeological surveys of JSoulh India, are yet in the ir infancy. When the surveys ana. completed v?e can reasonably hope that there will be enou^ material to throw light on the existence of the Sangam^ and on the activities of the ancient Tamils in the sacred field of education. t The Ancient Tamils who had a fiourishing trade about 4000 B. C. with the Cbaldeansr’ and other ancient tribes and- Mngs like Solomon’’' should have certainly had a high standard of education and advanced civilisation so as to enable them to cross the high seas at a time when the Mariners compass was not known. Besides, trading is a complicated business demanding accurate calculation, correct book-keeping and last but not least business acumen of first class order. BEenoe, those traders had jiot only the prerequisites of their calling but also a working knowledge of the languages of those xanes ^ith whom they conducted their business. It is a fact that advance in trade and commerce wih foreign lands foBows the advance of education in a country. ^ Therefore, it- is not improbable that the Ancient Tamils who were undoubtedly great sea farers and big merchants had an advanced system of education in their own land. The Sangams were set up to B&nulate the study of ,2angn^e and JLiterature. The Tamil ^ngs who were thein- Selves great scholars and who enjoyed the company of scholars would have perhaps established the |Sangams to facilitate the meeting of the best poets of thefr lands. In coarse of time these three Sangams, in fact, did me work of the Tnndpm critics, and publication boards. The members reviewed the works submitted for approrval, and 'discussed the subject mat¬ ter and the style of the w'orks with theh* authors. Besdes cousklering the merits of the ^vorks of others, the members of these assemblies who were undoubtedly the cream of the scholar s of the land, produced a good number of works on =7* SenthamU VoL 38 - 1. 2 s Hlbbext Lectores, p. 137—^ProL A. H. Sayce. 8® ^Un^ix-x. education in ancient TAMIL COUNTRIES 263 Literature; grammar and even on subjects like Music and Pancing. As the accounts given by the commentary to Icsiyanar's Ahapporu^ throws some light on the conditions of education in the Ancient Tamil countries, for a long period before the Ghristiflij Era, a summary of it is not out of place in a ■worlc that deals with the education of the Tamils. According to that work the First Sangam had 549 poets including AJcaththyanar, Siva, Murugavel, Eudinagarayar and Nithi 3 dnkilavan, The number of poets who composed literary works during the 4440 years of its duration was 4449. Some of those works were Paripadal, Muthiinarai, Muthu- Inirugu and Kalarij^avirai. The venue of the meeting of the poets was Madima which was submerged by sea. Ei^ty nine Pandya Kings from Kaisinavalnthy down to Kadun* kone supported the poete. Some of these kings produced literary :wor^ The guiding work was " A gaththTyarn IHie Second Sangam has 59 Sjcdiolars including Akathiyar, ■Tholkappjyar, JBIanmkoli, Mosi, Kappiyan, Fandarangai\, TUiiray airmar an, Thuvaiaikonc and Hj^ranthajL The poems of 3700 poets were reviewed by them. Kali, Knrgu, Vendali, Vijralamaila are some oTthe works of this Sangam. TTie meet¬ ing place of it was Kapadapuram. This Sangam eristed for 3700 years during the reigns off 59 Kings from Vendarselxyan to Mudathirumaran. Kve of these kings too, were poets of reputation. The standard works used by the Eoholaxs during this period were Akathiyam, Tholkappiyam, Mapiiranam, Isaininukkam and Poothapuranam. Pandya Nadu was sub¬ merged by sea during this sangam.®' The Third Tamil Sangam met at Uththara Madurai, and had its sESsionB under, the patronage of 49 ki^gs of whom the first was Mudaththirumaran and • the last-Ukkirapparu- ^ The name Akaththiyar, author of this work, was connected wlfli - a number of works produced during the last 20 centuries without any regard to the time factor. Cf. Rev. Pope’s Intcoduedon to the Naladiyar, p. xk T\7entyfone persons with^ the nairte ’of Agath- thjyar seem to have lived in India at different times. Agaththiyar Varalara, p. 26—^A. Slthambaranari' ** Tamil Vazalaru, ppu 28-44—R. Ragava Iyengar, TA..IIL CU:/rURE 264 A'alutby, It had a luepabership of 49 poste some of "whojii were Sirumet h a v j y ar. S£c.thampo£>thanar, Ariviidaj-- yajiar, PerunJdamroorldlar, Thirumaraji, KaHanthuvjmar, Na- rutbaniDanaganar jotd Xakkeerar, Including these jnembeis 4^ acholars composed many a work tiuring 1950 years. The guiding books were Akatl\thiyam and Tholkappiyam. The ^orkfi of this Sangam are generally known as Kadaisanga ■Noollcal or-m£?rdy as Sanganoolkal. In spite of their inconsistencies and inaccuradeSj these ax^unts taken in conjunction with other references in T amil Literature and Puranic works enable us to think that the Tamils had an ad\^ced system of education which was able to produce from time to time such a great number of poets. They also point to an attempt made by the Tamils •to control the production of vanous works and also to allow oidy the excellent productions for circulation among the mas* The necessity for such a control would have been war- rantea oy tbe production ^ innumerable worSB dunng uiose times by many scholars. ' The Tamil Kings became the patrons of tihese It is not a novel thing for a 'wdl organised Govemment to stimulate learning by its pah*cmage and financifll support. The members of these assemblies were gathered from aU^e places of the Tamil land. They were fed and looked after 'by the Kin^ _ I • • ■ a* Ainong the Tamil works referred ito in the accxnmts of the Sangam only Tholkappiya3n,''h^elkaiiakku- atid Tn^ k^ a kku ” are available at present. The other '"works® are lost for ever except for some lines ejuot^ by the wrnimpn tju tors. One stanza in Thiruvilaiyadal Pufeanam teUnns of th**- slibject matter of the Tamil works lo^ for ever w hen the -froshm by sea took place at the end of] the Second R«Jig«Tn- B TKe works ol Kadaisangam are divided two g m T^ Mel- karwkkw or h igher, classics and TnitranaMr^^ or ipsspr classics.. In each group there are 18 works. The higher rla^irw tax diiid-. ed into two groups—^Edduththokal and Patbthnp Paddo. ** ThU and exhaustive accounts of these were given hy.'fbe in an article entitled “The Works We Lost’*. Kn^«T^^«^y VoL l» Sec. 1 St 2, KDUCA'JION IN y\NCIENT TAMIL COUNTRIES 266 • The time the composition of Tholkappiyairi is yet a-sub- ject of dispute.®^ As a reference the Sariskrit Grammar Indir fam, is made in the preface to Tholkappiyam some scholars are of opinion this grammar was jcritten before Paninceyam, the compostion 'of which is fixed by European scholars at 700 B.C. The consensus of opinion is that Tholkappiyam is the oldest Tamil work now extant,*^ The lower limit of the KaHni Sangam works is accepted the second or third centm^’^ A J), by both Indian and Eun>- phan Scholars.*® Internal evidence from these works sug¬ gests that Tholkappiyam was the standard Grammar which guided the poets to compose the^ works. Tholkappiyam it- ‘self says in many a sutra theip are works on grammar, lite¬ rature and eVen on music before its composition. Hence the beginaing of Tamil Literature could not be fixed accurately as we have Tost those works. But it be aafely said that for many cmturies before -the Christian era the Tamils had S' good nuir\ba: of works on Tamil literature, and other sub¬ jects. This i^t is clearly confirmed by Rev. .Pope who says— “The Ancient GrammaticBl works existing in Tamil arid its wonderful metrical system prove its asaduous ciilthation- for Jong ages. An cdaborate Boentific series of metres, 'such as Tamil glories in,' adapted to every style a^^d theme of com¬ position is the growth of cehturies. Classical Tamil bears every mark of slow and natural evolutaoEL” Tholkappiyam and the Kadaisangam works are the only source of information for us to trace the history of eihusatipn in ancient times in the Tamil countries. These piicdESS M'The Chronologv of fhs Ancient TbzdHs, Appendix IX—-Svaraie PiUaL • ■ • IllalcMya Vacalaru, p. 82.—XL S. JWIlaL 38 Tamil VarsOaru, pu 137—Xagava Iyengar. •w (n) Eaxly-Xistory, pp. 571-5^ & Na i p. 457—WL A. Etnifh. ( 2 >) Trmil scholais axe agreed ia leterxtog the OMest Tamil literature to the first three centunes' of our era and I see nothing improbable in thi&^-nHindiilsm and Buddhism, VoL II, p. 214—Sir Charles Xmot tc) The F, ndyan Kingdom, p. 3B—K. A. N. SastrL (d)‘ Elakkiya Varalaru, p. 935—K. S. PillaL Introduction to the Translaticm of Naladiyar, p. x —Rev, G.-U. Pope. 2CG TAMIL CT'LTITRE I lilerarj* tr^ures of the Tamil*- are vtry rarely known to ths: outside world.** The studies k Sanskrit, progressed as a re- suit of translatioDs from Sanflrit into European languages and mainly into English. This has undoubtedly produced a number of worlds on the culture and civilisation of the Aryans of TCorth India and made foreign scholars to speak of the greatness of India, in terms of Aryan culture and Sanskrit language only. The Tcumls who can, as Professor Jules Block says®® * boast of antique and original culture \ and a civiK- sation which is perhaps the oldest in the world*® and a lan¬ guage which too is the oldest language of India** and per¬ haps the world, have suffered as a result of the paucity o& translations from Tamil to the European languages. Even the present popularity and reputation of this language is due to the few Europeans who have studied the Taxnil-language and literature and did some sort- of pioneer work in tellmg the world of the purity and the antiquity of the Tamil lan¬ guage and literature. Unfortunately, some of these scholais couldluot lay their hands on these Sangam works in which, to quote Prof. Jules Block again, * There probably is stiillL nuieh to be discovered *. ** These sangam works reveal a people of great civilisation and cnlture. They give deseriptions oif the three capitals. —-■ - I ^ “ Caivism is the old pre-historlc religiQzi of South Indja ; essentialhr eocisting from Pre-Aryxm. times and sway over the Taxxdl people. But this great attempt to solve the prrblems of God, sool. humanity, nahune, evil, sujSering and the unseen world, has nevv been fully escpoundsd in English.” SantayalKuravar & Bjirava:!*—.jBLev. G. IT. Pope. i • * Xntroductian to the *rrar>sfa«nn..^f «ji^>jra |nraTflTn --.v, :a. Tids^i&r. ^ ** They (the Tamils) are the foremost amongst prtyips ol In^ ia . * *—Bev. CL IT* Pope, Tamilar Chazitimn—Foreword by Swaml Gnanaprakasaiw-Sentfaamil VcQnme 39—^1. « It {Tamil) stands alone ssithoul any predecessor. In oxigizi, it must be long anterior to the Sanskrit”—Manual of Rffmrttng informatiDn tn* the Madras Presidency. Also vide Manual of Madras Adminls- 4ratian Vol. 1, p. '43, The largest proportion 'of tht* words-used in Pro-Dra'vidian are also found in TamiL This ^-nnfirma the common- belief that Tamil is the oldest of the present languages.** (Sight ol the Mohenjo I>an> Riddle—Father H. Heras. The New Review, No. 19, Vox IV. *2 Introduction to the Translation of SUappadikaram—V. R«- Diksbitar. EJjr;CAT10:: IN ANCIENT 1 AMIL COUNTRIES of Chola, Cheiii aiid Pandya; as glowing with life. In the busy streets wtre peoples of many nations-^ The Municipal administration -was excellent. Hoads and streets were kept in good condition and lighted.^^ Seveh storied bulidin^ w’ere not uncommon.'*''' life in the' town was one of luxury and ease. They took delight in literature. Music, Dancing, and Religion.**’ Women decked themselves with costly attire and made themselves attractive, decorating their bodies 'v^th jeiwels and garlands and scented past^ and powders.*^ Village hffe was orderly and contented and people following their hereditary occupations, created the economic wealth of the countiy. The kings were benevolent despots working for the welfare of their subjects dealing out law and justice. The Govermnemt was personal but the king was advised by his council Officials'administered the provinces.*^ Not only in the materiahstie way of living but rIrh in the fields c(f reli> gion and plmosophy and spirituality the Tamils reached, an advanced stage both in dieory and practice A good portion of the Tamil works speak of virtues ahd 'morals and they re¬ mind e\'eryone of ns to his duly towards the development oi his i}ersonhlity and his service to the society. '* Yathum Ure Yavarum Kelir ” is one off the famous maxiTna espreased in Pumanooru. This shows the belief of the ancient Tamils in Universal brotherhood. They also gave expression in un¬ mistakable terras to the existence of only one God, one Sup¬ reme Being and only one race in the whole WDrld.®® The Sangam works In short, reflect, in the words of. Rev. Pope *' a strong sense of moral obligation, an earnest aspiration after righteousness, a fesv'ent and nnselfish charity and generally SLloftaneass of aim that are very impresrive.”" *s Paxidisappalai, 11. 216, 217. <4 ♦‘hmraT.T. 250-770* 45 paddinappalai X< 145. JbUL,!. 113. 47 Silappathigaram -Canto 6. 48 pikshitar—Admixnstratiye Institutions. 49 Puranam 102. ThiT i»TT^aT> thiT am 107. Naladiyar Introductton, p. xi. 2C8 T^UIIL CULTURE A great people.^d a great culture are not made. in a day. They are the result of centuries of progress and evo¬ lution. 'The cultural heritage oS the,ages are treasured to a - life-beyoBd-life-LbjMhe creative napafiity frf pf»f >pipp their literary and artistic worls. Education is the meaais which makes the preservation of a culture and the creative process possible. It is that which, gives thej^dsign without which a people pensh. (to he continued) DL Sckoia|i^lUp of'jSi Caite C^iUu ViDWAiTrrxrc. XATARAJAH \imon S IMON Casie Chitty was bom in & srnaJI town ra-Hpd Calpitya on the 21st of :March 1S07 almost at the be^nning of British rule in Ceylon. He started his career as an interpreter Mudaliyar in the Magistrate Court of Puttar lum His pre-eminent ability and efficiently soon secured lor him the di^rict Mudahyarship and hlaniagarEbip of Puti^ lam in 183^ Nor did he confine himsplf to public' service j he respmded to the cah) of national service andsat in ffie heffo- lative Council from 1833- 1845. Later he was appomted-to the CSvil Service and served as a District Judge of Chplaw until his untimely deafh in 1852. It is raify ihat a man so higher endowed with hitpllp<»tnnl . siholady at tributes should hax'e been removed by death in the prinm nf his hfa Mr. Sh n on Casie Chitty had not advantage of a normal TJmversity Education. He w^is a self made Tnan in evay sense of that term. An untiring worker in tlw fie ld of nripnfj»l langnages-he made contributions to Tamil and TnnfJ Hbtoiy whidi are of permanent lvalue and interest. He was one of the greatest among the pioneer orientalists and n-ntignftrinT^w of wheon Ceylon is so proud. His intellectual exertions* cover¬ ed a wide range of j-esearcb In oriental languages and Ceylon Histmy, Not only was he-a. master of Tamili, Sanskrit, Sin¬ halese, Aralntl and Hebreiv but also he was equally Iftnmpd grand dangler, the late Mrs. Gardener, h^d it published in his days as a man of versatile genius. The greater is his merit, if we take note of the factlhat he was almost entirety self tanghL Vldwan F.XC. Nadarajah is a researrii Woricer wlfii'the official Languages Comnusslon, Colombo. •J i \ l. i » lUC u^jf^ady 3ii Jiit s>cvcJiteciiUi year he couceh'ed the idea of coiDpiiinfi the origins of various races that inhabited Ceylon* and the origins of the place names in our efmntrj*. The pu^ lication known as the C’eylon Gaz<-neer saw the light of the day in 1834. HimseK’ unabl^lo iue.et the cost of publication lie HuccessTully prevailed *upo>i Sir Roberl Wilmot Horton, tlie tlien Governor of Ceylon to jneet the cost of its publica- lioJi out of the Government funds. Only dOO copies v^re ■printed. "There is one copy available at the Library of the Koyal -Asiatic .Society, Colombo. The Secretary of States for ColoJiies was quick to recognise the services of this talented young man and awarded a hundred guineas as a graceful • tribute to his abilities and labours. The press in Ceylon did not lag behind in praise of this compilation. Saj^s the " Ob¬ server •’ Editorial of March 17th 1833 : ■*'The author of the Gazetter, Simon Casie Chitty, 'Modliar, a native of the Island, has rendered himself deserv- ■ ing of lasting praise for the nianner in which he has com¬ bated with -and overcome the difficulties that must, have presented themsdves, while collecting materials for the ac- compfishment of his arduous undertaking and the complete success that has attended his efforts proves him -to be a mari possessed- of a degree of energy for which his countiymen generally, seldom have credit, but which ought in him to be liiberalj}^ awarded, so that others may be indup-ed to exert- themselves. and pursue the same useful course equally ad¬ vantaging tlie Lsl^d and benefiting |he ccenmunity at large.” The readers of this. quarterl 3 ' ^y naturally desire- to' read a few lines from the Gazetteer.^ For the benefit and ih^ terest of our readers, I shall quote the lines wherein h,e hns traced the origin of the name of our puntry, *Sri T.fmW Ceylon : JThe Island of which i his work treats is situat¬ ed at the western entrance of the Ba4 of-Bengal between the. parallels of o’ 50' and 9” 50' North Ljatitude and 79“ 50' and S2" 10' East longitude. It is separated from the south eastern extremity of the Coromandel Coast by the Gulf of Mannar and is distant about 140 miles from Comorin on thp. Malabar Coast. Its length may be estimated at about 280 miles whUe the breadth varies from 40 to 170 miles. It is much broad& .‘^(’ITOLARSini' or SIMON CASIE CllIT'I'Y 271 ill ihc* soulliern than in ihe northern part resembling in ge¬ neral Dutline the shape oT a ham : hence the narrow pQnin- Bula. of Jah*na received from the Dutch' the name of Hanisheel and the projecting nng2e of Point Pedro that of Hamshee] Point. Its superficial extent is computed at 24.6^ square miles but nc> accurate gur\'ey of it has yet been made whereby to fix it with precision. The Island is usually called “ Lankawe ” by the Sinhalese *^Ilangei” by the Malabars, “Tera Lanka” by the Siamese, and “ Lankapoore ” by the Javanese. AD from the Sanskrit “ Lanka ” which signifies “ holy ” or resplendent. The Bur¬ mese caD it Theho or Zehoo.” In history it bears the name of ** Sinhaladwipa ” (or the island of lionlike men) from which originated the modem appellation Seilan or Ceylon, and its Arabic predecessors Seylandiva, Selendib or SerentDb — some derive these Jiames from the Bala or Challias, who, how¬ ever settled at too late a period on the Island for this i:o be correct.. It is likewise c^ed “Hebenaro ” or " the iertile land,” "Esiam” or “the insular kingdom” and Tenasserim. or “ the place of deUght.” Among the Greeks and BmnanB it was known by the name of Taprohane,”. thfi=etymctli^ of which- is digmted by many authors. Same deduce it- the Phoenician, words jlTap-parvain” or “the Shore of Par- vain ”; alleging that the latter (whom they -identify with the modem Paravas) were at one time the masters of the commerce of the Island ; others from “ Tapo-rawan ” or the Island of Eawapa ” the giant king who was cQnquEanBd by Rama, others from the Sanskrit term “ Tepo-vana ” or “ the wilderness off prayer”; white many with more probjohility suppose it to have originated from the Pah word “Tamb^ pannya” which signifies a betel' leaf and to which the Island bears some resemblance in its figure.' Bochari iahoure to support an hypothecs, that Ceylon was the Ophir of Solomon; but on this point there are likewise many dissentient opinions, and smee we do not find gold in any part of the iRl5mrl^ we may rather conclude that what is adduced by Bruce, the Abj^inian traveTl>er on- this head in favour of the kingdom of Sofola’ on the east coast of Africa more likely to be correct, j 272 TAMIL CULTURE It has been supposed by Mens Bumard in a meonoir inserted the Asiatic Journal for May 1S21 that this Island formerly-comprehended a greater extent of territory that it now does, and that a coiisiaerable'portioiiiias beeji eugulphed- by some violent convulsion of nature. This suppodtion is confirmed not only by the general appearance of the coast but also by the traditions current among the native whiph place the citadel of Eawana where the Basses are now situated and which also give the Island a dimension of 700 yojenas in the remotest period.” ; Since the publication of the Ceylnn Gazetteer JV&. Chitty wrote a number of learned articles and learned essays on literary, historical, antiquarian, religious, philolop^^an an<^ other subjects. In an age in which easy reference to the lines and works of the great authors of Tamil literature was .well nigh impossible, and all those facts were hidden away in the ancient old manuscripts, Mr. Chitty delved into thBin over a period of years with imr^itting toil in the midst of his- administrative and nffip.ial d^ies and gave to the Tamil world 'his ” Tamil Plutarch” This work, an outstanding pioneer effort of a great scholar,, has since proved to bft-w.n authoritative work on Tamil literary history. Dr. Caldwell in his Comparative Grammar of Diavidian Language recog¬ nises the authority of Ghitty*s work. This book has bani of some value to the contributions of the Encyclopedia Brifca? nicca on Tamil Histopr, puhlish,ed so far back as 1S59. The dawn of a new age free from the trammels of an ftlipTi rule baa revivified the interest in our national language and a reprint of this book was issned by Ceylhn Printers with a foreward by the Author of the -“Yal Nodi” the late Swami Wipiila- nanda> otf revered memoiy. - “The Castes Customes maiuiers and Literature of the T amils ” is a simple and very ridable book which was yet unpublished at the time of his death. Fortunately for us his grand daughter, the late IMrs. Gardener, had it published m 1934. To her we owe a deep debt of gratitude for xenderihg this service to the lovers of Tamil Language and Literature. Here is evidence of ^Ir. Simon Cassie Chittys’ scholarly contributions. .-CnOLAIi>IIIP OP SIMON CASIE CHITTY 273 , 1. Contributions to Periodicah 1. The Madras Government Gazette.' '-On- the- id«itity-of-£oodremalB~fHDrB€s' mouiltamT September 1830. 2. The Ceylon Government Gazette. (fl) " On the Affinity between the Maldivian and Sinha¬ lese Languages — December 11, 1830. (6) On ^he Affinity between the Javanese and Sanskrit Languages — February 16, 1831. (c) Translation of Kavi Baja Varatheiyans Poem, pving an account of the origin and history of the Hindu Temple at Trincomalee — November 26, 1831. 3. The Colombo Journal (o) History of the Queen AUeyarasany—^March 23, 1833. 4. The Colombo Friend. On the Affini^ between the Ancient Egyptians and the Hrah mans — 1838. 5.. The Jonmal of the Bnyal Society of £hmt Hotaln and Ireland — (•a) *“ Mountains Interposed Make enemies of nations who had Like kindred drops been mingled into one.” — Cowper, the Task, Book 2 r IKE the Sanskrit writejB, the Tamil wziteis had & keen geographical sense and a notion of fhpi-r homeland- This is all the more striking when we note that no early Telngu writer has ever defined his land. TIven as the Sanskrit St pritin speak of the geographical, boundaries of-the country where the JDharma spoken of hy them are apd are to he cinrezity ^ly Tamil Tmters defined, with- dear mEntian of its- geographical boundaries, the land wIotb the Tamil language was spoken. Th^ P anamlriianar in his prefatory verse to the olde^ extent Tamil work, the Grammar of Tolkappiyajw, says “the’fine land lying between Venkata in the north and Knmaii in lie South, where Tamil -is spoken.” This northern boundary of the TimvEnkata hillB is reiterated in other old Tamil works like the mnsic treafise of Sikhandi and the prosodial treatise- of the anthoress' Perum K5kkai-p-padiniyai. In weU-known works lik e the emc felappatikaram, . VenVata with Lord Vishnu is treated as part of Tamil Nad. A Silpa'treatise in Tamil quoted by the late Dr. V. Swaminatha Iyer in his Univerdly Lectures, men¬ tions Tamilnad as extending up to the Krishna, but 2?6 Tamil cULximi:- evidently this is due to the sway of the Tamil kings extending sometimes beyond the Tehka^ hills. In ixMitrast to this, it is to be noted that no ^ly Tdugu work or writer, speaks of the Southern limit of his land, nor of the Yehkata hills as their Eouthem boundary, nor even of Venkata generally in such frequent manner- We shall then take the evidence of religion^ Jt is well-known that the Tamil and Vaishnava saints known as Nayanmars and Alwars had toured the shrines of Tamilnad and sung of the deities there. Such personal visits the Uayanmars had made to Kalahasti; Siva.§hrines heyond that, they have sung of only generally without visiting them, as has been attested to by the PeriapurarlaaiL The Tamil Saivite c anoni ca l literature would ^ve the JOlahasti hill shrine and the Svarnamukhi river there as the nor¬ thern boundary of-Tamilnad, Similar eanfirmatioh of the Venkatiam as a Tamil shrine is to be hnri from the Vaishnavite canonical literatureu Besides, many ^gh^ poets visited Venkata hills and sang of them in their Tamil verses. The Tamils divided theii* land into several divi¬ sions. According- to ^ territorial ^vision, 'the northem-nuist division is thei Tondai-nadu or Tondai- mapdalM, ruled over by the Pailkvas of Kandd, in whi^ division, Timyenkata is included. The San^ works refer to Pallava rule icomprEhending Venkata bins and parts of NeiioTe PBistrict. The fad; that no less than 32 Devwam ahrmes and 22 Idvyapra- hahdha shrines are in the Tondainadn shows what important part uf Tamilnad this' narthem-mnst division of Tamilnad was. In fact the imjxjrtance of this part of the Tamil ccimtry was so much tha^ NORTUEUX BOUNDAllY OF TAMIL KAD 277 it is called Dramila (Tamil) par exc^lence. Dan^, the poet lamreate of the Pallavas of Kaiichi, Bp*eakB ofjtb£_Palla5!aiS^aiid -their-Tondaioadu—aB—^roroi/tt (Tamil) more than once in his worlc the Avantisun- darlkatha. Yuan C3i’«e 4 EB to be the story of the wicked and eunning cat which is narrated in the JdahaJibiiTata, This Tdine, b ei ng no longer in bumess {nwcestah sarimkarrruuni) stands with forepawB held {vrdhvahahu) on the hanks of the Ggng o.i ‘professing to have attend mental pimty imarmhaiddhi) and advising all to adhere to the practice of ^^rtue. The cat’s fame as an ascetic thus grows, far and wide and is spread throughout by the birdswhich he had used to eat in his young days. Then the mice of the nei^bourhopd resthzmg that thty were b^et by many enemies, p-ame to see that wonder a cat turned an ascetic — and thinking that he would be the proper one to protect them against the vora&ousness of the others of his kind, addressed him as their maternal uncle (matuld) dedarijig him to be their refuge and best Irieiid. The evil cat, apparently accepts the tapk rehictantJy, but feighning exhaustion from ascetic exercises induces the mice to ctrry him to the river side for his^pious lustrations every day. “ Very well,” said the mice; and when going to the MTnlcfl Jotolca, 800. ^ Aggika Jataka, 129. ^ Sopi Jotako, 250 ; Molckota Jataka^ 173. ® Adiceupatthana Jataka^ 173, 288 TAMIL CULTUJtL river ride' the cat ate come taice on the sly every day-» Tliia ■**the mice of the tribe began to dwindle quickly and the tidcked-fiouled wretch began to grow fat endued with etrength and energy. Much concerned vith this phenomenon, Dind^co, who is described as ** the wisest among the mice/* proi>QBed. this plan to the whole crowd: Go ye to the river ride all together in advance ; I shall come myself accompanying oar maternal uncle, after a while." So it was«done, and the eat^ not acquainted with the plan, ate Dindika, on his way to the river side, that day. The mice were much concerned wih ■flie fate of poor Dindika, whom they did not see for seven or e^t days, when they finally held a consultation. Then the oldest iA the mice named Kilika disclosed the truth to the members of his race : **The desire of our maternal nnple is not to nfii-n virtue — this is only a disguise.” And as a proof of his state^ menff he declared to them this physiological principle whii*h seemed to have been an ordinary belief in ancient India, long haired animals are never vegetarians; whereupon the mice scutter away and the wicked cat also rethmed where he had ( 2 ome from.® ^Hus stoQj^ which was .so well known in India, in anmpnt times, has indeed an unknown origin. According to the epic account it was already an old itihasa in the time of flie Kuruksetra war : the vcnri-able sage Narada had narrated it to k^g Dhritarastra, as testified by Duryodhana, It **j»y^*^ most likely from Dravddian sources piiof to the Aiysn in- vasiqtn. We find the stoiy repeated in the I^aacatantm QwtJ^ with slight difierences. A wild (joranyd) leaf nnir^pd Dadhi* kama (“curd-eared”), called in other C!>pies Tiksrmdonlra (“ sharp-toothed ”), st^ds as an ascetic © a the bnntra of the G^ga holding a handful of JcttscL (sacred grass), eyes shul^ with a foot' lifted from the groundi^ts fice tum&l towards the sqn, always preaching good eondnet (dharmd)^ deta^ ment from this world of samsara and abstention frcmi ^’ninml killing {ahimsa) and even from animnl sacrifice. The par¬ tridge and hare who happened to take counsri. fnsn bfm, * Mahabhiavta, Udyo&s Parva, 5€21-544fl. THTD HyPOCRmCAl. CAt 289 ^TentuflJlT suspecting him, they spoke from far. The catnever- ineless them that he heiug old is hard of hearing, that they should come near; they do so and by a stroke of his paw the eat kills them both and eats them.^** At a later period the Pancatantra was practically em¬ bodied in the Katha Sarii Sdgara, wherein the last story is once more repeated with some slight differences. In a certain tree a biid named Kapinjala had made a nest and lived. Once the bird was absent for some days and in the xnean- whHe a hare took possession cif his nest. Kapinjala returned some time after, and an altercation arose as both claimed the nest. Hicn they both set out in search of a qualified arbitra¬ tor. They saw a cat of pious looks on the baj^ of a lake : he pretended to have taken a vow of abstinence from injury to an creatures, and kept his eyes half closed in meditatiob. Then the bird and the hare said io one anofher: " Why.should we not asked this holy eat here to declare what is just?” Hence they approached the cat saying : “Reverend Sir, hear out case, for yon axe a holy ascelie.” When thejcat heard what Ihfiy had to say, he rejoined in a low 'voice: “I am weak &0m Bclf-mordficatinn, so 1 cannot hear at a pn^' come near ms. Pot a case wrongly decided brings tEznpDral ,and eternal death.” Thus he encouraged them to come near him, when the cunning creature sprang at them -Mid killed both the hare and Kapinjala.^ ’Hus story of the bird, the hare and the cat is pace more found in the A vodmios.^ The Hitopodesa again speaks of the same eat • wh^ is here named Virghaknrtia- (ftag-eared’Oi Hving nn the banks of the Ganga^ constantly taking baths, ^staining from flesh and perfonning in chastity the iholy vow called eandraytma (a last regidhted by the phases of the Moon) and living hrahmachnrya life so that even the bink were ecstatic in bis praise'. Once -he approached a tree where there lived an old Pomcotantro, ill, 2. Katha barit Sagara, 121 B (Tawn^, n, pp. 102-2^03). ^ Arodanos, No. 125. Cf. Julien, Les Ava^nos, H, pp. 152-155; Balston. Tibetan Taler, p. S44. 29D TAMit CriTlTlE bliricT vulture keeping the eggs of a number of birds. The culture told lie cat to go away for cats are usually treacherous and eat fleEh. The cat on'hearing this, scandalized, covered bis ears declaring that he had learned the holy dkarma and that was the only rule of his conduct, and that consequently be kept perfect ahhnsa. Encouraged by this sincere profes¬ sion of faith the vulture makes friends with him and even entrusts him watching over the eggs during its absence; hut as soon as the vulture is gone the cat eats the eggs. "Wliereupon a quarrel ensues between the vulture# ^d* the birds, when they come back at night and find their eggs destroyed, and the former is finally killed by the latter.“ The story finally passed to Buddhist litc j,ture, clearly .patterned after the original of the epic, though with two ac¬ cidental changes. The whole story is narrated of a jackal, (sigala) though the title of the story refers to a cat, BUara Jataka. At the end of the same story 'the stanza does again refer to the cat’s treacherous mode of living or nature {bUarcan vaian). Aloreover in this case the leader of the rats is said to be die Bodhisatva himself, “ in the time when Brahmadatta was reigning in. Benar^” The jackal took up his stand near the home the. rats ^ face to the sun, sniiO^g up, the wind and standing on one leg. Seeing him the rat Bodhisatva con-- cdved him to be a saint, and apppoac^ng Mm, the'following dMogue soon ensued \ ** What is your name asked ihe rat. * Godly ’ is my name”, anEWEre|d the rascal. “Why do you stand only cm ond leg ? ” “ Boiause if I stand on ah four ai once, the earth could mot bear my weight. That is why I ^tand on one Mg only.” “ And why do you keep your mouth open ? ” ‘ To take the air. I live on air j it is my only food.” “ And why do you face the sun ? ” “ To worship him,” ffitopodcax, I, 5, THE HYPOCRITICAL CAT The Bodhisatva was convinced of Ihe great sanciaiy of that new ascetic- His doubts began only when the number of rats was fast diminished ; for in fact the jackal, when the rats were living their home, “ seized and devoured the hindermoEt one of them, wiped his lips and looked as if nothing had happened.” Finally the Bodhisatva decided to ascertain the truth, and next day he remained the last one of the troop; and when the jackal sprang on him, the rat whirled rouhd crying: ” So this is your samtliness, you h 3 T)ocrite and ras¬ cal ! ”, and sprin^g at the jackal’s throat bit his windpipe asunder whereupon she jackal died.^* In this case the sham ascetic’s hypocrisy ended in mis¬ fortune, through the alertness of the Bodhisatva, which is not the end of the cat of the epic. Evident^ those who accpmr modated this itikaba to Buddhist needs wanted to emphaaze the wisdom of the Buddha even in his pireviona b H h p to dis¬ cern faked frohi true ascetics, a power he often demonstrates in the nikayas. Such is also the c^ in the Dhnmma^uija, MakkatOj Adiccupatthana and Kapi Jatakas. Yet in these four stories the Bodhisatva is never deceived but st once he discerns the hypocri^ of the swan or of the monfcQrs undes the clnak-gf saintliness. He is attributed some sort of super¬ natural power to reali^ the fraud. This evidently points to a later period. Hence we may affirm that the BUam Jataka is probaJoly the earliest appearance of the story of the cat (later changed into a jackal) among the jatakas. The Aggika JataTca wherein the ascetic is also a jackal who dealt with rats much in the same way-as in-vthe Bilara Jai-akat seems to have be^ the second stage. PVom this all the other Jatakas referring to faked ascRtiBiHm may have derived. n THE HYPOCRITICAL CAT IN UmH ORIENTAL LITERATUBE The stoiy of the rogue cat has migrated outside the pn^le of Sanskrit and Pali literatures. \ In early Gu jerati literature we find it combined with an* other story which seems to prepare the ground for the fit of Bilora JetoJeo, 12B. 202 TAM'l CUI/JUIIE ascciiciirA of fhc c^l. ]i is said that in the reign of king Sudarsana there was in t:.e city of Sripura a certain Baniya named fiahasradatia who had a shop of ffhee. Once vrhile he was in the street a cat entered the shop and having put his head inside a pot ghee he could not extract it./ "^Mien the shopkeeper returned, he tried to remove tlie cat’s head from the pot but ho did not succeed either, yet moved by pity he broke the pot, but its rim remained round the cat’s neck. The cal ran to a field where there were a thousand mice. The latter, as soon as they saw their enemy flew away but that excellent rogue told them : “ Don’t go and entertain no fear for I am totally changed. I have been in pilgrimage to Bad- rikedar and there I took the necklace of the ascetics, the vow of Brahmacharya and the practice of ahimm, as ray mode of life”. He thus .propounded sound doctrines of ascetic life. The mice heard him and every day they used to come to hear his sermons but the cat always caught the last one when they disappeared and devoured it quietly. But the mice soon realised that their troop w’as rapidly decreasing in a myste¬ rious way. One of them suspected the cat of being the cause of it and standing afar watched him. He thus saw the cat devouring the last rat and then addressed him thus in a loud voice : “We have now known what your vow was like. You are not going to have your food out of these thousand mice.” “ Once more we find the story of the cat repeated among the Tibetan stories narrated in the Kah-gyur, a book which probably dates from the 12th or 13th centurJ^ In this Tibetan storj’ the cat is named Agnija. In his youth he destroyed all the mice of the Jieighbourhood of his dwelling-place ; but having grown old had no longer the skill to catch mice. Hence hejdecided to have recourse to some trick to obtain the same purpose. So having approached a mouse-hole, he first count¬ ed them and found them to be five hundred. He stood there quiet with a pious look ; whereupon -be mice in their wan¬ derings to and fro looking at him, cried out from a distance :— “ Uncle, what are you doing,” ? Mahabalipuram (Madras). The Mahabharata Cat performing tapas. (Copyright. Archaeological Survey of India) Tarragona (Spain). The cat carried by the rats to the river bank for his bath. Tarragona (Spain). The rat turns on Till. HYPOCRrj JCAL CV/I 293 “Afi iij rny youth J havo perpetrated many vicious actions.” answered the cat, “ I ani now doing pcj.ance in order to /make up for them Cons^:<'iueiitly the mice believed that he had given up hh sinful life and gave up all suspicions. Thus when they returned home every day the cat always seized and devoured the mouse whicli came last. After some time, realizing that the troop was constantly dwindling, the chief of the mice ob- sen'ed likewise tliat the cat was fat and covered with beauti- fu: hair ; and keeping watch from a hiding place, he saw the cat eating the mouse that came last. Then, still from far, he pronounced the following verse :— c' As the uncle’s body waxes bigger, but my troop on the contrary becomes smaller, and as he who eats roots and ber¬ ries will not become fat and well covered wdth hair, this is not a genuine penance, but one performed only for the sake of gain. Because the number oif the mice diminished, have you, 0 Agnija, thrived.” The story of the Pancatantra is again repeated, with a few changes, in Siamese literature.^^ There is also a story of a very hypocritical cat in Sj-rian folk tales.'® " III THE GENEALOGY OF THE STORY OF THE CAT There does not seem to be any direct relationship between the Pancatantra and Hitopadesa stories of the cat and the Bilara Jataka, for the latter is much more according to the pattern of the epic storj' than according to that of the Panca¬ tantra. The introduction of new animals as departing wdth the von Schiefner-Ralston, Tibetan Talcs, pp. 344-345 (London, 1882). Paksi Pakaranam, XV, 18 Prynt-Soein, Syrische Sagen vnd Marchca aus dem Volksmur.d gesammelt, p. LX. Cl. pp. 242 and 319. 294 TA^UL CULTURE cal in the Pancaiantra and the Hitopadesa gives a totally dinerent character to the ^tural atmosphere of the itihasa ; catB ^ouM de^ with rats first of sdl; at a second instance with hares, partridges and birds’ eggs. Parallel to the story of the cat in the Hitopadesa see^ to be the one of the tiger which we have narrated in the be¬ ginning of this essay. Certainly the sha:.i ascetic is not a cat there, but a tiger, another feline after all. But circum¬ stances place the story very near the model of the one of the Pancatantra, The tiger performs lustrations near a lake, holds sacred grass in his paws and declares to practice ahimsa (as the cat of the Pancatantra), Immediately dmved from this story of the tiger seenos to be that of the wolf of the VcJca Jataka who stands on the Ganga banks; but the accidental circumstance lead¬ ing him to the practice of asceticism connects the story, vnth that of the jackal of the Aggika JcUaJca from whildi it may also be partly derived. I The Mahabharata story of the swan seems to foon a totally different family, from which thatl of jthe fish lusting crane of the JSaJca Jataka and the Paucatuntra may deziye. But it has undoubtedly influenced the ca^ story of the Hito~ podesa whoj^ aim also is eating the birds’ eggs. Idoreover the same swan story seems to be the arigin cf the fish lusting c ran e of the Buka Jataka I and of the Pan xitontro, which bsa been repeated in the Hitopadesa** and ii the Katba Barit Sagara,^ The Baka Jataka I seems to have been influenced by the cat story of the epic, in as much as the crqjne calls the crab his nephew, just as the micp. called that cat their mater¬ nal un c leu The Baka Jataka JP^ is evidently a brief sum¬ mary lof the Baka Jataka I Tsith the sole purpose of emphar sizing the cleverness of the Bodhisatva in upsetting the de- ^ BitopadesOf I, 3. Tawney, II. p. 31. ^ idea of the crane os an ascetic perhaps comes from the natursl _ fact of its usual pose standing on one leg. THE HYPOCRITJCAL.CAI 295 signs of the crane” ; and since the method used is very sixm- lar to that used by the goat in respect to the in the Vdka Jaiaka, the infiuenee of the latter is quite evident.^ As regards the Gujerati story of the Fancakhyanavart* tika, the circumstance that the cat ^as eating the last rat of the troop, which b not found in the epic, shoBS that the story must be derived from the BUara Jataka, wherein the tactics Oif the cat b exactly the same. The accidental occasion which placed the cat in a good position to practice asceticism—hb wearing the neck-lace-Kke rim of the pot — also seems to suggest certain mduence from other Jatakas and in particulhr from the Vaka Jataka and the Aggika Jataka ; in the last of ^ese two Jatakas the jackal also devours the hrndmnRf . of the band. Very likely therefore the influence comes im-* mediately from the Aggika Jataka Even the beginning of tiie story mentioning tibe city wherdn the Baniya lived and the reign of the king, aa well as the slokii ending the story, gmack of Jataka ascendancy. On the contrary the Tibetan story of the Kah-gyTarepmss directly from the Mdhahharata 2 iihasa» as many of its Heteiln axe only jfound in the epic: that the cat was thriving in hb youth and unable to catch mice in hb old age; the denomi¬ nation of * unde ’ (in thb ease even before the mba ap© well acquainted with him). But we must abo adnut some Jaiaka influence, which b easify discovered in some araddental de- taOs. for instance, that the eat sekes the bst mouse of the troop, that a verse b given at die end of the story and even that the cat b called Agnija which reminds one of the wolf of the Aggika Jataka who was descrflied as a “Bharadvaja, a votary of the Fire^god- **. Since‘ihe other two drcumstances also occur in the same Jataka, we consider it probable that the influrace pomes immedbtely from thb Jataka. ^ Zn one of his dialogues, the Buddha speaks of a scene takog place before a false Brahma, whom he calls Baka Brahma, with an evident allusion to the Baka stories of the Jatoka.rct. " Brahma- XTimantanika Sutta”, Majjhimg. JJikaya, I, pp. 33^-3^. TnB OTflAlOdV OV Tin tNUANBfOkT OP ttn cat I 2D6 TAMIL, CULTURE Hehce we may show the succession of all theaft Btaries in the following chart, wherein their mutual rdationahip may he seen-ataH^ianoe^' e THE HYPOCJEITICAL CAT ' 297 The Inc:an pareiitage of the cat story is also coxjfamed by 5ts widehi^ jenowned populan^, as k ^o wn b v nn infitrp-ct- atarernent "vre find in the Uitopadesa. There the crow in nrfisr to wam the deer againat the shained friendship of the Jackal tells Mtn : Hast then never heard of how that vol- tnre paid the penalty of the cat's misdeed ? ” ^ The cat con- segnently became synonymous with hypocri^ and treaxhery as clearly slated by M(xnu :• “A* man, who ever covetous, displkys the fiag of ^drtue, who is a hypocrite, a deceiver of the people, intent on doing injury, and a detractor of all men, one m ust know to be one who acts like a cat.”^'* Consequent^ the law-givCT prescribes that Brahman as ^onld not ^%anour, even by a greeting, men who live like cats, rogues, logidans, be. arguing against the Vedas''®*; and even Hrabmanas- themselveB who are like eats should not be given ai:y,liOB- pitafity. ''A man who knows the law Khmild not oficir even water to a Brahmnna who acts like a caL”^ It was TEry likdy on amjunt of this idea of the. cat, as a type of hypo- tddfcy and defseption, that when Hanuman is mid to have esa- terad lanka^ he is described as taking the form of a cai, in .erdar to. recunnoitre the place more easily.*'® The cat, in fact, became a symbol of dupl^ty and dbuhle^ealii^ Even a female cat Is represented in another Jataka invi^g a codk; perched on fhs top branches of the tree, to came down and take her as wife to be able to eat hho as he hnd others of his km,-®® a story- which Bnjjplied a subj^i^t to «np of the Bharhnt artasts for one of the must beautiful tarvingB round the stvpa. In one case, the Hitopadesa sjjeakB of a cat which, BtrmigE to Bsgr, appears timid and cunningless ; but this be die effect of his not being a cat by natura It was ori^nally a mnuse whidi, being pursued by a cat, was eventually con- verled into a cat by a saintly ascetic. This is the cat which 23 "Hiiopadesa, IS, 10. Cf. Siory ct the cal DiiEhakama. 2* Steiti Smrti, IV, 155. “ Ibod., IV, SO. ^ tbli., rv, 192. ^ Rav^yana, Sundara Kandam, Ch. IL RvJzkuta Jateka, 383. 298 TAl^llL CULTURE is shown as timvi in the pr^ence of a dog, lather disclosing' the natural tunidity of the mouse.** 9 In the whole exten^^e field of Indian literature, I find only one csase, as far as I know, in which the cat is taken as a model to imitate, and that by the Buddhist monks pre¬ cisely." It is found in the MUinda panho, when the famous Nagasena explains the life of the monk to king Menander: “ Just, O king, as the cat, in frequenting caves and holes and the interior of storied dwellings, does so only in the search after rats; just so, O king, should the strenuous bhiksu, earnest in effort, whether he have gone to the village or to the woods or to the foot of trees or into an empty house, be continually and always zealous in the search after that which is his food, namdy self-possession. This is the first quality of the cat he ought to have.” Aifd again; “O king, as the cat in pursuing its prey always m>uches down; just 60 , O king, should the strenuous bhiksu, earnest in effort, continue conscious of the origin and end of those five groups of the characteristic marks of individuafity which arise out of clinging to existence, thinking to himself; *Sufch is form, such is its ori^n, such its find- Such is sen¬ sation, such is its origin, such its jend. ^uch are ideas, such is their origin, suth their end. Such arfe tlje mental poten- ti^ties (the confections, mTnkhard), such is their origin,- such their end. Such is self-consciotisneffl, such is its ori^n, 6U(^ its end. This, O king, is. the s^oii 1 quality of the oat he' ought to have Very extiins^ are these similarities of the eat with the good monk. Y^t it is refreshing to notice that at least once this useful feline was j acknowledged as a good model to imitate. IV WESTERN MIGRATIONS OF THE INDIAN ITIHASAS The story of the cat also travelled westwards. Scholar** .ship has traced the different steps of its journey, vriiich we 2® Hitopadesa, IV, 14. The Questions of King llUinda, VII, 4, 2-2 (MwMnJler’fl, H, pp. 326-327). THE Hypocritical cat 299 sKbII brieBy out here, to understand its reappearance in Europe. Between the period of the composition of tbs Mahar> bharata (Ist half of let cent. B.C.) and the period the Panealantra (2nd to 5th cent. A. D.) there existed a book of animal stories, out of whose twelve chapters, the Pana> tantra has only five. It was probably composed in the first century A. D. This book in its entirety is no longer extant." The hero of the book was the lion Pingaldka, with his con¬ fident and minister Sancivaka and great part cxf the dialogue, was put in the mouth of two wolfs named Karataka and Damanaka. A copy of this work was in the middle of the 6th century A.1^. taken to the court of Kushru I Kosldrwan of Iran (531-579) by Burzuyeh, who translated it l^y order of the king’s wazir Buzurj-miln, who signed the jirefac^ as .m •honoxn." A iew years after, in about 670, this-Pshlavi tamudatinn was rendered into Syriac (I) by the histzsdaD Jdonk Periodent Bud, whose task was to j^it all the Christians of Per^ and Indi a. In this feranslatioh the names of the two wolfe appear p “ Kailag ” and “ Danrnag.^ *.Ebed-Jesu, Bishop of Nisibis, in the 14th centmy, who gives this piece cd information, says that Bud translated it from “ the Indian ; but scholars seem to agree in interpreting this language Indian” in a broad sense, me a ning in fact Pahlavi, which was an unknown language to ‘JEhetkJesu. • In the middl e pf the 8th century this Pahlavi translafion was rendered into, Arabic, under Amir Aimansur, the second i^hasid Kalif, by Abdullah ibn al-MuquaSs, and was en¬ titled Kalila iDQrDimTui, ie. the corrupted fotmes of the ai Benfty, Pavtschatmtra, I, pp. 2-18; Rhys Ijavids, Buddhist Birth Stories, p. XXXX. aa ath-Ta’alibi, Bistoire des Hois des Perses, (Trt^ijslated by H. 2oteh- bers) pp. 629-633 (Paris, 1900); Jalahi’d-din Rumi, Zlathnavi, pp. 3641-3680. CL Chgfldin , Kdlilah et Dimnah, d’aprex le plus ancient mannserit arabe, p. 5 (Beyrouth, 1923). ^ A sse maai , Bibliciheca Orientalis, III, pt I, pp, 219-220, 300 TAMIL CULTURE ori^al naiLss of the two wolives, Karateka and Damanaka.*^ Tini Arabic version was translated into Persian several times: fiisi ia DIG by order of Amir Nasr ibn Ahmed, the Samanid, by Rudhaki (I). Then m 1144 by 2sizam al-Din Abu * Ll^ia’ali NscruUah ibn Muhammad (II ) who dedicated his work to Behram Shah of Ghazha. Again in 1504 another Persian translation (III) was made by Husain Wa’iz Kashifi, uni^ Sultan Husain Alirza of Herat. This translation was entitled Anicar^i SuhaUi (“Lights of Canopus”) after the patron of the translator, the Prime Minister. It has been the jnoeT popular translation in India.®^ Finally a fourth Persian translation (IV) was made by Abu-’l Fazl in 1578 by order of Aldiar; which bears the title ‘ lyar-i Danish. From thit; Ak- baxian translation proceeds one in elegant Hindustani made by Hafiz-uddin Khirad Afroz, in the first half of the 19th century. From the II Persian tran^tion comes one in Ottoman Xurquish (I) done in the middle of the 14th century by an unknown writer. Likewise the Anwar-i-SuhaiU was also trans¬ lated into the same language (II) round the middle of the 16th century by ‘Ali ibn Salih, and dedicated to Sulaiman -the Alagnificent with .the title Humayun Nama, This Tur- qu^ translation is Unwise the origin of three more trans¬ itions : one into Castilhan (III) by Vicente Bratuti, printed in Madrid, first volume in 1654, and second, in 1 *559 ; uTinf .^Ar mto French (HI) by Galland in 1724; and the third into Eastern Turki in 1888. We must still mention another Syriac (II) translation from the old Arabic done by a Syrian cleric) in the Ilth cen¬ tury" which was translated into English b^ Keith-Falconer in 1887. This Arabic translation was published in Paris in 1816 by Moiis. Silyespre de Sacy. El-Masudi says that the author ol the Kalila ioa translated by ibn al-Muquafla was Daisalem. the successor of Porus, the Indian king sl ain by Alexander the great in battle. Meadows of Gold and Mines of Gems (Sprenger’s trana.), I, p. 171, .“.Published ia London in 1836. Cf. Thakur-Kaha. Anwar-i-SukailL Edited with an Introduction, complete Translation and Full Notes (Karachi, da'ieless). Printed in-Londoa in 1834 by W. Wriglit iiliO HYi^OUKlTiCAl/ CAT 801 Boually fortunate was the Arabic translation of aJ- JMuquafFa. Carried to Spain by Arab invaders, it soon came to the notice of the Chrhtians of the northern kingdoms of the Pen i ns ul a, and King Alphonso X, called " the Wise*”, in the year 1251, one year before his actual accession to the throne, ordered the famous Indian dialogue to be trandated into CastiUian There is no -doubt at present that this first translation of the work into a western language was E^e directly from the Arabic of al-Muquafia “ The Castil- lian title of the work is as follows : Libro de CalUa e Dimna o Fabidas de Pilpay (o BidpayY^, diat is “The Book of Calia and Dimna, or Fables of Pilpay (or Bidpay);” This n ame may perhaps refer to Visnu Sanna who is the author or compiler of the Pancatantra, unless the prior collection was done by another author. This CastiUian Calila e DiTnjin is directly responsible to a great extent for the first French translation (I) done by- the physician Baymond de Beziers by order of Princess Juana of Navarre in 1313.^ -Thus the Calila e Dimna passed to thf> whole of Europe through the very channel of the school of translators of Toledo, through which passed also the works of Averroes, Avicenna, Avicebron, and other oriental sages." This nevertheless was not the only way by which this book arrived in Western Europe. Two Hebrew trans¬ lations were made out of the Arabic version, one (I) in the 12th century by theBabhi Joel (probably in-Italy), and the other (II) in ^e I3th century by Jacob beni Elazar.^ Of the latter t ransla tion only the beginning is now extant. But th e «7 Fitzmaurice-Kelly, A Hew History of Spanish literature, p. 27. 83 i>oji Pascual de Gaykos, cited by Mojcndez Pelayo. Origenes de la Novela, I, p. 31. To:tos Biblioteca de Autor® Espanoles, woL LL We have on our table aa edition collated with the Arabic orijjmal published in Madziil in 1915. 40 Pilzmaurice-Kelly, op. cit,, p. 27; Menendez Pelayo Origenes de la Novela, I, p. 35. An illuminated UISL nf this translation is found in the Pibliotheque Nationale of Paris. 41 Valbuena I»rat. Historia de la Literatura Espanola. I, p, 98. Cf. Penzol, Los Traducciones del "Calila e Dimna " (Madrid. 1931). 42 Both published by J. Derenbourg in Paris, 1881. 302 TAMIL CULTURE former was during the second half of the 13th century trans¬ lated once more into Latin (I) by Joannes de • C^ua., -fan-old-Jewish-convert), with the txtle-Birectviium vitae humanae tdias parabola antiguorum sapientum^. In this translaiion the two wolves Calila and Dimna are converted into foxes. There is still another Latin trans¬ lation (II), probabb' from the same Hebrew one, by one Balbo, one century later, which received the title .of ** Aesop of V It was the (I) Latin translation which was finally turned into French (II) by. Gilbert Gauhnm, as- Biiming the style of Da\ad Sahib ojf Ispahan, with the title: Livre dea L/umieres de la conduite dea Roia ; it was publish^ in Paris in 16^ and became so popular that in 1698 a second edition of it was already publi^ed. From this version the f a m ous French writer La Fontaine ^rived infyirn.f.inTi for many of his ifables.^^ From the sapbe lAtin transdation of John of Capua come three new translations in European vernaculars : one German entitled Reiapiele der Weisen von Geschlecht zu Geachlecht (“Examples of Wise tnPT) from Race to Race'') or Das 3uch der Weisheit (“The bn olt ; of ■Vyisdoni ”) done in the 15th century by order of Evexhard, Duque of Wurtenberg. A second nastillia-n tianslafion, with the title Exemplitrio contra Eriganos W PeHgros del Hdundo (" Collection of examples against Worldly UeceptxDBs-and Dangere”) published in Saragossa in 4493. And JBnally one in Italiarwiamed La prima veste de* \discDTsi d^li ccrdmali (" The first appearance of the Discour^ of the ATiimalfi ”) done by Agnolo Firenzuola, and pu hlish ^ in Florence in 154SL In this translation the two wolves hedome two rams a^in renamed as “ Carpigna ” and “ The nriginal Arabic translation which b pd already been the source of the Castillian and Greek Jrnd Hebrew translh^ tinns with-all their ramifications, was once more .done into Greek by one Simeon Sethos in the 11th century,” but pub- li^ed in 1786u This translation re-christens the two wolves as 43 Ti timau rice~KeUy, op. cit., pp. 27-28; Menendez Pdayo, op- ci** I, 2B; Abraham, .4 Short History of Jewish lAteratureM "P* (I>ondoD, m05}. 44 Bbys Davids. Butidhist BirVi Stories, p. 31. THE HYPOCRITICAL CAT 303 Si*:^anitee and Ichnelatas. Tive centuries afterwards this GT%k translation was turned into Latin (III) by Ft. Petro Posino, B.J.. with the title Specimen Sapientiae Jndorum VeUrum (“A modd of the IVisdom of the Ancient 'Indians ”) and publirhed in Rome in 1606, This book men- tiocos in its very title the succession of translation of its line thus; (a) " ex lingua Jndiea in Persicam (Pahlavi) a Perzoe medico, {b) ex Persica in Arahicam ah Anonymo (sic), (c^-ex Arabica in Graecam a Symeone Seth, (d) a Petro Possino Soeiet. jJesu nomssdme e Graeca in Latinmn iramlatus. Thus the two transIatinnB which exerdsed most influence OVEX the Euroj^an litEEBiy world were thcLl Erenrh and the I Latin. BL Ramnn Llull, the Catalan xnystic of Majorca, must have been acquainted with many of these stories, even perhaps with ^e ori^nal Arabic tranalathm, as he traveled through many Arabisn countries.: and out cd such memories wrote his book El Uivre de les Bestias, recently translated into EngRgh by Prof. Allison Peers and publidied in London in 1927. The Book oj the Beasts is not a twmRlatirin of the Calila e Dimna. It is a CoZtZn not read but vaguely remem-, bered by heart.” " The succession .of translations of the Caldg and Dimna shows the spread of the .Indian iiihasas through the western world in the courae of nearly five centuries from die begin- ning ctf the JSth down to the close of the 17th. The following genealogical tree Will show this cbronolo^cal spread of the fables according to the succession of translations:— 45 Collins, La Fontaine and Other French Fatmlists, p. S-l. (Edinbur|^> Landon. IBBB). 46 Mecendez Pdayo, op. cit.. X. pu 37, ORIGINAL SANSKRIT Pahlav! (middle 6th cent.) Arable (middle 6th oetiD I SyriaL (1) Hebrew (I) (I2tli cent.) Ilcbrow (I|) I (13th cent.) (i4th cent’) 1 • German (iSthcent.) Castil (Knd 15t lian (TT) h cent-) Ita (16th c ian ent.) Ca*«tiIIIati (f) (1257) I I liatin (I) I (14th cent.) Greek (1080) Pelraian (I) (916) Persian (II) (1U4) ibttoman Turqulsh (I) (Middle 14th cent.) Persian (HI) (1504) Ottoman Turquish (tl) (Middle 16th cent.) Persian (IV) (1578) French (ID Latin (III), P (1994) (1668) Oastlllian (III) • (1654-9) Syriac (ID (17th cent.) French (HI) (1724) * . Hinduatahl (1st hair 19th oeht.) Ehistam Turk! (1688) I Ftifflish flSS7) THE HYPOCEITJCAL CAT 305 V DRATIDIAN VSJCXN OF THE ITIHASAS Pxom the iospectios of Hie above ehaxt 'we may realize that the stories of the CdUla and Dimna vrere not translaied into Greek up to the second half of the 11th centuiy ; and yet about a dozen fables of AEsop vrere already fomid in the Jataha and seem connected with the previous Indian cd- lections.^^ Now the fables of AEsop were known in Greece long before the Christian era. According to. Herodotus he lived in the 6th century B.C. Plato informs us that Soo-’ rates during his imprisonment, kqit busy turning some of AEsop’s fabltes into verse,^®. ^ow could AEsop ki>ow the Indian itVuisas at- such an early age ? ' ' We must, hist of all, repudiate the AEsopian arigin of many of the fables that are actually attribute to him. There lived in Constantinople, in the first half of the 141h century a learned mcmk named Flanudes, author of several wpdcs. One of the works he composed'was a coHeetjon of moral fables generally of nnirrmlH^ in which he embodiKi a number of stories current in the eastern Mediterranean from andent time. Some of his stories are actually taken from Bahrius^ a Greek poet of the 1st cEutury B. C. Others may be genuine fables of AEsop of old. Others he may have taken from t]^ Calila and Dimua itself^ which was already known to the Syrian and Greek world s e ver a l centuries before. Blit he entitled them'all “AEsop’s Tables The title of this work of Fhmudgs unjudiciously given, has caused an extraordinary confusitm in the literaiy. world. • • 47 .Jacz>hs, History oi the AEsopic Fable, p. lua (iJObdan, 18S9). 4B Herodotus^ H, 134. 49 Plato, Ptmeda^ SO and 61. 50 The vorlc ol Flanudes was first pxintal In Milan towards the etnse pi the 15th cenfiny. Many oi bis stories were trandated, perhaps retranslated, into Hindur'. ni Sanskrit and pfher lansuascs and published by Mr. J. Gilchrist in Calcutta 1B03. The Sanskrit trans¬ lation. was published again separately by its author Mr Harayan Balkrishna Godbole, B. A., Master of the Govt Hi^ School, Ahxoied- nagar. 30G TAl(iIL CULTraE ^'Fcom the work of Planiides,” elvs Rhj’t Davids, "aH our ao-caHed AEsc^’s fables are derived iicnce nmnr of the fables which are appended to AEsop, xuay la fact noi be his, and consequently being of a later c^igin mi^t have been veiy easily inflneneed by the later translations of the CdUla and Dimna. Yet it is not impossible that AEsop Icmself mi^t have been influenced, not by any translation of fi.e Indian itihasaSj but by oral accounts or recitations df the Indian fables, as ■the fhiit of the commercial and social intenourse that existed between India and the Mediterranean w'crld, especaaHy the Eastern Mediterranean, from very ancient aimes. ''During the life-time of Socrates himslf we know of a visit paid to him by an Indian philosopher “ ; and we are i%h tly entitlAd to suppose that he was not the only Indian who reached lie shores of Hellas. Mr. E. J. Thomas in his introduction to the Jataka Tales describe this ancient intercoutBe between Tndhi. and Greece with much erudition.*^ Moreover it 'is now satiafactorily proved that the Maha- bharata is not the oldest source of stories out of whirii the JataJcas and other collections might have derived thrir own fables. There existed another coUectiou or coHections of stories prior to the epic,^ and before these samhitas were those stories must have been rroited orally from generation to ge¬ neration perhaje for four hundred years.- This will easify lead us to pre-Aiyan times ; from wh^ch vne may alai'be led toacknowdledge that the main bulk of fhf>«g» stories, if not all, is ^e inh eritance of the Dravidian Tsbce. In fa^t a circum- stance that has been noticed by the Sp^ish scholar Don Mar- celinir Menendez Pelayo in connection with the Cedda e Dimno-f seems to confirm this conriusio|i. In woric which, as is well known, is a collection of nnfmp.1 fables, there is not a single one ro_ which a horse takps part in the of the story, a very remarkable absence, indeed, in the nndst- of the Cl Rhys Davids, vp. cit., p. 33. 52 A ri s t o x eat- Tarentinus, Vita Socratis, firag 31,5a Muller, f^gmeiita , •. .Bistoricorum Cmecorum, H, p. 281. 53 Tbsmas, Jataka Tales, pp. fl - 7. 54 Frauke, “Jataka Mahabbarata ParaUel'Sia” WZKM,JXX, pp. 317 0, THE Hypocritical cat 307 wonderful menagerie of Ibe fabulous personages that appear in those stories. In particnilar, domestic animals,-.cats, cocks, goats, bulls, cotvs, etc., are T’ery frequently met with in that collection ; but the horse is always absent. It has been suggested that the book may have: been composed at a time when the horse was held in great veneration (perhaps an allusion to the Brahmanic period when the asvameddhawas much celebrated). Yet this would not explain this pheno¬ menon Eati^acioril 3 % for the bull and the cow were ako helld in respect from Rg\*edic times when even Agni,®- Indrar* and even Brhaspati,''’^ were called bulls and the cosmic j)ower was compared to a cow.=* The reason of this absence of the horse seems to be” a different one. In the ruins of the piHpb of the Indus Valley neither images of the horse have ever been found, nor zoolo^ial remains of this Anrmn.1 have fttcn un¬ earthed. The horse is also absent there. It is well known that the horse spread throughout the world with the Aryaa The absence of the horse in India paints to the period of pre- Aryan histoiy. Moreover if, as is now admitted as extremely probable, Piyranic traditions bebnged to a non-Aryan Dravi- dian period, which “ tradition in'legends and stories was later on Aryanized^’,“' we may also admit that many of these itihasas, if not aU, especially those in which the horse does not appear, must also belong to a pre-Aryan age, being the in¬ heritance of the Hravido-^Mediterrancan peoples which spread from India towards the "west, and are known in Crete as the Alinoans and in continental Greece as the Mycenaeans and M i ni a ns , and generically as the Felasgians or Termilai® Thus the fables of the genuine AEsop and the itihasas of the original Calila and Dimna, may be two separate and distant offshoots of the same primitive trunk of Dravido-Mediter- ranean m 3 'th didactics. 55 Rg., m, 21, 15; VI, 1, 1; VH, 3. 3 ; Vm. 23, 18 ; X, 3, 7. etc. 56 IbitL, vm. 6, 40; 10, 11, etc. 57 ibid., Xn. 62, 6; X. 02,10. 58 ibid., 1. 180, 3; m 55,1, etc. 59 Chatterji, indo-Aryan nnd Hindi, p. 52. TAMIL CULTURE S£S VI SPECIMENS OF THE WESEBHW-STDKIES— It is not therefore strange that one of AEsop’s lal^ would reproduoe the same double conduct of the eat :to de> ceive the mice as in the original story of the Indian epic, though having recourse to a new device. Asceticism was not in Greece so frequent as in ancient India, consequently the practice of asceticism on the part of the cat would have per- haps appeared exotic in that Hellenic setting. The fable in question narrates that a cat came to a cer¬ tain house and ate many mice which had settled there. Con-- sequently the mice decided not to come down where the c&t was and remained quiet in their hiding places When the cat realized the game of the mice he saw no other means to catdh them than deception ; he suspended himself from a peg and pretended to be dead. But some of the who seemed to be cleverer than the mice of the Indim O^hnjtn^ said from a distance " Look at him ; even if thou heouhest as limp as a sack, we shaJi not approach fHiy. I The Xiatin fabulist Phaedrus hpf! stoiy of the cat and the boar, which is dearfy inspir«i in that of the partridge, the cat and the hare of the Pcaicatantm, which is repeated in the Kntha Scarit Sagara. . 'he yifl glp. Imd buflt her n^t on the top branches of an oak while a j^e-cat bi dde n midway In the trunk had j^en birth ti) a number of kittens; hut the she-boar had placed her young at fhe foot of the free. The cat d i anb j n g to the top declared to the ppglp thedangiExin which the young birds were, for the loar amtiinious!^ dig¬ ging a hole at the foot of the tree wan: ;ed to fell it to de st roy her p^eny. Then climbing down to the hole of the boar acquainted her with the evil intentions-of the eagle who want- to^ catch the 3 mung ones off the swine, when shf> would go roaming about for fooL Thus the ea g l p fcp fin g re¬ mained the whole day watching and thp boar afraid for her 60 Cf. my forthcoming work Studies in Proto-lndo-Mediterraneai Culture VoL 1, chapter V. 61 AEsop, Fabler, XXVII. THE HYPOCEITICAL CAT 303 youijg^ did Dot leave her hole ttie whole While the cat hept quiet during the day, and went about for food every ni^L. Thus both fanulies of the eagle and the boar pexished by •Btan’atioD ; and the young hittens had a Qjlendid ban¬ quet thereof.^ For the Eaiue reamn as in the preceding Phaedrus changed the tactics of the cat, which in the ori gina l appeared with ascetic holy looks. Yet Phaedrus’s story lufika jn the dramatic efiF^ of the originaL By eMininating the inwpt.i(>p] appearance of the cat great part of the tharm of the TtiHibu itihata has likewise, disappeared. The famous French f^abulist La Fontaine hny nlsft repro¬ duced the story of the cat according to AEsop, tbnu gh t h e suc¬ cess of the eat in the fVench story sfiRinR to he more Eccording to flie In di an mnde] , A eat, who was styled a rk»r hprTTR -fn the whole world of mice, had ■recourse to a fairk to catch when after knowing Mini never issued from thpir hnlp>. He one day appeared dead han^g by one of his “Hind 'from a p la nh of wood. There was'great rejoicing in the mouaj Jatiuly when they saw this Spectacle: Ih^ thoi^fc that the' cat had justty han g ed as a pnnidnnent for his great ca-hnes. They promised-theinscdves a great laugh wheai at- te nding his funeraL ConBequEn% without fear they were moving about as in the daj^ before the cat had when suddenly the latter rcsvscittitBd and .devonred those'who were dow in their flighL® l^Iore a m d l a r sliQ to the Indian angmal, even in the brin^g of the saintly looks of fhe cat, is another fa’by of the author, entitled “ Of the cai, thB"WEasEl and t he young rab¬ bit”. A quarrel arose among the two latter fen the weasd had taken possession of the home of the'rabbit during hia ah- sence. Finally the weasel poraposed to appeal' tO' “ Whisker- waul ” as an arhitrator. This was a pious herirdt of a cat, A cat who posed as mildest of his race, A saintly cat, sleek-coated, strong and fat, Skilled arbitrator whatsoe'er the case., 62 I’haedrus, Fables, II, 4. 63 Z^a Fontaine, FabZe^ IH, 18, 330 ^'Ay^L CULTURE "Yes, Jet him judge,” said Jack, and lo, with hex He etoDd betfore his Lordship, tMy inends,’ the humbug said, ’ coone near, come Jiear I’m growing old and none too well I hear.’ Fearless, the suitors nearer to him drew. And when within his reach he saw the two The Judas right and left shot out his paws And reconciled the parties with his jaws.” In another fable it is precisely a young mouse whp is de> coved by the good looks of a cock and a cat who were going together in the opposite direction. He was frightened at the sight of the cock and ded away to his great cha grin, for he had felt great attraction towards the cat which looked hke a larger mem ber of his own family. When on returning hnW he narrated aU this to his mother^ he blamed the qo^' for not albwing him to make the cat’s acquaintance. • r “ Ah ! but for him, 1 might have got acquainted ■ With that sweet creature, Who borejiitractiveness in eveiy featnm': A velvet skin he had,.like yours and mme, A tail so long and £ne, A sweet, meek countenance, a rn p de g t aiis— Yet what an eye was there I 1 feel that, on the whole, He ixinst Jbave strong afSnities of si^ul With cojT great race—our ears are slmped the same 1 should have m ade my bow, snd 1 ]tb nftTnp.^ But at the feanful ay Raised ly that monster, I was forced to:ftr.” Aly chdd,” replied his mother, have seen That demure hypocrite we eaU a cat •: •Under that sleek and inofijensive mien He heare a deadly hate at moTTRA and tat’*" St JbiA, vn, 26 (TransL Carter, Fifty Fobler from La Fontqhte, j»- 62, (OxTcrd, 1828). 65 Ibift, VI, 5 CXnm^ Collins, op. clt, ppi. 88>87) THE HypOCRITICAL CAT Sll In still another fable La Fontaine describes nn nnimfll hermit, but in this case the animal, stranga to say, is not n cat, but a nat ; but the story is evidently influeno^ by the storieB of the eat to the extent that 'the hypocritie^ as> cetic is introduced protesting that his old worldly'dhstoms have aheady been given up, as did the cat of old. The author moreover clearly signifbs the eastern origin of the fable in its very first verses. Here it is;— The Rat turned Hermit " A certain Rat, weaxy, of this worM*8 strrfe, (So the Le\'antine8 in their legend say), Into a large Dutch cheese, one day. Retired from public li&: The solitude was most profound, JEbdending over the whole cheese’s Tonud. Within onr hermit fixed his cpJl, And work^ with teeth and tJawsao hard and wcR, He qnh^y had provided ample store Of food, safe shelter—what could rat want more 7 He soon grew sle^ and fat; When one turns hermit. Heaven talcpg care cf that^ He had not long embraced bis new voeadon, When one fine day. From the Rat p»^le came a deputation. Entreating of the saint, to help them on theh way, Some smaiD donation ; ‘ For they were journeying forth in search of aid Against a fierce attack the Cats had made ; Ratapolis was under strict ; And, what was wmse, So low their treasury was, they had to start Without a penny in their purse. Some very small ^sistance on hispart Was All they asked ; for he must understand, In a few days, allies would be at hand. " kly friends ” the Solit^ said, “To this world’s interests I have long been dead ; Nay, of what use 312 TAIVPL CULTUEE Could I be in such strait—a poor reduse ? Except my prayers—^they’re yours, o(f course, you know— May Hea^^ preeerre-you from those Cats I and so Pray take my blessing, friends, and go.* Not a word more, But shut his door ” vn THE STORY OP THE CAT IN SPAIN It has been said that the latih version made by John of Capua, and the Spanish translation done in the middle of the 13th century are “ the two versions which reproduce moiie faithfully the original .4rabic of al-Muquaffa.** Yet the differences existing between the original Sanskrit stories and these western reproductions may be great, from what we may realise by comparing them with the Indian stories we still jmssess. In partidilar the story df the H 3 ^ociiticBl Cat as fonxid in the Mahabhmata is not found in the Caslalli&ZL .Yersida, though we may find reminiscences of it here and there. ‘The nearest one Js one which is evidently derived fixnn the^aneatuntra' story of the pious cat set as a judge between the partridge and the hare. In the Castillian version the quarrel is also between a hare and a (art which defies all identification, as this old word\has no one in modem Spanish). The description of |the hypocr^caH at¬ titude of the cat is superb : When the saw the hare gnd the gineta coming ihrom afar he stood Dn|his hind legs jjray- ing; and the hare was astonished when rESaliziug his goodness and his humility. And they approached him with great humi¬ lity, but not in such a way as to allow ^lim to do harm to them, and they made him acquainted with their quarreL Paid the oat: ‘ I anr veiy, old and hard of hearing. Come near and shall hear what yoii say, for I do not see and h ear well« After hearing what they have to expose the cat ^ves them 66 Ibid.. 3 (TransL Ibid., pp, 31-32). 67 Alemany BohUc^ ProloguE to La Antigua Version CasteUana del CalUayDimna, p. 30 (Madrid, 1915 ). THE HYPOCRITICAL CAT 313 a long speech on moral matters *, and'" the story is never ended-®® The story of die hypocruy of an animatl is repeated con- ceming a snake, which owing to old age could not catdi fro^, and by a trick obtained a ration of two frogs a day Tram the king of the frogB.®®" * Another story of a cat and a rat develops in an unex> pected way disclosing the cleverness (strange to say) of the rat, which philosophises on the qualities of true friendship at length, emulating the author of the dialogue De Amicitia!’^ There is still another stoiy of a wild wolf whidi "Bed the life ^ a religious, professing chastity”. But the story lacks in the dramatic development of the In d ia n stories, for this wolf does not diam hcJiness and virtue, but he ie actual^ ly patient, trustworthy and detached from honours the vain honour of the world.” Yet in ^te of all that the stmy of the cat who shamed virtue in order to nateh rats must have been known in Spain in some way or other, in fhe 13th caentuiy, as the two carv¬ ings reprodncing the story of the cat, which we Rhall cribe presently; e^ddently show. Whether the story reached Spain in the-ascetical array of India, or KimnB.r to the of the cat by la Fontaine is a matter of eontrover^, 'as we shall see later. One thing nevertheless is dertain, thttf the Indian stoiy was popular in Spain and camR to be known not through the dbaimel of the CdUla b Dimrta. vm A CRITICISM OF THE UZHASAS The extraordinary spread of the books of these fables throughout the world and the influence it exercised over the ihteratnre of so many nations may be a matter of 4a 68 Calils 1 /Oimna (ed. cited above), pp. 2Bd-271. 09 /bid.,pp. 296-298. 70 Ibid., pp. 326 - 333. 71 Ibid., pp. 496-411. 314 TAMIL CULTUPJC wonder to many. For, as Collins well says, the moral of those fables " js DO moral at all, according to our ideas of morality* The-lesfiop-suggested is more or less a selfish one : it is the glorifieation of eimning.” ” There is besides nothing extra¬ ordinary in" the' exposition of religious ideas, which are **of a most ample theology, and may be reduced to an elemmt- ary theism, without any depth of thou^t, except some at¬ tempt to solve the contradiction between God's prescience and man's free wiM/'” In point of fact, hough the original Indian itihasas seem to be of pre-Vedic times, yet they were not admitted within the sacred precincts of Vedic literature. Usis and philoso¬ phers had nothing to learn from those sunpl'^ arl::!;.. btories whose Jf ggnns m a inly were lessons Of self*^ cunning and tem^ poral devernfiSES, very seldom transcending the world of mat¬ ter. Those who recommended the destruction of ahamkard as 1^ first step to enter jnana murga could not pay at- tration to Bnch itihasas leading to the glnrifipaH on of selfish- JD^ ■Tbe stories of the Ccdila and Dimna and of its successors'* the Pantatantra and the Bitopadesa were written for timse to whom the leaching of Brahman was not to he entrusted, as hmworthy to possess that gift greater than "the whole of thffl sea-girt earth full of treasure.” « And for them, nDt_accns- to^oed to lift their eyes to a transcendii g world, thp wisdom propounded in those itihasas was goociiongh. "The ]ffindu nsjA ml^ says I3r Lionel Barnett, “ deaj ty loves a stcny, and Btia mere dearly a story with a moral, fhe is na tnrally sen¬ tentious and fond of sententious speech and usually an ap¬ propriate^ a dag e, the wisdom of many i nd t he wit of pnn *, ^ in liis heart at once The storiis of the Kaltla and BiTTwinwere congenial literature for their thirst of inow- d^ and of virtue. 1 h^ embodied a jirimeral thou^i not much en lightened iphase of practical wisdom,; ^gh they 12 Collins, qp- cit.j p. 35. W Meneadez Pelayo, op. rit., I, p. 36. 74 Chondopyc tTpuniaad, lU, 11 , 5-6. 75 m the Introduston to Hitopadesa, The Book of Wholesome. A Trsos- latioa Jrom the Original Sanskrit by Francis Johnson, p. vil. THE HYPOOlITICAL CAt exercised influeuce not as inutii through their doctrine, 2& through their examples conveyed in the picturesque at¬ tractive wny of a storyThese two elements were un- dcmbtedly the cause of their popularity among people en¬ grossed in worldly affairs. Snei generally are kings and roy¬ alties. And indeed we ffnd a gzJaxy of &em among the pat¬ rons of the Calila and Dimna. ■ Kushru Noshirwan,- Amir Almansur, Amir Nasr ibn Ahmad Behram Shah, Sultan Husain Mirza, Akbar, Sulaiman the Magnificent, Alphonso X Evcrhard of Wurtenberg and Princess Juana of Navarre are some of those who ordered the translation of - the book or sponsored its publication in soiae way or other. That is the reason why Nasrullah ibn Muhammad, the translator of the book from Arabic into Persian (II), coUBetning ting book : “ Than which after Ihe books of the JHoly Law there is no more valuable book Abn-T Eazl, Akbar’s friend and courtier, said likewise about it : " The original is a master¬ piece of praptieal wisdom It was undoubtedly for the s a me reascm that the book wasstyJid “3 tr^, of whose fruit •whoso takes and eats grows not old, nor ever t^ip« JPnr such worldly people dm CaHLa end Hfrono " embodiES a num¬ ber of lalte of dear moral teaching: humility, temperance fr k ndrih i p , venaration of God are exalted in and through fhp . Tp As regards Spain the inflneaee of the book tm l a tp r lite¬ rature, Bpepially on the Intote Ihm Juan Mamid, the Axci- preshe of Hita and Berceo and later on Baymond UuUi, is so extraordinajy'that it has been Btosidered as one of the cor¬ ner sttmes. of the national literaturB of the coimliy, “In Spain itself,” says Fitzmaiirie-lSefly, "it became the proto¬ type of all works that sought to instruct 'por unxemplDs de homEs o de aves e de anhnalias * (by Rmmp lp p qJ mpn or hird^ and of animals) TJje success that the CatHa e Djtmna 76 Meoendez PeJayo, op. ex 2 dc. cte 77 Cf, Ttewny* Ttie Deaxn of Story, U, p. xx.. 78 Abti-’l-FazI, A'ior-i-Akbc'i^ I, p. 106 {Brockman's txanslatton). 79 JahJu’d-din Rntnl, Maihnavi, n, 3811 - 2. 80 Diaz-Plaja, Historia de la Liternare £spoiwUx, p. 52 CBaxeehma, 1943). 81 Fitzmaurice-KeUy, op. cit, p. 26. T.VMIL CULTURE Sl6 b&d.m Spanish soil may also be due, at least partiailiy, to the peculiar character cf the people oX the country. “When Al- phonso the Wise ordered the book to be s nyn a modern Spanidi author, “ GastiUians found in it an eloquent expression of such thoughts which are essential in the history of our ideology Such was the ideology that culminated in the drama “ La Vida es Sueno ” (“ Life is but a dream ”) by Calderon de la Barca, one of the greatest masterpieces of Spanish literature. IX THE STORY OF THE CAT IN SCULPTURE Considering the tremendous success of the book of Bilpay or Visnu Sanna, it is not strange that besides the number-of t r a n s la tions and editions some of its stories should have been represented in sculpture from ancient times. We have al¬ ready referred to one of the Jataka stories reproducai round the stupa of Bharhut, wherein there are Ktill Dthfics full of ingenuity sud artistic skill. But the stoiy of our hypocritacal cat, shamming ascetic ^irit is not found there. To it in plastic forms we must go down South on the rocks of Maha- baHpuram. The Pallava King Narasimhavarmim Mahamalla, after having built mimerous cave temples andj rock i^briniag; iT^tliA.t picturesque cluster of huge rocks, caused & large relief to bs carved on the face of two joined boulderk Numerous scenes ^ depicted in this famous carving. Sumce it to say for the pxesent that the vertical crevice pnnRt.TTV between two bpuMers, was very ingeniously im5^£inpd tobe the river GcBJigay whi c h was at times made natural, and so to say, living by a flow of water descending from a reservoir on the top of the bo ulder s. • N o^a;, and naginis axe shown sporting in the sacred waters. The ma i n scene on the field to the left of A© river is the penance of Arjuna who is shown on one of Hie upp^ layers of tbr. £ar\’ing standing on one leg with lifted pinnB 82 Valbuena Prat, Hlstoria de la Litemtura Espzniola, I; p. ST, £Barce- lona, 1937). THE HYPOCRITia^L CAT 317 while Siva appears before him reat^* to give him posu-” paia, as is narrated in the MaJiabharata.*^ This austere pose of the great warrior together with the proadmity of the Ganga very likely brought the memory of the ascetic cat on the of the Ganga to ^he ‘of the artist. We have said elsewhere that that unknown artist, who was “a wonderful master in depicting the natural scenes of the forest, and the neighbouring haunts of the river ... had a^ PO a keen sense of humour PoUowing therefore the dicta¬ tions of the latter he placed the ascetic cat on the foreground of the held to the right of the river. There he stands erect on one of his hind legs (his right leg is hanging as limp as a rag), with his for^aws uplifted over his head, facing the ris¬ ing sun aind looking upwards, as if it were enraptured in a vision of things celestial Jgis ribs may he actually .counted as the fruit of his ascetic exhanstion, in reality as the r^ult of 1^ enforced Sast in not having caught ary mouse &r a'Jc&ig time owing to his oHd age. The litfle of the forest are shown Tpu^ him in poses quite imfnmii'mf nmfm|; miee in* the jpmunily nf a cat Some sl^p quite unconceniHl, others loci ai him in astpiiishment, two stand rampant in a wdr- Bhipping attitude. Theliatuialness of all the pcses, in both caf and mice, xeveal a mastesrful.hauLd in that nnknown artist Of the Pallava sea capital®' Unf artunately the subsequent episodes of the famous ititeanvere not reproduced by him *1'^ deficiency nevertheless is supplemented by two carvings existent in a western European country/ wherein the .stoiy,inspired an equally masterful artist. In tbe cloister of the Cathedial of Tarragonaj Sp^ there are two reliefs carved on the abacus of two capitals, which are famous in that cily and its neighbourhood with- the denomination of “ the procession of the rats”. One of them represents a numbo* of rats smartly walking on th^h - hipr^ 83 MahabhaniOt Yana Parva, 1511 -1662. 84 Beras, Studies in Palluvu HistoiT;, p. S2. B5 Another rough representation of the hxpocritital cat is found id a carved panel on the enclosure wall nf the sea shore nUn at Mahabalipuram. CL Inn^urst, PaUam Architecture, m, pL m irector, Tamil Literature Society, 52, lies- Colony,.Jtxtimrinr ^OUtil Tnrfip. ]^nnted at the Dr Xobili Press, Madurai. INDIA FROM THE DAWN BY' M. RUTHNASWAMY. Price Re. 12/- Here arc a few statements of iHs remarkable bK>ok:. . " History in India begins in the south. It has begun in the south everywhere else in the worl^ in Emope, in America, in Asia.” "The south, therefore, is the more ancient land of India.. It also contains the most ancient peoples of India.” ^‘Nor were these ancient Dra^dian peoples merety .civi^ lized and cultured. They were not lacking in the more manly military qualities.. No people, not even the ancient Hebrews, prayed so fervently and irequently for the covetwl buccbbs- in battle as did the eonquerars and settlers who eventually succeeded against them,” The Tamils were the ]^est fruit of the life and history, of the Dravidians, the first people, as we xxunted out, of Ind ian history. Their kingdoms of the Pandyans and the Qholas were the greatest political fi3g)resaon of the genius. of the Tamil race. The Tamils were superior imcivilimtion to-the’ contemporary Aryans. Trade and commerce flourished among: them. From the earliest limes they- Kad traded with Arahi^ Egypt, and Rome in the West, and rrith Malaya and China oif the East. Their spices, ivory, and mu^ns were eagerly sought by the Argonauts of several nations. Reman gold, we he^ the Romans complain, was passed into the Tamil country to buy the luxuries the Tamils produced, and Roman coins may still be discovered on the coasts of the Madras province.” Intehnatiotsal Book Centbe^- Tamil Lcteratu^ Society,. 52, New Colony, Toticohin, ' S. tmiA. 322 I'AMIL CULTURE LINGUISTIC HARMONY - New Ublhi, Juicr 6. Mr. ML RrSivagnana Grarnani, M.L.C., Madras, today suggested that the Governnient of India should invite a team of poets and other men of letters from the South to tour the whole of North India for an exchange of ideas and culture. Speaking at the Delhi Tamil Sangham on "Language and the Coun^,” he said differences are bound to exist bet¬ ween the various languages in a country like India. But these differences should not be allowed to create hatred in one lingual group against the other. There should be a “give and take ” attitude in the movements of peopfe of. differeht languages and culture he added. Welcoming the reported proposal for p.mboRRihg po^ covers and cards with pictures of Indian poets, Mr. G^amani said this £dep would go long way in giving fillip to the cul¬ tural renaissance in the Countiy. Pictures of SouRi poets and writers, like Tiruvalluvar and Suhramanis Bha- xathi, should also be included in the scheme, so that there waa real-exchange of ideas and ciiltiire among the various Sngual groups. . I Mr. T: D. Krishnamachari, Afinister for Commerce and I^nstry, who presided said people who talked o!F language differences perhaps had nothing had at heart, but were only doing TO .because, of their political afiSiIiationa. ■ S. Bj'ishnan, President of fpp S^gham earlier welcomed the Mmister and the Speate*. QRG.ANiSATiON TO DIFFUSE TAVIIL CULTURE FORMED IN SINGAPQ]^. SlNGAIOHE, JtTLT, 17. An organisation dedicated to spread Tamil Culture, end^ lisatioD, art, and all other rich attainments of the Tamils, among the^ people of the world, was incepted in Singapore recently with Air. S. K Shanmugam, ALA., B.T., as the President and S. Soundara Rajan as the Secretary and I^res- ^er and Al^srs C. V. Kuppusamy, M. Chid^haram^ K C. Anin, V. Thirunavukkarasu and T, Selvaganapathy as Ih© members of the council of the oiganisation. T-iMILlAKA NEWS AND NOTES 323 This or^^isation which is known as the “ Tamil Diffu¬ sion League:will tell the peoplKs of the world about the Tamil contrahution to world letters and to world culture,“and will also create an. awareness in them that the TamUians have got a culture and civilisation of their own, inimitahle singularly original. The activities of the League are proposed to be directed through the media of press, platform, radio and individual contacts. The League while attempting to diffuse Tamil among the peoples of the world, will nlsn attempt to understand and appreciate the cultural attain¬ ments of other peoples. It will also work in harmony with other organisations of similar motives. One otf the objects of the league includes the teaching of Tamil to foreigners through correspondfince study course. The official address of the X£^ue is: 165, Sersngoon Hoad, Smgapore, Malaya. \ AND TBIRV^URAL . Td Jlr. & G a ne sh, enterjnrising Tan^ Jpujnabst pf Talatupya, Ceylon, the UNESCO Office in sent thd folWing rgily regarding'the publicatmn of teans^tians of f hirukJcural by the UN^OT. " J jcannot unfprtunately, send you a complete list of the world^B clasEhs which Unesco is preparing to fran^te be¬ cause thnre is no suchJist. We shkil have one only when all na%ns have s^t in their own list of bppks recommended for transjatipn. Uiffortu^te^jr, ^eie is s^ a Tmrnbfy of missing pneSb I thank ypn for yom suggestion jegardmg the tzanslatzon of ThirnkhuraL Untfortunately again, Tndia'or Ceylon, have not so far. responded to our proposals that they ^oiild co¬ operate with Unesco for translation into and from the TnHi^ or Ceylonese ^guaps, and ^ do it o&erwise tj}^ throu^ such co-opeiatiDn.” iSd.) J. J.'l^Ypux; Arts wid Letters Divisiorh Unesco Office, Paris. B24 TAMIL CULTURE TAMIU FESTIVAL AT MADRAS MAPRAR, Aug. 22. Sri C- BajagopaJachariar, Chief Minister, today eategori- caHy declared that Madras City belonged and would continue to belong to T ami l s , and there need not be any anxiety about iv. It was a matter of fact, and there was, therefore, no need to invoke the aid of all the galaxy of great Tamil saints poets of old that had flourished in and aroimd thiia great City to establish that fact. Sri Bajagopalachariar was inaugurating the 6th Tamil Festival at the Te 3 aiainpet Congress grounds. Over 6,000 people, including 120 delegates from Ceylon, Malaya, and other places attended. Mr. M. Bhaktavatsa&am, Chairman of the Reception Committee, welcoming the delegates, e3q)lainEd it might unusual to celebrate the festival of a la-n g iin gp which was their mother tongue. lu countries like England and France, patriotism »nd love of language wfirerintertwined forming the basis of the political, economic, social and spiritual life of the people, Th^e importance of the mother-tongue harl suffered be¬ cause of fcreign dominatinn, and after independence there were signs of resuscitation and revival in everv ^here of human XLCtivity, including the-development of thto. (njn language. -Tamils he. declared was etemah vital Jangi^ge. » I JMr Bhaktavatsalam traced the history jand devriopment of Tamil in Thondaimaudalam, in whieh City was included. Great TaxnH poets and saints like Tirirvailuvar, SekkLzhar, Peyazhwar and Bn Ramanuja bad contrib^ed to the deve- lopmei^ of Tamil in this area!' Triplicane and Mylapore were . historic spots, knowh abroad from the flrst century of the Christian era. Tamil literary evidence showed that Madru had contacts with countr‘*'is abroad centuries ago. He emphasised that they had no hatred towards any other language or culture nor were they belittling them, by celebrating the festival 325 Tamili ANA — news and^’otes ^ isleps should be ta kurir to reconvert the numerous temples m the land into centres of social, educational and cultural ^tivity, where schools, art demonatralions'and philosophical disquisitions had taken place in the 100 and 1,000-piMared mantapas therein. Temple managements shoulk undertake to ^ead knowledge of Tamil classics, publish cheap editions. He appealed to religious Mutts to intensify their activity. ^ Tamil, he emphasised, transcended reli^us nr>d sectarian limitations. Newer and newer books in the various depart¬ ments q{f science and art should be encouraged. The first volmfie of the Tamil Encyclopaedia would be published soon. ^ Jtajago p ai ach a ri ar said that when he heard the fine Tamd ^eech pf Mr. Bhaktfl.vatfin.15rm^ he fcH t.Vint hitherto Mr BhaktavatsaJam had been in the wrong place. (laughter}. ■Bajajl added that Tamil, as a langu^e, had retnjTipd ils pretine purity and idiaitity along wkh its glory to*this day, which made it ea^ to undexstand the anraent. pIurctipb without difficulty. That ■was not the case with other liirp En gli jtih, could develr^ toeir language, not by merely wor- Bbipping it, not by hating and belittling other In-Tigimgpg^ hut by real service to it with concentration and RipgiP.TnfnHpd devotion.' Anger and animosity led w presented the* fifth annual report of the Tamil Vaihrchi Kazhagam. ^ The report stated that the main function of the orgam- sation was to encourage Tamil writers to break new gmiynT j .1^ swarding prizes and certificatffi to the publicathms m y^. For this purpose, pnhlicatSoiis were broad]^ daasified into twdve secbcns nnd p ri?.py wrere swarded year to the best works in six of thft seclhxDB. Th« r^jort next dealt ^th the progreffl tthuIr in the .oompilataon of the TamilEnejnclopaedia. It wonld be spub- hcation of 9,000 pages divifled~into a number of parts. The most important part of the work: was to dftr.idft upon the 8ul> jects to be included in it and to arrange thpm In al^ph^ betical order. Bnboeets inchided vmiild comeimder forty odd sections like Science, Arts, literature, etc., gnd they would have to be classified under 13,500 odd heac^gs' So far ma¬ terial had been prepared for over 3,500 pages or four parts. 0\'er LOpO pictures had been got ready for. indusion in the encyclopaedia. This was the first attempt at compiling such a comprehendve work and, therefore, it involved enormous labour. Tamil equivalents to millions of t.p>nb-nir»Bl and scien¬ tific terms had to be coined. In this task, the yn7hn£BTn had received the help and co-operation df several i»reons. To them aH the thanks of the Kazhagam wesh due.*‘*'«They were also thankful for the liberal-grant proini^ by the 6Wem- ment. To entitle them to -receive the grent, ^-ublic donation 330 tamjL culture to the ecrtent cJ Rs. 50,OW) should be forthcwmmg. The re^ part hoped that the publie would make geueroim finutrib^-tiona. Mr Tr£L~ J&^^inaahilingam ChettiaS addressed the gatberxDg. He said that wheu they started the TomU VaUr- chi Kazhagam £vb years ago, they undertook a hw,vy res¬ ponsibility. At that time, they did not think that the annual Tanul Festival held under its auspices wouid develop into such magnificent proportions. That encoura^d them to pro¬ ceed with the work they bad taken on hand. Objects of the Kazhagam The main object of the Kazhagam was the development -of the Tamil langoage. Two schools of ihou^t stood in the way of the progress of Tamil One consisted of those who thou^t that there was nothing new in TamR literature and .that ifche works that really counted could be put m one sh el f. The other sdhool consisted of those who held the vkw that ^ere, was nothing new to learn beyond what was contained in an ci en t T a mil litisature. Both the schools could not cDnirL bufe to the growfii of TixnE. What wasreqmredwBsahap* py blen^ng of reverence fear die old and a quest for tl» new, Thero were hi^ thoughts and a fund of knowledge in the htecature that had de^neloped from the age of Tolkapp^amf That-had to he learnt dmough the ynedinT^ of Tamil alone. Thoti were xiew ideas and knowledge, paronidanly on Bricn- dfic Bnbjecte, outside Ihe Tamil literatui^ had he hr fapid^t within the ambit of Tamil liicirature and rrmde to serve the needs of Tamihans. This wb^ the grtsi whlth the Tamil Talarchi Ka^ihagom They hoped to bring out a comprehen^ve Tamil Ency-? clopacdia in nine ^Tilumes at a cost of Ra TO IftVhR, Work was progressmg satisfactorily and they Jhoped to hrang out the hrst volume in December or January npyf . and thereafter the press would he fed regularly and the remaining vnlumeg pub lis hed one after another. 137P fg6rii[B[iiu»ii)rt9iij»(36(5irTnri PubNo:831 ISBN : 978-93-8516542-9 TAMIL CULTURE Vol. I -1952 Vol.Il-1953 ^srflrBmuAii) (^ij2(%igirTiT TAMIL CULTURE Vol. II - 1953 ^siApiTiusic (^^aseiTiriT s-eosb^ ^ii5lipTjT[Tiui=(^ rS^euenrub INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE OFTAMR, STUDIES ^ij£vsTL_iTLb (ip^ 6 VT£S)Lfiff 6=iT£0)&}, soLDUJ^ Q^ii^wgjL_uij uuSleos eueniTaib Qfffiiii«r)€BT - 600 113 VOL.. 11 NO. 1 JANUARY 1963 TAMIL CULTURE A Quarterly- Review dedicated to the study of Tamiliana l^ender unto ^amii the things that are ^amii are ^amii THE EDITOR A newspaper report that occasioned a number df letters to the Editors of English dailies of South India and Ceylon was a paragraph concerning the paper read by Dr. Christoph von FUrer-Haimendorf on “New aspects of the Dravidian problem”, at the fourth session of the International Congress for Anthropology and Ethnology held in Veinna last Septem¬ ber. Dr. Furer-Haimendorf who is the Professor of Asian Anthropology in the University of London, is reported to have concluded that the Dravidians arrived in South India about 300 B.C. If his lecture has been correctly reported, it would seem that he has taken no notice of archaeological finds out¬ side of Mysore State and that he has not taken into account the antiquity df the earliest Tamil literature that has reached us. However, without seeing the complete text of his lec¬ ture, it is impossible to evaluate the new theory. The concluding remark by the correspondent who re¬ ported the Vienna lecture is very relevant to the progress of Tapiil studies. “ It was unfortunate,” says the correspondent, “ that none of our South Indian schokus was present at this important Congress which brought home to all present the inadequacy of our research work in South India and the im¬ portance of the problem”. That research work concerning South India is madequate is very true. If it is to be ever ad¬ equate, the Universities, Cultural institutes and Government should realise its importance and collaborate for this end. The High Commissioner for India in London has pointed out recently that it was an encouraging sign that otf the three ft . . TAMIL CULTURE thousand Indian students in the United Kingdom, only dess than one hundred and sixty were being educated by Goveni- ment, the rest being siqjported by private means. But TamU scholarship has never been an open door to hnancial well be¬ ing and no lecturer employed in the Tamil Department of a South Indian University may ever hope to save enough money to go abroad for a period of observation and study. The Hi gh Commissioner for India in London also pointed out that the vast majority of Indian students were in techno- Ic^ioal and engineering colleges and that very few were en¬ gaged in the study of humanities. While it is understandable that India needs to encourage her youth to specializing in the sciences, she cannot afford to neglect the humanities n^ich have been responsible for making her the intellectual aristo¬ crat among the nations. Of the three thousand'students in the United Kingdom, most likely there is not even one who is specializing in studies connected in auy way with Tamil. It is the duty of the State Government^ fsb offer help to pro¬ mising scholars. Prizes of a thousand rupees cum shawls, or an honorarium paid to court-poets can hardly be termed a satis¬ factory discharging of the State’s responsibilify towards the promotion of Tamil scholarship. The Central Government has not been liberal either, in its outlook and in its attitude towards the study of the cul¬ tural heritage of the South. Its interest in these matters somehow halts with Sanscrit and Hindi and Hyderabad. As for the Archaeological Department, it may be non-existent so far as Tamil Mad is concerned. The former Direotor-GenCT^ of Archaeology, the late K. N. Dikshit, wrote: ‘%'he entire field of paleolithic, neolithic, and megalithic as well as iron age cultures in Southern India is so vast, and trans¬ cends in interests investigation relating to historic periods, that it is likely to form a major preoccupation for several years. The present Director and his regional subordinates would seem to think otherwise. They do not find opportuni¬ ties for exercising their talent and their interest in Virampat- tinam, Adicheynallur, Korkai, Kayil and other historic places m the extreme South. llEN3i>Efe ttNTO :FAMIL '9 Another reason for the inadequacy of research work in the Universities of the Southy is the lack of a plan • to train 'Mholars of outstanding merit. The University of Ceylon, for instance, offers its assistant lecturers,opportunities to qualify also abroad for two or three years, but no such opportunity is afforded by the South Indian Universities. It is not sufficient 'for Tamil scholars to be familiar just with their own language and literature ; it is also necessary that as many of them as possible spend two or three years abroad at Universities that have faculties or departments of Oriental Learning such as Hamburg, Bonn, Paris and London. It is hot that they will have better opportunities abroad for the learning oif Tamil literature and language. No, but they will have better oppor¬ tunities to acquaint themselves with modern methods of re¬ search and observe the lines along which modern western lan- guag^ progress. This, neglect has resulted in our having few Tamila who are autliorities on Tamil Archaeology or Tamil Hi^ry, or Tamil Linguistics and Comparative Philology. We hear of foreign ^olars who travel aU the way to India to study in situ the Dravidian speech of people like the Khotas or the Brahuis, or the script and characteristics of the Indus valley civilization, but we hear of no University scholars of the South engaged in research of this kind. If North Indian Universities can provide facilities for scholars and scholarship and establish permanent contacts abroad, why should the providing of equal facilities be less feasible to Universities which claim to be centres of Tamil learning ? The aloofness and retiring dispositions cultivated by Tamil scholars where international gatherings and comparative stpdies are concerned have created a psychological complex -^ong both scholars and students of Tamil. It happens th^t m our Universities, even students who take to the specialized study of Tamil develop an attitude that tends to react against ^ modernization. Often they form a separated group all by themselves, and are in places considered the ante-diluvian element on the campus. Designations such as Faculty of Oriental learning and Department of Oriental studies, and awardmg degrees such as Bachelor or Master of Oriental leammpthe nomenclature itself is not helpful in making them healthily modern. No English University terms its faculty of 10 TAMIL CULTURE English as the Eaculty of Western Learning. European lan¬ guages in a Western University are grouped under “Modern’ languages ”, whereas we pride in a terminology that is geogra¬ phically irrelevant to us and club ourselves as^ Orientalists- It is understandable for a University in Europe or America to have a faculty of Oriental studies as it would be understand¬ able for India to have faculties of Occidental Studies, but desig¬ nations like B. 0. L. and M. O. L. only tend to relegate Tamil students in popular immagination to an unreal distance both in time and space. If Tamil is to become more and more a medium of modem thought and expression, that will depend not only on the adaptability and inherent powers of the Tamil language, but also on the awareness, outlook, and wclton- shauung of Tamil students, Tamil writers and Tamil scholars. The inadequacy of research is not a little due to the in¬ adequate equipment of those engaged in research and in University teaching. There is little attraction in Universities for the best talent since remuneration is.^ poor. Therefore, even if a University post is accepted in South India, it c^ten serves for young lecturers as a spring-board for bettering their prospects. Competent lecturers who remain in Universities in spite of difficulties, are so heavily burdened with hours of lecturing that they can hardly find the time to devote them¬ selves to study and research. How necessary it is that a few in each University be masters of at least the English language and be well equipped in scholarship so as to be the interpreters of T fl.mil Culture to the East and to the West, is shown by the remarks of a Western critic regarding a book published recently by a University Professor, Marjorie Sykes in her review of the book, says: '‘A further factor which is detrimental to the book, both as a popular introduction and as a scholarly statement of the results ctf research, is the weakness of its expository style. It is wordy and tautological. It abounds in such phrases as “ it goes without saying,” “ it is crystal clear “ mention may be made,” “ taking a bird’s eye view,” “ we mu'^ not fail to note,” etc. etc., niost of which are unnecessary and many quite un- suited to their context, from which, after several readings one fails to extract any satisfactory meaning. RENDER UNTO TAMIL iV All original work done by Indian scholars in the vast field of Indian history is to be welcomed and encouraged. It ts for the Universities concerned to see that the highest standards of scholarship are maintained, and that the results of their work are presented in such a way that both historical science, and historical understanding may be effectively advanced ” ^ Is it because of the inadequacy of Tamil studies, and the lack btf a sufficient number of Tamil schol^s with an All India reputation — let alone international recognition — that even in 1952 South India and Tamiliana receive such ^ant notice in books and periodicals that profess to interpret what the Indian Constitution has termed “ the composite culture of India ” ? It is difficult to imderstand what other reason the editors of “ The History and Culture of the Indian People ” had, to be so negligent of the South in the two volumes of history that they have so far published. This historical series is a conscious attempt to rewrite history and to re<^y the distorted pictures that foreigners have drawn of India. It is prepared under the directions of the Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan’s President, His Excellency, Dr. K. M. Munshi, who in his foreward says : “ In the course of my studies I had long felt the inadequacy of our so-called histories of India. For many years, therefore I w^ planning an elaborate history of India in order not only that India’s past might be described by her sons, but also that the world might catch a glimpse of her soul.” The first two volumes, we regret to state, are disproportionately emphatic on the contribution of the Aryans and grossly laconic ^out the non- Aryan peoples that form the basis of the earliest Indian history and Indian culture. The first volume is entitled “ The Vedic Age.” The Aryan problem and .Sanscrit literature form the subject of most of the studies, while the Pre-Vedic and the non-Aryan aspects of the Vedic age are very insufficiently treated. A. D. Pusalker deals with the “Indus Valley Civilization” in one chapter, but with the dexterity of a lawyer than of a scholar, attempts to meet at every turn the arguments for the Dravidian origin 1 The Aryan Path, October, 1952, p. 462, TAMIL CULTURE of the Indus Valley Civilization. S. K. Chatterji, however, in his study.on “Race Movements and Pre-historic Culture”, seeks to do justice to Pre-Aryan and non-Aryan India. He says with reason : “ When the hypothesis of an Aryan invasion and occupation of India was first proposed some four genera¬ tions ago, it was believed that the white-skinned blue-e 3 ned, and golden-haired, Aryans, like their kinsmen of NOTthern Europe, entered India from the plateau of Central Asia, which was then a land of romantic mystery, came to this land of the black-skinned non-Aryans, made an easy and matter- of-course conquest of them, and imposed upon an inferior race or races their superior religion, culture, and language. It was believed that all the better elements in Hindu religion and culture — its deeper philosophy, its finer literature, its more reasonable organization, everything, in fact which was great and good and noble in it -r— came from the Aryans as a superior white race ; and whatever was dark and lowly and superstitious in Hindu religion and civilization represented only an expression of the suppressed non-Aryan mentality. This view is now being gradually abandoiied.”^ The second volume entitled “ The Age of Imperial Unity ” adds insult to the injury caused by the first volume. There is a study of Saivaism by Prof. T, M. P. Mahadevan of the University of Madras. But while the history of the Northern kingdoms is treated in hundreds of pages, South India and Ceylon are dismissed in twenty-two pages said to be from the pen of a scholar long gone to his reward, the late Dewan Bahadur S. Krishnaswamy Iyengar. What seems most ludi¬ crous is that the chapter on Tamil language and literature is written by a Professor of English of the Andhra University, K. R. Srinivasa Iyengar.* The Professor, judging by the chapter, does not seem to have had a first hand knowledge of the ancient literature of the Tamils. He has merely sum¬ marised some out-dated books'written in English on Tamil literature. Of the fifteen pages that have been alloted to him, he devotes not a few paragraphs to narrating the legends con- 2 The Vedic Age, p. 157. - The Chapter is actually entiUed “Dravidian Laufeuages and Litera¬ ture ” but no other Dravidian literature is studied in the chapter though there is a brief reference to other Dravidian languages. RENDER UNTO TAMIL Id nected with A^istya and the three Sangams. Sentences like the following are extremely enigmatic: “ The Kural is one of the few Tamil works that form a. constitiieht of the popular culture of the Tatnils.” It. is passing, strange that the General Editor was unable to find a Tamil Sdiolar to supply this chapter on ancient Tamil literature. Mr. R. C. Majumdar, ex Vice-Chancellor of the Dacca University and General Editor of this series has recently pub¬ lished a book Ancient India in which he says: “There is a general belief that all the best elements in Hindu religion and culture are derived from the Aryans, and whatever is lowly, degrading, or superstitious in it represents the primitive non- Aryan element mixed up with it. This view is certainly wrong, and we must admit that the Aiyan religion, thoughts and be¬ liefs have been profoundly modified by those of the Proto- AusU'aloids and Dravidians with whom they came into con¬ tact in India. Though the extent of their influence is not yet fully known, there is no doubt that they underlie the whole texture of Hindu Culture and civilisation and their contribu¬ tion to it is by no means either mean or negligible’ In some respects, particularly in material civilization, the Dravidian speaking peoples excelled the Aryans in building up the great structure known as Hinduism Mr. Majumdar had a golden opportunity to rectify the false reading of Ancient Indian history which he and others have had reason to deplore. The errors of foreign historians are being corrected, but it is important that in this rewriting of history, the different regions of India are given their due place and importance. No linguistic chauvinism or regional patriotism or attachment to • a mythical Aryan superiority should falsify the new history. Let not the error of the foreigner give place to the error of the compatriot. •* India, p. 24, (^uotaLie (Quoted As an Andhra, I envy Tamil its possession of two such poems as SilapddikaraTn and ManiTnekalai, for which I can find no equivalents in Telugu literature. Even in translation they dominate the soul like a charm. What must they be like in the original ? — C. R.'Reddy m Dravidian India. ‘‘Tamil and Sanskrit in ^ite of some analogies of words have np connection whatever. Their grammatical systems so widely differ that they certainly proceed from quite differ¬ ent origins. They are only tp one another what a cocoa tree would be to a carrot plant.” —JuKen Vinson in The Siddhanta Dipika, Vol. 5. p. 31. "Tamil is the only vernacular literature in India which’ has not been content with imitating the Sanskrit but has honourably attempted to emulate and outshine it. In one department at least, that of ethical epigrams, it is generally maintained, and I think it must be admitted, that the San¬ skrit-has been outdone by the Tamil.” —Dr. Caldwell in Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages. “ It is possible to write a simple sentence in pure native Tamil and then to express the same meaning in words almost whoUy of Sanskrit derivation; the differences in the two cases being something like the differences in the English style of Swift and Johnson.” —W, Taylor iji Introduction to Rottler^s Dictionary^ .15 QtJOl’AfiLE QtlO'TE^ “Rank and station are provided for by tbe use of vari¬ ous pronouns extending to several degrees of honorific ex¬ pression. The language teams with words expressive of the different degrees of affinity. Where in European languages a long periphrasis would be required^ Tamil presents the thing in its own single tema. And this fecundity extends to al the xamifications of the family tree. If I speak of a sister I may either take a word, that gives the relationship subsisting be¬ tween us or I may select one that will indicate our relative ages. Measures and divisions of time are equally minute and expressive. The language thus specific gives to the mind a readiness and clearness of conception whilst its terseness and philosophic idiom afford equal means of lucid utterance.” —Rev. Perceval in The Land of the Veda. “ The invasion and conquest of these flourishing tribes by the Aryans was part of that ancient process whereby, periodi¬ cally, the north hasi swept down violently upon the settled and pacified south; this has been one of the tnain streams of history, on which civilizations have risen and fallen like epochal undulations. The Aryans poured down upon the Dravidians, the Achaeans and Dorians upon the Cretans and Aegeans, the Germans upon the Romans, the Lombards upon the Italians, the English upon the World. Forever the north produces rulers and warriors, the south pro¬ duces artists and saints and the meek inherit heaven. —^Will Durant in “Our Oriental Heritage”. “When Deenabandhu C. F. Andrews stayed in our Ash¬ ram he told me how deeply impressed he was by the natural beauties of the Tamil Nad with its hills and valleys spread all over the land. He gave us one address on this very sub¬ ject at our Sandhya time. He told me he saw nothing like this in North India. The great chain of the mountains that lie on the West and the East (Western and Eastern Ghats) linked by the gentler connecting hills that run across the country from East to West (The Javadi, Shervaroys, Anar malai and other hills) with their lovely water-falls as at .16 TAMIL CtlLTtTRD Courtallam and Papanasam make the landscape very pic¬ turesque and beautiful. The rivers that run from West to East and the vast fertile plains and green fields add to the picture. The great ocean surrounds the.Jand on almost all three sides, and the point at Cape .Comorin where the three seas meet is a charming spot. These gifts of nature have in¬ fluenced the Tamil people in their long and ancient historical development.” —^Dr. S. Jesudason in “ The History of the Tamils aro SIR MORTIMER WHEELER B etween the years 2500 and 1500 B. C. it wotdd have been possible to travel from remote Sutkagen-dor, near the shores of the .4rabian Sea over 300 miles west of Karachi, to the village of Rupar at the foot of the Simla Hills—a distance of 1,000 miles — and to see on all sides men living in various degrees the same mode of life, making the same land of pots and tools and ornaments, ancl possibly administrated by the same government. There was a widespread unity, widespread alike in time and in space. This unity is emphasized and partly explained when our travels take us past* two great dties of a kind hitheto unparallelled in these parts. One of &em lies, beside the Indus 200 miles north-east of Karachi, at a spot which came to be known later as Mohehjo-daro, the Hill of the dead; the other 400 miles further on, stands near the little Punjab town of Harappa, beside a .former course oif the Ravi, tributary of the Indus. Here the art osfl Iving in cities, in other words Civilization had come into being and' had co-ordinatel human effort on a geographical scale mi- approached in prehistoricTimes. Since its discovery in 1921, the.now-famous Indus Gvilizalion has rightly ranked amongst the gi’eat civilizations of the ancient world. ' Almost all' the known remains of this civilization lie within the limits of West Pakistan. That is a circumstance of which the new Dominion may be proud. It gives, indeed, a sort of basic unity to Pakistan itself in our historic con¬ sciousness. At the same time it presents the Pakistan Govern¬ ment with a special responsibility, of which it is well aware, as the custodian of the relics of an outstanding epoch of human endeavour. Mohenjo-daro is today one of the most spectacular --Tf— • Sir Mortimer Wheeler was formerly Director-General of Archaeo¬ logy in India, and Anchaeological Adviser to the Government of Pakis¬ tan. He is now Secretary of the British Academy, London. It is by his courtesy that this desaiption is reproduced. IS TAMIL CtJLTUKE of all excavated cities, and well repays tlie arduous journey, to its site. Let us, in imagination, make that journey when the city was still standing in its prime, some 4,000 years ago, before time and the Indus floods had bitten into it. Instead of approaching the city, as we do today, amidst sand and dusty tamarisk-bushes, we may suppose that we are passing through irrigated fields which, in their season, bear crops of wheat and barley, sesamum and field-peas, and a species of rai. Even a cotton-plantation may lend variety to the busy scene; at any rate, cotton is certainly ^own to the Indus citizens. As we draw near to the suburbs, we pass the cemetery where (on the analogy of Harappa) slight ob¬ long mounds, ranged north and south like those of a Muslim graveyard, indicate the resting-place of the city forefathers. Beside and beyond them, smoking Idlns begin to meet the eye, some for the baking of pottery, others for firing the mil¬ lions of balced bricks used in the construction and reconstruc¬ tion of the city’s buildings and defences. And so we come at last to the great city itself, with its close-set houses and teeming streets. We find that the city falls into two somewhat distinct parts, a lower and an upper. The lattw, towards the western outskirts, is an oblong mound, 400 yards from north to south and 200 yards from east to west, and massively fortified. If, for the present purpose, we transfer to Mohenjo-daro the better-known details of the equivalent mound at Harappa, we shall see that the fortifications of this citadel—for thus it may be described — stand upon a bank or bund designed to protect the base of the defences from the floods which we know to have broken through occasionally into the town. Merchants from the distant city of Ur in Mesopotamia could tell us that their own native city-walls stood in part upon a similar pa-otective foundation. On the Harappa-Mohenjo- daro bund rises a thick wall of mud-brick, 40 feet wide but tapering upwards to a height of 30 or 40 feet, and faced on the outside by a skin qf baked brick to protect it from the monsoon-rains. At intervals along it, rectangular towers pro¬ ject, and the corners in particular are heavily reinforced in this manner. In the northern end the walls turn inward to flfink a long approach up into the interior, and (at Harappa, MOHENJO-DARO — HILL OF THE DEAD 19 at any rate) other gates on the western side give access to external terraces, designed for ceremonial. Within the walls, the building-level of the citadel is raised 30 feet above the .plain by an artificial platform or infillin g of earth and mud-brick; and on this platform, amongst buildings of a more normal sort, stands a series of remarkable structures which we assume to be connected with the civic Ad¬ ministration — whether secular or religious or both. One of these buildings contains a well-built tank which probably serves a ritual function. Another, with solid construction and cloistered court, is seemingly the residence of a high official, possibly the high priest himself, or perhaps rather a college of priests. Yet another is a large piMared hall, designed ob¬ viously for ceremony or conference. II is clear enough that this assemblage of unique and monumental structures, frown¬ ing from' its pedestal upon the town below, represents the stern, masterful rule of which the “ lower city ” also constantly reminds us. Before descending from the citadel, however, let us climb upon the eastern battlements and survey the lower city from above. At our feet, we see the houses and shops stretching for a mile towards the broad Indus, where another bund seeks to ward off the river that at the same time serves the city and threatens it. From beneath the two ends of the citadel, parallel streets, some 30 feet broad, stretch away from us and are crossed by other straight streets which divide the town-plan into great oblong blocks, each 400 yards in length and 200 or 300 yards in width. Within these blocks, purpose¬ ful lanes subdivide the groups of buildings and ma-intain the general rectangularity of the plan. It is clear that the city is no chance-growth. It is drilled and regimented by a civic ardhitect whose will is law. Even from where we stand, we can see that the streets are lined with a remarkable system of brick-covered drains. In the nearer distance one of these is being cleaned out by a uniformed municipal sanitary-squad, at a point where a man-hole has been built for the purpose. (2,000 years later, archaeologists will find the heap of debris still lying beside the man-hole). But it is the "hour of cow-dust,” when the children are driving in the humped cattle and the shcrt-horng 20 TAMIL CULTURE and the buffaloes from the countryside for the night, along streets which, though well-drained, are unpaved ; and the dust from the herds and from the solid wheeled “ Sindhi ” carts and on occasional elephant that, wend amongst them rises high amongst the houses and obscures detail. We can just see that many of the houses are of normal oriental countryard-plan. the rooms grouped round two or more sides of a court or light-well; and here and there we can catch a glimpse of a brick stair-case leading up to a flat roof or an upper storey. For the rest, we must descend into the streets themselves There, if we come from some of the ancient cities of the West, we are at once struck with the uniformity and mono¬ tony of the street-architecture, with the absence of monu¬ mental sculpture or other divertisement. At the best, the severe brick walls are coated with a mud plaster. In the main struts there are few doors and fewer windows; most of the houses are entered from the side-lanes, where pie-dogs lurk and chase occasional cats, and children play with marbles and with the little terracotta carts and dolls. Through the doors of some of the better houses a glimpse can be obtained of furniture enlivened by inlay of shell or green-blue faience but of no great elaboration. Here and there a chute in an. outside wall discharges waste and sewage into a brick-built soil-tank or into a large jar, pending the attentions of the busy sanitary-squad. Meanwhile, at the shop beside us, another municipal squad — the Insi)ectors of Weights and Measures — is sternly checking the shopkeeper’s cubic stone weights against a standard set. All is orderly and regulated. At the same time, all is a trifle dull, a trifle lacking in the stimulus of mdividuality. The almcKst unvarying character of the city as a whole from century to century is reflected in this absence of suppression of personality in its details from street to street. This sense of regimentation reaches its climax in a quarter where there are sixteen small, identical, two-roomed cottages for the housing of slaves or conscripts, reminding us of the coolie-qu^ter which lies between the citadel and the ancient river-bed at Harappa. We are further reminded that at Harappa, behind the two rows of coolie-cottages are serried lines of circular brick platforms for fhe pounding (rf grain in MOHENJO-DARO r- HILL OF THE DEAD 21 centra! mortars, and behind these in turn, significantly near to the river and its shipping, lie parallel lines of granaries upon a brick-faced pedestal. At both cities We seem to see, as in Mesopotamia, the secular arm of an administration strengthened and straitened by religious sanction ; a civic discipline rigidly enforced by a king-god or his priesthood. That being so, the more regrettable is it that in our tour of the city we have not found a single building which can, with certainty, be described as a temple. It may be that the dust has obscured, as oday a much later Buddhist stupa obs¬ cures, the highest point of the citadel, where the chief temple might be expected. Nor can we make good the omission later on at Harappa, since there a still more recent obstruction (a cemetery) will bafile the archaeologist. For the religion and ritual of these cities we must console ourselves with lesser relics. Thus terracotta figurines of women seem to show that a Mother-goddess played some part at least in domestic ritual, and there are suggestions of a form of phallus-worship. Seal- representations of a three-faced and horned male god squat¬ ting with legs bent double and surrounded, on one seal, by an elephant, a tiger, a rhinocer(» and a buffalo, suggest a forerunner of the Hindu Siva. There are also many indications on seals and pottery that trees, particularly the piped or sacred fig-tree were worshiped, as widely in India today. Animals, notably the buU, which is sometimes accompanied by a so-called “ sacred brazier ” or manger, were apparently objects of veneration, and composite animals, sudi as one with a human face, an elephant's trunk, the forequarters of a bull and the hindquarters of a tiger, presumably represent a synthesis of animal-cults. Snakes may also have been worshipped, and here again many parallels may be found in modem India. Altogether it is likely that the region of the Indus Givi£zation anticipated certain of th-e non-Aryan ele¬ ments in the Hinduism of a long-subsequent age. But we have not yet left the busy street, with its seething population. The dress of the local citizen is notably scanty but, so far as it goes ornamental. The women wear a short skirt held by a girdle which may be adorned with beads. Above the waist, the body is bare save for extensive necMaces which are usually of clay or stone beads but are sometimes of blue faience or green jadeite or even gold. The most re- TAMIL CULTURE maxkable feature, however, is the fanshaped headdress worn with grave, ceremonious mien by an occasional lady of rank and fashion. At the sides of the headdress are pannier-like cloth extensions, carefully stiffened and balanced and of gro- tesqute aspect to the foreign eye. Of the men, less is to be said. The poorer classes wear a loin-cloth, a few, particularly the priests and high officials, are wrapped in embroidered cloaks. Many of them are bearded, but the seniors sometunes shave the upper lip in accordance with a hieratic fashion more at home in the neighbouring civilization of Sumer. Let us peer at the passers-by more clbsely. We find that about half of them are of medium height and slender build, with olive complexion, dark hair, long head and fine features. Similar men and women of this attractive appearance might be found in many places, from the western Meditterranean to southern Arabia and India. Amongst them are a few of smaller stature, dark, with curly bla^k hair and pronounced lips, of an aspect recalling that of some of the “ aboriginals ” of the Indian peninsula. An occasional passenger has a broad head with regullar but rugged features. Of mixed type is a priest wdth beard and shaven lip and a woven fillet round his hair, whose advent is received with obsequiousness by all within range. And striding amongst them in his Turkoman boots is an almond-eyed Mongolian who came in this morning after a moonlight trek with a camel-caravan which has brought a mixed cargo of dried fruits and the blue lapis lazuli and tur¬ quoise from Afghanistan and Iran. In brief, the human scene is as cosmopolitan as such scenes are wont to be. One perennial feature of our surroundings continues to evade us : the language which many of these folk are speakmg and which is indicated by clearly rendered but unintelligible characters upon goods in the shops and even on some of the pottery at the well. We nevertheless glance frequently at the seals and sealings bearing these unread characters, for they also bear vivid and superbly engraved representations of animak — cattle of various kinds, tiger, rhinoceros, elephant, crocodite — and, as already remarked, the shapes of gods. Only ordinary mankind, it seems is passed over as of no ac- TOunt. Once more, we find that the individual is of no great interest to this efficient but curiously detached society. MOHEN jO-t)AKO — filLL OF THE -DEAD 2^ Before continuing our description, we may • pause to consider for a moment certain aspects of these cities and their civilization on a more abstract plane. We have observed the astonishing sameness of that civilization, both from place to place within ita 1,000 mile stretch and from age to age within its 1,000 — year span. Another quality of it is its isolation. Only in a general way is it linked with the smaller cultures of the last chapter. Its distinctive pottery deep red with bllack pattern of scales or interesting circles of piped leaves or peacocks or fish — its seals, some of its inlays and orna¬ ments are peculiar to itself. We know not the circumstances of their origin. Its commercial intercourse with the outside world was of the slightest, at any rate in non-perishable goods; what trade there may have been in perishable commodities such as spices, unguents, cloth and slaves, we cannot of course tell in the absence of an intelligible record. Most oif the tools in daily use were still of stone, long chert blades in particular being employed as knives and for other purposes ; but simple axes, knives, arrow-heads, spears and other implements were also made from copper or its alloy bronze, and these metals, together with silver, were -sometimes used for vessels or figurines. For these purposes copper was probably brought from Rajputana, not necessary beyond the jurisdiction of the Indus State. Iron was, of course, still unknown at this remote date. A little lapis lazuli was, as we have seen, im¬ ported from north-eastern Afghanistan. Occasionally a stone or alabaster unguent box may have come from Soutb-Balu- chistan or Southern Persia, a bronze socketed axe-head or rare gold disc-beads from Mesopotamia, a bronze pin (from Northern Persia or Asia Minor, a fragment of amazonite from South India. Amongst exports, a few distinctive products Each as seals, inlays, and pottery found their way from the Indus to Ur and other cities of Mesopotamia at a time which Mesopotamia archaeologists can identify as about 2300 B. C. But, considering that Mohenjo-daro lived through upwords of nine rebuildings, the total volume of this trade on either side is insignificant. How then did the Indus cities come into being ? In spite of their dift'erence and detachment from the contemporary (and older) cities of Mesopotamia, it is unlikely that the civic idea was an absolutely independent invention of the 24 TAMIL CULTURE Indus folk. And here it is perhaps i)ossible to find a useful analogy in the fully historical period. When Islam came to Pakistan and India from the West, it brought with it Uie idea of mosque and tomb, the ideas of the rhythmic triple iwmi, the emphatic dome, the minaret. But In^, whitlst adopting these ideas adapted them to her traditions. She accepted but transmuted. And for a demonstration of this process, we have only to compare the Isfahan of Skah Abbas with the almost contemporary Fathepur Sikri of Akbar the Great: the one completely and soberly Persian, the other touched with the fantasy of the jungle. So also, we may suppose, in the third millennium B. C. India (Pakistan) re¬ ceived from Mesopotamia the already- established idea df city- life or civilization, but transmuted that idea into a mode substantially new and congenial to her. Above all, she de¬ veloped^ her civilization, as at more than one later p>eriod, along ambitious imperial lines. Whether thfe outstanding cities of Mohenjo-daro and Harappa represent one empire or two, we cannot know ; if the latter, we may recall that in the ninth century A. D. two Arab principalities divided the Indus between them, in somewhat similar fashion, with capi¬ tals at Multan in the Punjab and Mansurah in Sind. It does not greatly matter. But the immensely vaster size of these two cities (each of them three or more miles in circumference), when compared with the other sites of the same culture, once again emphasizes that intense centralization which we have recognized at all stages of the Civilization. Sameness, isola¬ tion, centralization are its abstract qualities : it w^as a civili¬ zation wihin an Iron Curtain which preserved it marvellously intact for a thousand years, more or less. And then, about 1500 B. C., something happened to it. We are once again on the eastern fortifications of the citadel of Mohenjo-daro. Before us lie the familiar straight streets, stretching for away towards the Indus. But otherwise the scene is a very different one from the peaceful evening homecoming which we witnessed before. Now volumes of smoke and flame are rismg from several of the houses below us. Led by a gesticulating man in an outlandish chariot drawn by two small ponies which are stretched at a fast canter, a horde of howling swordsmen is rushing down one of the main streets. By tiie chariot-pole crouches the charioteer, and MOHENJO-DAKO — HILL OF THE DEAD 25 every now and then the swaying figure beside him fits an arrow to a short, stocky bow and discharges it into the panic- stricken groups of fleeing citizens. As we watch, a gang of desperadoes turns mto one of the side-lanes where half-a-dozen wretched creatures, including a small child, have just emerged from a house and are seeking escape. In a moment their bodies are sprawling in the dust and their cries cease. A little further on, a rash refugee has returned for some treasured knick-knack, and he shares the same fate. At another spot a pathetic group of eight or nine figures, half of them children, are emerging heavily laden from the Quarter of the Ivory Workers. They are surrounded: their.screams reach a brief crescendo and die away. Their treasures have been trans¬ ferred to other hands, and the looters are thrusting upon their way. Elsewhere again, we look down on one of the public well-rooms, in which local house-folk were drawing water wben death came to their city. For a time they have cowered beside the well as the screams and the shouting draw steadily nearer. Now they can bear the suspense no longer. Two of them are climbing the stairs, have reached the street, when the invading mob closes upon them. They drop, and are instantly trampled into the sand. A burly feUow with raised sword turns on to the well-house stairs and cuts down the cowering woman who is struggling up them. She falls back¬ wards across the steps, and her companion, stiU beside the well, is struck down instantly. Laden wdth plunder, the raven¬ ing horde sweeps on. A part of it is already streaming up the long stairway into the citadel on which we stand. It is high time for us to take flight into the future, through thirty- four centuries during which the poor bones of the massacred will lie there in the. derelict streets and lanes until twentieth century archeologists shall dig and find them, where they, with their age-long Giviliization, perished within the hour. It remains to expand this story a little in the colder light of science and literature. Recent revisions of all the related evidence make it clear that the Indus Civilization was still living in the early centuries of the second millennium B. C. It was succeeded by a variety of (materially) inferior cultures, in some cases after a phase of violence. Into this picture it' is difficult not to bring the evidence of the earliest literature of India, the Rigveda, which is agreed to represent, from the. 26 TAMIL CULTURE Aryan point of view and in the vague way of a hieratic hymned, the conditions of the invasion of the Pwijab by the Aryaris at a date which, on archaeological and other grounds, is now commonly ascribed to the fifteenth century B,C. The vedic hymns make it clear that the mobile, city-less invaders differed at every point from the long-static citizens whom they invaded. The term used for the cities of the aborigines is pur, meaning a ‘^fort” or ’‘stronghold.” One of these embattled cities is called “ broad ” and “ wide.” Sometimes they are referred to metaphoricaiily as ‘‘of metal.” “Autu- manal ” forts are also named, perhaps with reference to the capacity of a, bund, like that on which the Harappa defences stood, to withhold the autumn inundations. Forts “wiUi a hundred walls ” are mentioned. The citadel may be of stone or of mud-brick (“raw”, “unbaked”). Indra, the Aryan war-god, is puramdara, “ fort-destroyer.” He shatters “ninety forts” for his Aryan protege, Divodasa. The same forts are doubtless referred to where in other hymns he demolishes variously ninetynine and a hundred “ancient castles” of the aboriginal leader Sambara. In brief, he “ rends 'forts as age consumes a garment.” Where are — or were — these native citadels ? It has in the past been supposed that they were mythical or, at the best, mere palisaded refuges. But, since the discovery of fortifications at Harappa and Molienjo-daro in 1944, we know too, that at least the administrative nucleus of these great cities was stronglyfortified. We laiow too, that lesser sites of the same Civilization, such as Ali Murad and Kohtras in Western Sind and Sutkagen-dor in Makran, couM boast de¬ fensive walls of stone, stone-and-mud, or brick. The general showing, then, is that of a highly evolved “ aboriginal ” civili¬ zation of essentially non-Aryan type, now known to have employed massive fortifications and known aliso to have do¬ minated the river-system of Pakistan at a time not distant from the likely period of the earlier Aryan invasions of that region. What destroyed this firmly settled civilization ? Cli¬ matic, economic, political deterioration may have weakened it, but its ultimate extinction is more likely to have been completed by deliberate and large-scale destruction. On cir¬ cumstantial evidence, Indra and his Aryans stand accused. If we reject this evidence, then we have to assume that, in MOHENJO-DARO — HILL OF THE DEAD 27 the short interval which can at he most, have intervened between the end of the Indus Civilization and the first Aryan invasions, an unidentified but formidable civilization arose in the same rejdon and presented an extensive fortified front to the invaders. The assumption is a wilful and unlikely one. It is now, therefore, generally accepted that the Indus cities were, in fact, those referred to in the Rig\’’eda, and that they were destroyed by Aryan invaders in or about the fifteenth century B. C. (See Five thousand years of Pakistan, by R. E. M. Wheeler, p. 24ff.) 5ke T. P. MINApm SUNDARAN, m.a.; m.o.l.; b.l. I NDIA has celebrated her fifth anniversary of the day she achieved Independence. She is a federation of States in one of which an ancient language continues to be current even in this Twentieth Century. The Tamilians are therefore both to look backward to the past for preserving their classical heritage and to look forward to the future for achieving prog¬ ress in science and the modern arts. That is their peculiar problem at present because of their unique position in History. If language is the expression of a nationality, the Tamil language should become capable of performing this cultural duty. ~ ‘ Man stands up with his gaze towards heaven, looks and marches towards the horizon. The hands become freed and develop into the miraculous tools of the brain, its very em¬ bodiment, creating and shaping, as they wish, the world and the machines which are but his extended arms. Man finds- that his most materialistic organ of eating creates music mov¬ ing other hearts and utters words symbolising his innermost thoughts. Man thinks aloud ; thought is no more inaccessible. This is a discovery and a revolution. Society is knit together in this union of voices and communism of thoughts. The miracle is that it is the incarnation of thought in audible sounds. Society preserves this through its tradition. But after all, the audible sound, as an audible sensation, is ephe¬ meral. When man’s scribling hands give permanence to these %mit Script j^eft oitn The Government of Madras appointed in the year 1950 a Com¬ mittee for the purpose of making recommendations for the simpli¬ fication of the Tamil Script so as to serve better the needs of modem printing machinery and discard the illogical accretions in the develop¬ ment of the Script. Six months ago the Government of Madras stated that because of strong opposition to the reform of the saipt, it was leaving it to the public to effect the changes it might deem necessary. T. P. Meenakshi Sundaran, who was a member of the Govemmennt Committee, here discusses the need for adopting the recommendations of the Committee, THE TAMIL SCRIPT REFORM 29 thoughts through written symbols, another revolution is ef¬ fected. Man’s thoughts conquer time and space. Aristotle and Tiruvalluvar, Homer and Kambar speak td us through the ages. Our friends in foreign countries of the West through their letters, conquering space, speak to us as did the Letters of the Kings carried through their embassises in ancient times. Books are thus born. • Once written down these books of great, men cease to be individual possessions and become the common property of society. They can be copied and multiplied but there is a limit to human power. Man, however, overcomes this difficulty by inventing machines. If man is a thinking and a social animal, the books, the embodiments of men’s thoughts, are the heritage of every man — not only of the learned few. The age of the Common man starts. The Printing press and its modern developments of lino-t 3 rpe, mono-t 3 qDe etc., have ushered in this age of universal literacy as the very basis of the Democracy of our country. The Printing press though’' nothing but matter, yet as the embodiment of the social urge of Man’s spirit thus introduces the third great revolution ii the domain of thought. The common man :— the ordinary labourer working the ever renewing machines has to keep himself in touch with their modern developments if he is to keep the wolf from his doors. The invention of mechanical devices and improve¬ ments are flashed through the wireless and the tele-type writer all through the world, to be printed in the evening papers, giving the latest news. The Tainil language and its scripts have to serve not only the ppets and philosophers but also the motor driver and the electrician speaking and writing ~SL peculiai’ Tamil jargon almost foreign to the learned, though ^pular among their own comrades. The democractic and practical need of the age should not be lost sight of in our preoccupation with our own classics. This supplies us with a guiding principle. The adult coming to the community Centre to receive his social education is to a little extent like the child familiar to us in our school. We shall therelfore study the familiar child to throw new light on this prob¬ lem, fSociety it is that malces culture immortal, passing it on 30 TAmL CULTURE •from one generation to another by actual sodal contact and habits. Therefore, the greatest problem is to prepare the yoimger generation — the future chiTens — for the necee- sities of the modern world. This is the era of the Child as a poetess of the West has sung. The Child is the father of the man and this ought to serve as our starting point. A Common Error Xote-book of a higher form of a City High School reveals to us the difficulties the children are expCTien<* ing in our educational institutions, where their difficulties honest toil and first trials at creative expression, are condemn¬ ed as errors by a tyrannical adult world of teachers, in their attempt at mechanising and standardising the human talent of the morrow. The longer ka and other syMabic letters ending in long a, are with a few exceptions, written with the con¬ sonants followed by what in Tamil is callbd a kal .of the form/. nr etc.) The_^ceptions ts?, of confufflon to the children believing in the uniformity of Mature, which is th^ basis of afi jour sciences. 'sophisticated ones more bfteii than not write these exceptional letters also with a kal as pir, anr and The history of the Tamil script justifies their mistakes as the most ancient and correct forms. The exceptions have been introduced in the middle ages to avoid confusion in the running script. We, therefore, ought to be thankful to these new-comers to our world, teaching us good sense through their racial memory of the ancient forms. There is another place where this fundamental feeling of uniforimty of nature receives a rude shock. Whilst ordinarily we write the syllabic letters ending in ai with a double kombu («’) preceding the consonant the letters iiai, nai, lai, lai are not written according to this ordinary rule estensr^ enesr^ «s>«) and but instead are written as exceptions having the forms and so as to avoid the confusion of the double kombu with «r etc. in the running script. Here also the good sense of the children condemned as a mistake by their teachers, puts us on our guard to understand and appre¬ ciate the ancient history of these letters which surprisingly justifies their socalled aberrations. There is one other instance of this breach of uniformity more dangerous to the development of science and logic be¬ cause of its occurrence almost at the second step of the child 'rHE TAMIL SCRIPT REFORM 31 in its progress in writing. ^ and <&,, the first two letters are related in form, even as they are related in sound. The long and short vowels and syllabic letters in the alphabet are uniformly thus related. But at the very second step, wme the short i and the long i which have no similarity in form when they are written as 5) and The connected forms, 5) and are hot of ancient history and there is no meaning in persisting to use the p'antha form of the long i when there is an ancient form stiU continuing to be current. That great friend of the children the late lamented Tiru C. R. Namasi- vaya Mudaliar re-introduced uniformity to this extent in his Readers. These are some of the rworninendatipps of,the Cpmmitt!^ appoipfi^ the gpvermnent of Madras for reiforming the ^ript — recommendations approved by the learned bodies of Tamil land. These are neither revolutionary nor heterodox ; they, in an orthodox way go back to the pristine purity of ancient usage. . The next source of confusion is between the sign of au C§)G»r; .m th^'syMabic letters and the letter I ('sir). ^ is au but nothing prevents any one reading it as ola; and this remark is not hypercritical'. The compound oUalal (gs^rer^A) by. elision of the medial consonant can become (olalal) in poetry, according to the best usage of the grammarians. Van to be read as vela. Arunagirinathar of Tirup- puk^. fame uses the word ^‘veUari’' (Qeu^eirS) the cucumber in its unusual form velari, where the I medial or has been elided. How is one to distinguish velari from vauri (Q etc. With one additional sign alone for each one of these series, all. the eighteen letters in each of the series can thus be printed. When these operators come to the syllabic letters ending in ,i^and and the series, the series, and the Oaea- series they need no new signs. By the combination of the kombu, the « etc., and the kal or la, they succeed in manag¬ ing to give us these three series, without any difficulty. They’ have not gone against ancient usage by introducing these mechanical devises of economy. — the © series. There only remains the four series, the long u a.nd the short u the long “ t” and the short "t" the series in which this analysis has not been carried to its logical end. Theses letters in these series on account of their inseparable unity ’llabic consonant. But anyjemedy ,w^^ than the disease; becau^There is the great danger of m^ing the "Fandful of our literates in Tamils illiterates, by introducing revolutionary changes. It is this overpowering consideration that stands on the threshold of our enquiry preventing the acceptance of the Roman alphabet. f There is nothing revolutionary in the recommendations. They hark back to ancient times. A few misguided devotees of Tamil are labouring under the fallacy that the present scripts came from Siva or Agastya fully formed like Minerva from the head of Zeus. They forget the gradual changes the scripts have undergone all through the ages. Ka, («) for instances was originally like a plus agn (+). Writing on palmyra leaf, the straight lines tearing the leaf, have , to be avoided and written as curves. The commentators like Nac- cinarkkiniyar point out the changes of the dots or puUis and kotus or-lines into kombu and kal. Has not Rev. Beschi as late as the 18 century introdlced changes in vowels cr «■ gj gs and in syllabic letters of the 0<®/r Qsir series. If there is any well established tradition about our scripts in Tamil land, it is a tradition of gradual change to meet the exigencies of times; and the recommendations of the Committee are, there- fOTe, on the lines of the best tradition of this hoary land and its ancient language. ^lie ^^oiuhon of the 'Daniil Script V. I. SUBRAMONIAM, b. a. (Hoxs.) T he Tamil scripts to attain the present form have under¬ gone evolutionary changes, from the days pf the Thiru- natharkuntru Inscription — which is the earli^t known Tamil inscripion of the 3rd century A. D. — down to the days of Father Beschi. The very word Tamil during the time df the Thirunatharkuntru Inscription should have been written as in the time of the early Pallavas of the 7th century A. D. as , in the 8th century during the time of Nandi II as '8'tp^T , in the 10th century during the time of Rajaraja the great, as , and during the rule of the later pandyas of the 13th century as . Attempts to alter the scripts to make them perfect, easy and uniform have not ceased even in our days. Since printing has established them any major reform is discredited and decried. Among the Dravidian languages, only Tamil, MalayaJlaip, Telugu and Kannada have characters of their own. Tulu was written in Malayalam scripts and later in Kannada. The Ku language uses Oriya scripts. Th^ Pj^cr Dravidian dia¬ lects. do not have, an independent alphabet. The Kannada and Telugu characters which were derived ITrom the Deva- nagari, have little difference between them. Modern Malaya¬ lam scripts have evolved out of Tamil Grantha characters. It is commonly believed by the Malayalis that it took pjace dicing jthe time of Euluthaccan of the 16th ce ntury , when the influence of Sanskrit was enormous. Before that, Vatte- luttu script was commonly used for all purposes as in the adjacent Tamilnad up to the 16th century. The Mapalas of Malabar adopted until very recent times for their documents the Koleluttu script which is another form of Vatteluttu. In the Tamil country the early Inscriptions were written in three kinds of scripts, (1) The Vatteluttu script (2) The V. I. Subramoniam is a Research Scholar of the University of THE EVOLUTION OF THE TAMIL SCRIPT t7 Grantha ecript (3) the Tamil Grantha sci:ipt called Tamil. The Grantha script was only for writing the Sanskrit words. Mostly no unit of Sanskrit, shorter than a word, or a word compound, or a phrase, was written in Grantha. The body of the Inscription was either written in Vatteluttu script or in Tamil. The available Inscriptions having Grantha and Tamil scripts date back to the 7th century A. D. and Jhe Vatteluttu Inscriptions, except the Thirunatharkuntru • Inscription, from the 8th century. There...js^eCTd€aic’e,. to s^w that the Vatteluttu was in vogue throughout Tamil- hi^.. When the PaUavas dominated the Tamil country they popularised the Tamil script. Later, when the Pallava supre¬ macy was displaced by that of the Cholas they also adopted the same characters as the PaUavas. As a result of it, the Vateluttu script became popular only in the limited area cif the Pandya and Chera countries. After a few centuries of precarious existence, the Vatteluttu script feU into disuse even in the Pandya territory. When the Malayalis began to use the modern Aryayeluthu script, Vatteluttu was finally discarded in Malabar. The difficulty in reading the Vatteluttu and the failure of political powers to back its iisage, were the immediate causes for its disuse. The arrangement of the alphabet in the Dravidian lan- ’ ^ages includmg Taj^ e^ctly . the..arrii^gem.en^ orihe alphabet in Sanskrit ; but, Tamil limits its vowels to Iw^ve and the consonants to eighteen leaving out the soft consonants of the varga, aspirates and sibilants of Sanskrit. On the other hand Telugu, Kannada and Malayalam have adopted the sibilants aspirates and soft consonants of Sans¬ krit along with the peculiar Dravidian sounds like short e(^)f o(s>) and Uifi) r(p) etc. In these I (ip) and r(p), have gone out of use now in Telugu and Kannada but early in¬ scriptions bear evidence to the fact that in the early days they both had li^p) and r{p). The origin of the Dravidian scripts was a favourite, theme for research durmg the later half df the 19th century: ^ and as many as a dozen illustrious scholars have put forth j different theories. Among the three scripts mentioned above, Grantha and Tamil scripts, ^e accepted to have been de- Tiv^ from Birahmi. The origin of Vatteluttu alone is disputed. Many derive V from the Asokan Brahmi and a few ^8 TAMIL CULTURE itate it as of indigenous origin. According to BurnelJ, it is of Phoenecian and Aramic origin. Buhler thinks it to be a cursive script of Tamil. In the opinion of Gopinatha Rao, like all the other alphabets of India it is dmyed from the. Brahmi variety of the Asokan script. An individual analysis of these lettere will clearly prove that Vatteluttu has originated from Brahmi. If the I)ra\ddian alphabets like all other alphabets of India were derived from Brahmi, why should they be entirely different from other Indian scripts ? The causes for the dif¬ ference in the scripts are many. Though, differences in the writing material is the major cause in shaping the script, both in the North and South India the same material was us^ for writing from the beginning of writing. Different social circumstances influence very much the choice and character of the scripts. The most important cause is the range of sounds which a speech community habitually uses at the time when it gets its script, and the range of sound represent^ by the parent alphabet. The liaw pf indolence that is, straight lines becoming curves and curves becoming straight lin^ pro¬ pounded by Gobinatha Rao can have remarkable influence in changing the scripts. The high cultural antiquity as a cause of differentiation in scripts cited by Caldwell, deserves con- ’ sideration. The innate tendency of the T amili an to change every thing to suit the genius of his language and culture may also be an important cause for the difference in the 1 script. Scholars are equally divided in their opinion about the origin of Brahmi: Buhler and Weber trace it (rom the Phoenecian alphabet; Isaac Taylor, from the predecessor of the Sabean and Deacke from the Cuneiform syllabary of Assyria and Babylonia. The British Encyclopaedia also states “the north Semitic as the mother of Brahmi.” At the outset it must be made clear that these scholars did not take into con¬ sideration .the Mohenjodaro script, for this buried civilization ! was discovered only in 1920. The light hat Mohenjodaro . sheds when tracing the histp^ of scripts is important'and far-reaching. Hence the older opinions of scholars need” revision. Professor S. Langdon who specialized in this field discards the earlier theories of Phoenecian origin and states that the Brahmi has originated from the Mohenjodaro script, THE EA’OLUTION OP THE TAMIL SCRIPT 39 Lc»g before him, Sir Cunningham, the first Director of the Indian Archaelogical Department supposed the existance of an indigenous pictographic script in India. But paucity of evidence made Buhler reject ^is supposition. Dr. G. R, Hunter in his thesis “ The Script of Mohenjodaro ” has come to the conclusion that the entire Brahmi alphabet is derived from the script of Mohenjodaro” and says “those scholars were not mistaken who connected Brahmi with the Semitic and Phoenecian scripts for there is much evidence to show that these also were derived from the very same scripts of Mohenjodaro.” Though the disappearance of this ancient civilization was neither felt nor recorded in India yet its re¬ ligious and cultural influences on the Hindus are without doubt admitted by all scholars. Hence the knowledge of the script could have been in aJl probability and possibility passed on to the neighbouring inhabitants who were definitely non- Aryans-be they Dra\ddian or Mundas. Now we should note an important epigraphicaJ, evidence, that the earliest Brahmi Inscriptions which are considered by epigraphists to belong to pre-Asokan period are found in considerable numbers in Southern India. In these Brahmi inscriptions there are some peculiarities worth noticing. Ac¬ cording to K. V. Subramonia Iyer they have characters for all the sounds peculiar to the Dravidian languages such as Kffi) r(/o) n(«»3r) and only two consonants for each varga — the surd and the sonant, and not four as in Sanskrit. The sonants were used in writing the Sanskrit words only. If his reading is true, then it clearly shows that Brahmi was first de\Tsed by the Dravidians because all the peculiar Dravidian sounds have characters in these early Inscriptions and later, extended and modified to suit the needs of Sanskrit. Foreign evidence also lends support to this inference. Megasthenes the ambassdor of Seleukos, had noted that the Indians did not have any written book nor a script. We should know that M^astiienes did not come down to South India and his knowledge about the South was little and second-hand, and even the information he has given about North India is to be taken with extreme caution. But Nearchus who preceded Megasthenes had taken note of the written letters on clothes. So it may be inferred that during the time of Nearchus and Megasthenes (about,302 B.C.) though writing was known 40 TAMIL CULTURE it was not widely used in the North. On the other hand in the South it was extensively used. So during the time of Asoka when a necessity to publish his laws of Dharma arose he would have accepted and modified the prevalent script of the South to suit his purpose. Thus the early sugg^on of Ellis and Edward Thomas that the Aryans got their scripts from the early Dravidians, in the fight of these facts, seems very probable. From the Mohenjodaro Pictographic script the neighbouring inhabitants would have derived their charac¬ ters, and from those characters southern Brahmi would have been devised. ' Hitherto the history of Tamil script has been tra ced fr om tlie earliest-stage. Though the manner and material for writing 's^re "the same throughout, yet there were changes in the shape of letters, in the formation of conjunct consonants and in marking the pulli or \Trama, from time to time. In no two centuries were they constant. Even after printing was in¬ troduced in this country in the 16th century, the tendency to change did not cease, A few major changes have been in¬ troduced by Fr. Beschi the renowned Epic poet and Gram- • • inarian. It was he who introduced the modern form of («r & to distinguish clearly between short e («^) and o (ga) from long e(9r) & o(^). Formerly long ef'®’; and o(^) were written • • simply as e & o ( 9 ) and the short as «r and with a dot on. To suit modern needs and to keep pace with other developed languages, the shape of Tamil characters, . why the alphabet itself, need revision. There are many irregularities in the Tamil script; while long ka (-s*-) is written as long na (««)) is written as instead of ssnr. Same is the case with ai (s) — sign also as in and If one and the same sign is used for denoting the lengthening and marking ai for all the vowels and con¬ sonants it would be simple for typing and printing. Grammatically a vocalic consonant should be written, first the consonant, and second, the vowel. So the vocalic consonant kai (®>«) to be written gramatically should be *«> ■ the opposite of the present practice. The modern method of ' writing is also not phonetic. A few other Indian languages too have this defect. Though no alphabetic system is phonetic in the true THE EVOLUTION OF THE TAMIL SCRIPT 41 sense yet it should be enough to express at least the most vital sounds. The Tamil alphabet is only just enough to ex¬ press the indigenous sounds. Due to the increase of contact with other speech communities — both European and Indian, Tamil has been enriched by borrowing many words from them. But the present alphabet cannot express important' sounds of those languages. So a few additions to our alphabet are necessary and the present difficulty in writing foreign; technical terms due to the lack of alphabets, can be solved iff these additions are made. After Fr. Beschi the necessity to reform the Tamil script was felt by scholars and a few gave very good suggestioi^. In 1921 Dr. Gilbert Slater went so far as to suggest a com¬ mon script for all the Dravidian languages for the cultural revival of the south, but was turned down by the then Le^ffilative council of which he was a nominated member. The pnqxised improvement in the Tamil script by the Madras Government is another attempt. Let us hope that competent cultural associations will address themselves to this task which is an immediate necessity for the growth and develop¬ ment of the Tamil language. Books consulted :- 1. Indian Paleography by G. Buhler. 2. Elements of South Indian Paleography by Dr. Burndl. 3. Comparative Grammar by Dr. Caldwell. 4. The Loom of Language by F. Bodmer. 5. T. A. S. Vol. 1. 6. K. V. Rangaswamy Ayengar Commemoration volume. - 7. Pandai Thamil Eluttukkal by T. N. Subramoniam. 8. Kerala pracheena Lipigal, DL ^enlud of Oamll Wuiic A A. VARAGUNAPANDLAN’ U ntil recently Tamil Music was a lost art even in the land of its birth. The Tamils were told and taught and even made to believe that compositions in their mother tongue could not be even set to music. There are even today in the heart of Tamil Nad exponents of music, who pride in passing over the claims of Tamil l 3 n'ics at public performances and private entertainments. The system of music native to South India is known as Carnatic music and is distinct from Hindustani Music, the system in use in North India. Carnatic is the name given by the European traders in the 18th century to the region of South India between the Western Ghats and the Coromandal coast, that is exactly the land made up of the old Pandya and Chola kingdoms which with the Chera or Kerala made ,up the whole of the ancient Tamil-Aham (The Home land of the Tamils). From about the 10th century A. D. Kerala was lost to Tamil Nad because of the development of a new language called Malayalam formed by a greater admixture of Sanscrit with the old Tamil. It is a strange phenomenon in the history of words that the music of the Tamife should be called Carnatic. For, it is also synonymous wdth Kanna- dam, the language of the people who mostly inhabit Mysore and the West Coast between Goa and Malabar. Tamil Music has been known as Carnatic Music for at least two centuries and hence the term has come to stay. This is after all a small matter. A far more serious ob¬ servation is that Carnatic Music disowns its parent tongue and is completely dominated by Telugu and Sanscrit. The reason is political and social. From the 15th century up to the 18th century, Tamil Nad was governed by Telugu Gene- The writer of this article is the author of ‘ Panar Kaivali Yal Nul and son of the late M. Abraham Pandither o^ Tanjore, the author of * i^arunamrutha Saharam’. THE GENIUS OF TAMIL MUSIC 43 rals of the Vijayanagar Empire who ruled at Madurai, Tiru- chirapalli, Tanjore, and Ginji, During their reign, Telugu adventurers carved out Zamindary estates all over the country and installed a number of .petty-courts. Learned Brahmins from Andhra Desa were imported and granted Inams (gifts of lands). The Nayak princes, Zamindars and Inamdars cultivated quite naturally their own mother-tongue Telugu. Thanks to the influence of the .Brahmins with the landed aristocracy and at the princely courts, Sanscrit also received great patronage. The Marathas who supplanted the Nayaks at Tanjore in the 17th century were great votaries of Sanscrit learning and culture. They established the famous Saraswathi Mahal Library at Tanjore, the treasure house of Sanscrit and Telugu manuscripts. At the same time, Travan- core rulers equally patronised Sanscrit. Both Tanjore and Travandrum became thus the centres of Sanscrit culture and Carnatic music with Sanscrit and Telugu Sahityams (words). Tamil was driven into the background and langui^ed for want of royal or aristocratic patronage. In the 19th. century in the peace and security of British rule, Thiagaraja, SwathLTi- runal, Muthuswami Dikshitar and Pattinam Subramania Iyer composed exquisite lyrics in Sanscrit and Telugu and thrilled the South Indian aristocracy of learning and wealth with the heights to which they raised Carnatic music. The fame of Carnatic music spread far and wide. Tamil songs were excluded from public and private entertainments. The Saivite mutts (monasteries) of Thiruvavaduthurai, Dharmapuram, and Thirupanandal were the only places where Tamil songs, lyrics, and devotional hymns were cultivated. At the end of the 19th century. Dr. V. Swaminatha Iyer, himself a product of Thiruvavaduthurai Adhinam, searched for old manuscripts of Tamil classics in nooks and comers of Tamili Nad and brought to light a number of books usually called Cankam Literature and carefully edited them. One of these books is the celebrated Silappadikaram, an epic poem in Tamil written by a Kerala prince, whose brother had his capital about the the 2nd century A. D. at Vanchi very near Cochin. Along with the epic poem, an old com¬ mentary on it by one Adiyarkunallar was discovered. Probably he belongs to about the' 11th or 12th century. An earlier annotation of the same epic was also brought to light, The 44 TAMIL CULTURE text, the commentary and the annotation are most valuable for research scholars, particularly for the light they throw on Tamil music. They give us a glimpse of the practice of the art of music as well as its technique as understood in those early times. My late revered father M. Abraham Pandither of Tanjore, made extensive resparches and re¬ constructed the musical edifice of Ta m ila h am which appears in his teatise called “ Karnamrutha -Saharam ” I have myself made some research regarding the music^ instruments in use in those days, namely the “ Yal.” My book is called “ Pahnar Kaivazhi yenappadum Yal Nul ” (^uarearir ensaitfi erearuuQth JSreo,'^ J hciVB shoWTl therein *vith abundant evidence that the old Tamil Yal is the modem Veena. This substitution of names is explained by all the Tamil musical terms being substituted by Sanscrit names in later days. The old Tamils called their language Muthamil (literally meaning three kinds of'Tamil) indicating the three great divisions of the language namely (1) literature ; mostly poetry), (2) Isai Music), (3) Koothu Drama and Dance). Koothu is also known as Natakam (jBirt-sti) when confined to Drama. The books on Music, Drama and Dance referred to in ancient commentaries are not avaHabte now. Even the few that are said to be available have not yet been printed. Prosody which is one df the sub-divisions of lyal Tamil, shows that letters, syllables Seer (^^), Thalai Adi (^^), Thodai Koon (<®-6W'), Ethugai (cr^68)«)^ Monai (Omir&ir) are so arranged as to satisfy the rules of music. The Pun (uear) the musical mode and Thalam (^iraru)^ Time) are so arranged that sweet notes of the melodies may not sound out of place and time, and that the coherance of the subject may not be lost. The result of these has been the production of different kinds of Pah (ueuppird3(^ " Commentary and annotation :— eresruai, pjrihtf gjriLti^aa ®; 0 tb utrBsOssnutLfLL, pTiaL{ Si!riLuf.is uir^6a>BJa^u^, uT&oanBJBfii jpr&i pjrtht^ QpirQp^uuirQw " THii GfENlUS OF TAMIL MtJSiC 47 " iJilx—eg)i_ jSJTiiLfsafldr §jd(^s(^u Guiur, ereirSssr ? ereiieOiru tyair taRjD(^ LLV^ uiBssir' tuir^^dr — aiearesirth 0pu> — §lpBssr luir^ Gut^ eaeup Qp^s. gle^sSj-m/spirGeo uearaSsir tuirjfi Gld^ He says in these lines that each of the twelve frets, which produce the twelve pitches of the seven notes must be fixed ,on the Yal, so that they might harmonise with their respec¬ tive Pahs (Sols or fifths) just as Kural with Hi (Do with Sol or C with G). ' We know by experience that Hi or pa (G) perfectly harmonises with Kural or Sa (C). The sweetness of the concord will be in proportion to the harmony of this Pa with Sa (G with C). He does not say here that this pa. (G) sounds at Va of the whole length of the wire which produces Sa (C) of a Yal. But he says emphatically that the one who fixes the frets on the Yal, must have sudh a culti¬ vated sense of ear as to appreciate the concord of the notes Kural and Hi or Sa and Pa. It is not easy to indicate a sweet sound which can be minutely appreciated by the cultivated ear, by means of wire and calculations by the leveling rod. The internal ear as well as the nerve which differentiates auditory impressions are very subtle. The appreciation of sounds must be in pro¬ portion to the subtility of the auditory organ. The first sound Sa (Do) should be so appreciated and the Pah (Sol) to it should be determined. Then if this Pa is made the Sa and if we proceed by the same process of fifths, we obtain the twelve musical pitches or tones of an octave. These twelve pitches of' the seven notes are a gradually ascending series and are as concordant with one another as Sa is to Pa (Do to Sol). Even in “Bharatham” which, is supposed to be the earliest Sanscrit work which treats about Music and t dance, we find no clue as to how the twelve pitches may be derived in an octave. So we conclude from the above that even at an early age (from the commencement of the First Tamil Cangam, several centuries before Christ) the ancient Tamilians have had their singing with these twelve pitches derived from Sa-Pa system. In Europe there was a good deal of controversy and doubt as regards these twelve pitches of an octave and these came to an end only about 125 years ago. These were first used by Hwydon (1732-1809) and Mozart. As the twelve TAMIL CULTURE 4S pitches of the octave were equally divided and pianos cons- Btructed accordingly, modulation in all the keys become pos¬ sible. This modulation was brought to perfection by the celebrated Beethovan (1770- 1827) about 125 years ago. This arrangement of pitdies is called Equal Temperament. So Equal Temperament was introduced as recently as 125 years ago. Captain C. R. Day in his book named “The Music and the Musical Instruments of South India” page 29, says as foDows: “ The following table kindly sent me by Mr. Ellis shows the results obtained from a most minute and careful examination made by him and by Mr. A. J. Hipkims of a beautiful old Veena in perfect ,condi tion now in my possession. This instritment is bet¬ ween two or three hundred years old and is from the collection in the Tan j ore palace. The results as will be seen tend to prove that the frets were purposely arranged for something like Equal Temperament. We see therefore that in India much the same results have been independently arrived at by the native musicians as have been attained by subsequent science in Europe ” Cited in Karunamrutha Saharam, at p. 141. In the above, he gives a few important particulars about the Yal (Veena) that was taken to England from Tanjore (South India). This instrument appears to have been from the collection at the Tanjore palace Museum, and the frets in it seem to have been arranged so as to produce the twelve pitches of the seven Swarams (notes) in accordance with Equal Temperament. He says that on examination of it by Mr. Ellis and Mr. A. J. Hipkims, it was found that the frets were arranged not in conformity with the Diatonic scale used in Europe for 2,000 years but in accordance with Equal Temperament used for the purposes of modulation for the past century or two, and that the South Indian musicians' had arrived at this system independently before it was ever discovered by the Europeans. Captain Day after laborious research, discovered the fact that the twelve frets of the Yal were in accordance with th^ 49 . THE GENIUS OF TAMIL MUSIC Equal Temperament and mentioned the truth that this system was known in South India from remotest time. A little deeper research in the field wouM certainly convince all earnest students of music that we can conclude from what we find in the SilappadUmram written eighteen centuries ago that the Sa - Pa system (Do - Sol) is referred to in the ancient music of the Tamil country and that it has been always in vogue among the Tamils even to the present day. E. T. RAJESWARI, m.a., l.t. Part III I K AMBAN’S work is sometimes called Kamba-natakain and thereifore, one may expect here the dramatic ele¬ ment to predominate. His work is not a drama in the sense in which we now understand that term. It does not consist merely of the speeches of his dramatis personae. It is an epic, not a natural epic like that otf Homer or VaJkniki, but an artificial or learned epic like Virgil's or Milton’s. Why it is called a drama is that, like a stage play, it is full of dramatic situations. This usage is justified in Indian poetry by the famous example of Maha Nataka called a drama, though it is not. Perhaps Kamban’s work is a masterpiece of art unlike the patchwork of Maha Nataka, full of digres¬ sions, conceits, quibbs and discussions. It is because of this characteristic feauture of concentrating on dramatic situations, following in the illustrious footsteps of Ilango and his Cilap- patikaram, which is again famous as a drama of threefold Tamil, that this Kamba Natakam lends itself so fittingly to Pavaikuttu or shadow plays in Malabar and other places from very ancient times. II Kamban does not therefore believe in the elaborate nar¬ rative conversation so naturally and beautifully handled by Valmiki. But Valmiki’s influence has become so very great in India, that Kamban or for that matter any poet cannot lielp following his ancient lead, at least to the extent of re¬ ferring to all that Valmiki has said. The following table sho^i^s the correspondence between Valmiki and Kamban ; THE FIRST TRAGEDY IN KAMBAN 51 Kamban . Valmiki Kamban 1 23. 10 etc. 41 2 23. 13,14 421 3 435 4 23. 22 44 5 45 6 46 7 47 8 48 9 49 10 50 11 51 12 52 . 13 53 14 54 15 55 16 56 17 22 . 11 to 20 57 18 7J }} 58 19 • : 591 20 24. 15 605 21 24. 25 61 22 25. 5 62 23 25. 6 63 24 25. 7 64 25 25. 7 65 26 25. 8 66 27 67 28 25. 9 68 29 24. 9 69 30 70 31 25. 10 711 32 25. 10 ■ 725 33 25, 12 73 Valmiki 24. 27,29,30 26. 7,8 524. 27 126 . 10 26. 12 25. 16 25. 21 25. 20 25. 22 25. 17 25. 22 26. 1 to 5 26. 17. j 26. 25 6^ tAMiL CULTURE Kamban Valmiki Kamban Valmiki 34 25. 13 74 35 25. 14 75 36 76 26. 27 to 31 37 77 38 24. 29 to 30 78 39 79 40 80 It must not be assumed that there is a word for word translation or a direct borrowing. Even if there is an idea, it has been Ksted here. A comparison thus show's that Kamban proceeds in his own way. The life size portrait of Tataka is attempted by Kamban in the roost graphic manner. The battle between Tataka and Rama is really the first battle Rama fights. Therefore it assumes a great importance in Kamban’s eyes. It ceases to be a teasing of a worm ; such a teasing Kamban reserves for Curpanaka. The poet describes the battle here in all its seriousness. We may examine the stories in detail. Kamban starts with the story about Kama's ashrama, but the whole story is dismissed in a single verse. The next verse explains the connected term Angadesa. The third verse is a dramatic ex¬ planation of the story. Even this, as was hinted already, is by subsequent reference by Rama made a prelude to the story of Tataka. Kamban takes us straight to the haunt of Tataka without digressing on the gurgling waters etc. The story of Kama itself is given in Vahniki before the princes cross the river. Kamban is not an 3 rwhere clear about geo¬ graphy, but in any case here it is clear, he makes his narrative more dramatic, by giving the history of the place only when the princes are actually inside that grove, whilst it suits Valii^i's story-telling to give this explanation as soon as the ashrama is sighted at a very great distance. Opening the draina of Tataka on the burning desert is itself dramatic. Teaching the Mantras to the princes in the midst of its burning heat so as to immediately produce a THE FIRST TRAGEDY IN KAMBAN . 6S superaatural effect is another instance of Eamban’s dramatic art. There is again the rushing in of Tataka, just at the moment when Rama enquires of the sage cjf her whereabouts. Rama standing as a great satyagrahi even when the demoness is ready to hurl her fatal trident at him, creates a dramatic situation more telling than all possible verbal descriptions. The opening of the stoiy with a description of the wanton destruction by Tataka suggests at the very outset, that the world cannot be saved as long as she lives. The poet in this way has created a favourable situation a‘magic casement where the reader under this enchantment believes that Tataka should be killed. The progress of the story and the final outcome are thus made almost inevitable. The speeches of Rama and Visvamitra will be, in what follows, shown as equally dramatic. IV There is the question of the construction of the plot. What position has ^is byeplot of Tataka in the main plot of Ramayana ? This is important in view of our description of Kamban’s work as Kamba Natakam. The story-teller, true to his art, multiplies his anecdotes and he is satisfied even if they hang loosely about the main story. The dramatic poet, however, has to give us a well knit plot. It has already been hinted how the story df Kamashrama itself Jeads on to the description of Tataka’s habitat. Ramayana is said to consist of three different strands — the story of Rama’s exile, the story of Ravana’s adventure and the story of Hanuman’s valour. Sita brings together Rama and Havana while the monkeys join the fray as Rama’s allies. The stories of Rama and jElavana are attempted to be unified by Kamban in this very story of Tataka. It is Rama’s first conflict with the Rakshasas of Ravana’s ilk. Marica the son of Tataka is to come as the golden deer, paving the way for Sita’s abduction by Havana. , Kamban has made this connection more patent and ex¬ plicit. Whereas in Valmiki Marica alone is the son of Tataka and Sunda, while Suvahu is according to some manuscripts the son of Upasunda, Kamban makes both Marica and Suvahu 54 TAMIL CULTURE the children of Tataka. After their fall, they become the adopted sons of Sumali. Kamban brings out the imphcation by explaining that they thus become the maternal uncles of Ravana. Kamban further a&ms that Tataka is in the * service of Ravana. Therefore the attack on her is the first onslaught on Ravana's forces, and true to this, when Tataka falls down, Kamban exclaims it is the ominous breaking down of Ravana's victorious banner and flagstaff. In narrating the story of Rama, Kamban begins from the very beginning and proceeds step by step chronologically in the good old Indian way. In giving us the story of Tataka, the poet like Homer and Milton plunges straight into the middle of the story for working up a climax. We meet Tataka; and the climax is soon reached though the past is also explained. Here we have the three unities of place, time and action as demanded by the disciples of Aristotle. Kamban’s greatness is revealed by his superiority in handling thus the dramatic art, and the epic art o(f the so-called art of the East and the West with no slavish bias against or Ifor any one of these. V The difference between Valmiki’a treatment of the story and Kamban’s handling of the same plot is clear even to one who reads them as he runs, as is usuatty done by most of the readers of modern times. There is the conversation between Visvamitra and Rama both in Valmiki and Kamban. If one may use a half truth while Valmiki’s Visvamitra reminds us of a grandmother and his Rama of a school boy, Kamban^s Visvamitra reminds of a great Guru and Kamban’s Rama reminds us of a jnani and it is no wonder he marries the daughter of the great Brahmajnani Janaka. Kamban comes after the Rama of Gnana Vasishta has become popular in this country. The conversation in Kamban is therefore turned to a higher pitch more serious, more condensed and therelfore more dramatic. Kamban’s Rama has ceased to be a school boy and* is now a fully developed man of high ideals of heroism and Dharma — not in any case the playful Rama of Valmiki THE FIRST TRAGEDY IN KAMBAN 65 which we described. Perhaps it will be nearer the truth to say that Klamban has sublimated the idea of play suggested by Valmiki. The opening verse of Kamban’s epic speaks of tl^ never ending play of God. "^Alakilainlaiyattutaiyan ” The conception of Leela or play of God is a favourite idea of the poets and philosophers of the Tamil land, for em¬ phasising His metaphysical detachment and purity. True gnani behaves like the actor on a stage always conscious of his true realSty even whilst he plays his assumed role. Rama is true to this ideal. There is the famous passage in Kamban’s where Rama is said to be extremely happy at the thought of his exile, his face beaming with, joy more glorious than thousand blooming lotuses (Ayodya Kandam — Kaikeeiculvinipatalam — verse 108) Again after the first encounter with Rama, Ravana returns home crestfallen ; he reports to his grandfatiier the heroic acts of Rama where the latter seemed to be unperturbed by any anger, aiming his arrows at Ravana even as Rama has. aimed them in his youth at the hunchback of his wet nurse (Uttakandam — Kumba- karnan Vadaippadalam, verse 17). . VI True to his art of dramatic condensation, Kamban has avoided all the unnecessary details about the genealogy and the past history of Tataka. What is more, there is something of modernity in Kamban. Valmiki’s Visvamitra artfully leads on his Rama to the desired end of killing Tataka. He mentions as a story-teller various examples from past history suggest¬ ing that Rama should follow his valuable precedents. Since Kamban has pitched his story at a higher leyel as the story of an ethical dilemma, he is not satisfied with these stories of ancient folklore, as they can carry po conviction to Rama as conceived by Kamban, even as they will not to any man of the modern world, especially in the crude way in which they are referred to in Valmiki, without any attempt at poetic sublimation. If Rama is not satisfied with Visvamitra’s advice, he is hot going to be satisfied with the stories he is going to tell. These stories may serve as raw materials for Kamban^s art, but he refuses to give them in their crude form. 56 TAMIL CULTURE Valmiki reminds us of a natural state of society where customs, precedents and ancient history form the very em¬ bodiments of Dharma — the beacon lights, as it were, for ever guiding man on the righteous path. Kamban suggests a new era, where the basis of old society are re-examined afresh with a critical eye, to suit the changing times and expanding society to face new ideas, strange men and fresh problems. It is from this point of view he is reinterpreting Valmiki to the rising generation of the Tamilians of his day. Unless the stories referred to are also reinterpreted in a similar way, a casual reference to these old stories cannot carry conviction to the critical mind. The question of follow¬ ing the precedent and of obedience to the great is still there even in Kajnban. But this problem takes a universal signi¬ ficance in the form in which Kamban describes them. But in spite of this we find in certain manuscripts four verses 'beginning respectively with the phrases, “ Mannar Mannavan” (58), “ Piruku ennum” (59), “ Vanakamtanil ” (60) and “Atalal” (61) giving us in the most prosaic of verses the stories of Kavyamata and Mantara as told in Valmiki — evidently the work of an untrained hand bent upon introducing into Kamban what all is found in Valmiki. Even a casual reference to these verses will convince any critic that they do not show any trace of Kamban’s art of dramatisation or versification. VII At this point reference may be made to other verses which we have till now refused to consider. There is a verse beginning with the phrase “Kannavil” which is found in a few manuscripts. As it simply repeats the ideas found in the- verse “Enralum Iramanai” (21) it could not have proceeded from the pen of Kamban. This new verse must have formed an introduction to the 17 .verses describing the life history of Tataka which are not found however in a few manuscripts. Though they are (found in most of the manuscripts, they do not fit into the scheme of things we have been trying to explain. Unlike the four verses we have rejected which ap¬ pear to be later day additions as is proved by their absence from most of the manuscripts, these 17 verses must hav^ THii FiRst Tragedy in kamban ^7 been introduced into Kamban’s work’very early in history either by Kanifban himself, as ah after-thought, or by some other old poet of great merit, as is clearly proved by their inclusion in many of the manuscripts now available. Valnuki’s Tataka is humanised in this version of the story and it. is because of this we are tempted to believe that these 17 verses come from the pen of a poet of Kamban’s stature. The story as given in Valmiki with all its repetition and dim revelation does not amount to much. Tataka’s father performs tapas for being bltessed with a daughter, and the creator endows him only with a daughter but o|f a strength equal to thousand elephants. She is married and begets a child Marica. Her husband is killed by Agasthiya. Tataka with her son flies against the Rishi to wreak their vengeance only to be cursed as Rakshasa. From that moment she de¬ vastates the fertile land. No further explanation is given probably because Visvamitra does not want to emphasise the older and brighter side of Tataka or explain why^ she is invitably metamorphosed into a Rakshasi. For, sudi a de¬ velopment of the story of Tataka will give additional strength and force to Rama’s objection to kill a woman. It is this very reason which prompts us to conclude that these verses, in spite of the dramatic excellence, do not fit in within Kamban’s scheme of presenting the story as an ethical dilemma. These verses might have come after the description of Tataka’s death. But if so, some inartistic hand has mangled this part, for pressing it into the previous part itself. Even if it had come at the end, there may not be that dramatic cohesion, being after all a digression, though it is possible to take this part of the story as a separate unit by itself. But it is futile to argue on these lines in the absence of any clue about its original position in the story VIII These verses first introduce us to the father of Tataka. The situation is made very concrete. We are given the nAmp of her father Sukethu. He is of a wonderful prowess — won¬ derful to the whole world. The name of his father is also given as Sarcharan, an unnecessary detail in this short nar- 8 tAMiL Culture 5S rative. (22) Valmiki gives this as the najne of the father of Tataka^s husband, though in some editions the latter name appears in the form Jambu. In passing we may note here allone another mistake by the composer di the four spurious verses. The name is Mantara as given in Valmiki; but this is by a slip of the hand written as Kumati in all the manu¬ scripts in which these four verses occur illustrating the un- naturall pedantic passion for names which have not been correctly remembered. Passing on to the storj’’ of Tataka the poets-refer to the fiery anger of her grandfather — a charac¬ teristic trait which Tataka unfortunately inherits. Sukethu feels very much for his childless state and performs a tapas for a long time. (23) The creator appears before him in answer to his prayers but regrets that the devotee can have no son, though the Lord blesses him with a daughter (24). She is to be possessed, more than any possible son, with the strength of thousand elephants (25). She grows up into womanhood as beautiful as Lakshmi herself. The (father maizes a careful search for a husband and finally gives her away in marriage to Sunda. (26). The married couple live a happy life of passionate attachment like Kama and Rathi ,of old, drowned as it were in the ocean of ‘happiness — loving’ intoxication (27). After a long time this damsel of divine beauty brings forth two sons Marica and Suvaku (28). They so excelled all others in magic tactics and in strength that even their mother can never fathom their greatness (29). The father is further intoxicated with the jwwer of the child¬ ren. It is very significant that the poet uses the word in¬ toxication “ Kalippu ” and repeats it too. The poet thus develops the story slowly emphasising the good in Tataka and then showing how the deterioration has been brought upon herseK by her own wickedness. It is not ifdr nothing that she is the grand-dan^ter of an easily irritable and cJear-headed Sarcara and the daughter of the pure-hearted Suketu (22). Instead of rmming a happy home and making the world around her resonate with her ever expanding love and happiness, she seems to have developed by slow degrees into a nuisance to her neighbours — a thorn in their flesh. beauty, wealth, happiness and power intoxicate and THE FIRST TRAGEDY IN KAMBAN 50 corrupt man. Man becomes too much self-centred when blest with this kind of giant-like superiority. Consideration for others never arises there. Man indulges in vain acts — purposeless acts — merely to give vent to his feeling of in¬ toxicating strength. Slowly he comes to indulge in wanton destruction and to revel in vandalism. Sunda also is thxis going down the inclined plane. He uproots and throws out all the innocent trera and plants in Agasthiya’s grove (30) so kindly reared and brought up and so lovingly nursed by the good old Rishi. It is a wanton act of desolation — a sure and certain sign of his intoxication. He is like the children playfully throwing stones at the heads of poor frogs in a pond. This power intoxicated Sunda finding no more plants to up¬ root kills the deer, the loving pairs of deer so dear to the merciful tapasvins. Agasthiya is unable to bear the sight of this cruel death of his foster children — the immobile plants and dumb animals. The very look off his reduces our Sunda to ashes (31). What a fall for Tataka, now almost at the height of all that happiness, nature and God can bless her with! This ^sfortune does not strike her dead. Her sea of intoxication is churned afresh to its very depths and gorges forth the poison of an anger. We are naturally reminded of TCarmfllfi but Kannaki’s cause was right. Where however is the time for this intoxicated woman to think of the right or wrong of it ? ' She rushes with her children to make an end of Agasthiya, (32) the cause of her unending misery, even as Kannald rushed against the king and Madura. What can be more miserable to a woman than the death and that an un¬ natural death of her husband whose form also has not been left fpr her to see and weep on ? The whole universe shudders at their movements and reverberates with the thunder of her challenge to the Rishi (33). The poet is trying to picture forth the fight between the sup>er-natural powers of evil and good represented by Tataka and Agasthiya. In thus visualising the supernatural agencies the poet has no other recourse but to indulge in what appears to moderners as inexcusable exaggerations and hy¬ perboles. If the description of this supernatural person is eo TAMIL CULTLTRE accepted, the description of their acts and their effects follow as cprrollaries. The Rishi who has given us a limitless ocean of Tamil raises a threatening noise to put an end to her evil acts. The curse follows as night follows day. For after all' even if he curses, the curse can only be an outcome — a fruition of their own acts. They have been acting as destructive agencies. What else do Rakshasas do ? Rakshasas are not mere seekers after pleasure, but are in addition embodiments of hatred and jealousy bent on destroying all that is good — and therefore all that is against them. What else did Sunda, Tataka and their children do? Therefore says Agasthiya “ Go down as Rakshasas ” (34) and his words come true. (35) Powerless against his greatness, her children take refuge under SumaM, the leader of the Raksliasas, and tliey are accepted by him as his adopted sobs (36), they thus becoming! the maternal uncles of Ravana (37). Thus separated even from her own children she remains isolated — her heart ever burning at the thought of the Rishi’s ire. She enters the desert now so full of burning fire on all sides — a befitting rendezvous for her (38). The metamorphosis is complete. This is Tataka (39). The poet, whoever he may be, has shown the brighter Mid more human side of this woman — the beautiful and beloved daughter — the beloved wife and the beloved mother. It is true that the stroke of misfortune is of her own making. It is indeed a cruel stroke enough to disturb suddenly the mental equilibrium of any one, much more so of this blessed'woman of all happiness, inheriting anger for two generations. No wonder she becomes an incarnation of hatred — another name for what in the language of the curses of Agasthiya is Rakshasa. It is not for nothing that she has been bless^ with the strength of one thousand elephants by a conspiring nature. She is transformed from a happy woman into a self-centred dame, indulging in wanton destruction of plants and beasts and finally into the force of sheer destruction, wreaking vengeance on the whole world now pitted against her. Under different circumstances she might have grown and died as a happy woman. We understand her fall. It is a THE FIRST TRAGEDY IN KAMBAN 61 great tragic fall of all that is good in her. What a great tragic waste simply because of her fault of self-centred power in¬ toxication ! This is the very root of her tragedy making her a misanthrope. Here is again an intoxication of hatred and anger but can she not complain of the conspiracy of cir¬ cumstances ? The poet has made Tataka more human and therefore more lovable. The tragedy of personality stands fully revealed in this version of the story. IX It is not this which appeals to the reader as the central tragedy of our story. This central tragedy has now to be studied. Ramayana may be looked upon as a series of tragedies. A number of people are killed or die broken-hearted. There is here therefore ample food for thought on the basic prin¬ ciples of tragedy, or rather of life and its problems. Tragedy involves such a great tremendous waste of life and nature, and then wonderful achievements. Havana — what a wonderful personality is his ! — how great are his achievements! — yet all these come to nought. They are destroyed in the end ; not to speak of all the counter move and energy raised and developed only for the purpose c|f this destruction. Could not Rama’s energies have been turned to better and more constructive purpose but for this tragedy ? Everyone realises these implications. At Havana’s death there is the heart-breaking wail of Mandodari. But all the readers along with her experience the very same tragic con¬ summation. Kamban seems to be expressing himself through Mandodari. The question of questions arises, “Why all this in this world — rather in the story, ” There can be no two different opinions about the subkme tragic seriousness of the story of Havana’s fall. There are however other stories in Rama¬ yana where it is not so very clear, but at every step our mind keeps on asking “ W^hy should it be this way ? ” The veiy first tragedy in Ramayana is that of Tataka. The seventeen verses humanising the story of Tataka explain in a way this tragedy. It is a tragedy of personality, a little tilted towards the self-centred human weakness. But what TAMIL CULTURE 6:^ tragic consequences flow from it till we come to a stage where we feel, that but for her death, the world cannot be saved. The poet has no time to develop the life of Tataka in aH its tragic seriousness. His dramatic way of handling the story, as already been hinted, makes us demand her death. In ^at way indeed the end is satisfactory. This is however a poetic legerdemain, not a real grappling with the tragic prob¬ lem, The tragedy of the enormous waste of all that went to make up Tataka is not emphasised as is emphasised in the case of Havana, except by the author of the seventeen verses. There’are two sides to a tragedy — the destruction of the personality of the so-called villain on the one hand, and the destruction of the energy of the hero and others in bringing about this fall. In this tragedy of Tataka, Kamban skips over the first problem of waste very tactfully hypnotising us all into the beli^ that Tataka should die — the sooner the better. ‘ X But it is the other side of the hero that has become a great problem with Kamban. Rama is actually shaped into a great personality in the white heat of the tragedies of the Ramayana. Can there be a sculpture but for the resisting stones ? There is also the internal struggle going on corres¬ ponding to the external conflict. This is very well brought out in this first tragedy. Rama has his own conception of honour and valour. That is why in this story Kamb an does not treat him as an adolescent boy. The hero is here a grown up young man ready for marriage and other serious wid on^ous duties of life. The prince has always a feeling of reverence for woman — thanks to his maternal influence. One who insults womanhood deserves in his judgement nothing but death. It is because of this Havana has to be killed, and every one understands this situation. The death of Vali is not so clear. Once, however, this ideal' conception of woman¬ hood nourished in his heart of hearts by Rama is understood, Vali’s death creates no problem to any reader of Kamban.' This regard for womaiihood can never easily acquiesce in the voluntary woman slaughter. Valmiki. himself senses the impropriety of a hero killing a woman. Strihatti is a great 'THE FIRST TRAGEDY IN KAMBAN 63 sin. yalmiki’s Visvamitra anticipates also such an objection. His Rania says that he does not feel enthusiastic about kilMng Tataka because of her female fornci, thus, feeling it beneath his dignity to fight with a woman. But Eamban’s reverence for woman is something higher and nobller, and it is this that lies at the root of the tragic situation in the story of Tataka, It is this Rama of the high ideal in the very prime of his youth, before any doubts could have been cast on his ideal, that is faced with a situation, where the killin g qf a woman seems to be the only possible duty. Hence arises an internal conflict between his sense of honour refusing to kill a woman and his sense of the inevitable situation into wliich he has been led. This is the ethical dilemma. To start , w’ith, Rama is true to his principles. He like a true satyagrahi, refuses to move his little finger against Tataka even when his death is imminent at her hands. Rama has thus won a victory, but it is a victory of a theorist. The practical wwld, however is no sweet dream of a theorist. This is what Visvamitra at this tragic moment teaches Rama through an actual life situation. Things of the world are not watertight compartments as theorists are prone to argue. Woman for instance should be honoured ; she should not be killed. This is a platitude worthy of a Polonius. But the practical question arises Who is a woman ? This is indeed a very simple question which a theorist fondlty hopes a chfld can answer. In this very story a situation arises, where no such simple answer could be given to the seemingly simplest of the questions. Is Tataka a woman in the sense Rama reveres that word ? Who is the devil if she is not ? XI ; Is Visvamitra equivocating ? No such doiibt can arise in the present context. The seer, with all the moral serious¬ ness at his command, opens out his heart with a cry, “ I am not inspired by anger.” This is not a theoretical protestation. Where is the necessity for making such a statement ? Can the readers ever believe that Rama is not at that juncture convinced of the mystic detachment of Visvamitra ? Even as a dying confession has a value of its own, this protestation 64 TMitL CULTURE of a suffering heart carries for more weight than all pos¬ sible intellectual affirmations. It is the feeling of sincerity and human sympathy, not an intellectual gymnastics, that appeals to* any heart. Inner communion of feeling is here brought about. What is the personal interest of the sage? It is the common weal that demands eveiybody's service. Is there not something of an egotism in the feeling of theoretical honour refusing to see the practical aspect of the situation, especially for the son of a Mng who has to go to the succour of the millions of lives entrusted to his care ? It is this villain of an egotism that meets with a fall in this internal conflict, but the wonder of it is Rama grows in moral stature. Rama has a great teacher and preceptor in Visvamitra. Has he not himself realised the magical efl'ects of the Mantras, the seer has bestowed on him ? The moral seriousness of the sage, his absolute selflessness, his concern for the world at large — aD these must have made a very great impression on Rama. The desert and desolation, her diabolical form and act, her attempt to kill them all — all these must have con¬ vinced him of the inevitable necessity. Only her feminine form has been standing in the way. But Rama stands con¬ verted in the end. His sense of honour, truly a false sense of honour, yields of course very grudgingly. His final conclusion is indeed sublime and majestic — a revelation of all the in¬ ternal struggle and its final outcome. It may be, there are occasions when doing something other than Dharma becomes a necessity'. But should one do the non-moral act ? “ Things may be out of joint but am I born to set it right ? ” Does not this question itself involve a moral cowardice ? Why shift the blame on other shouldCTS ? Rama realises that he must perform even a seemingly non- moral act. Seeing sM his arts of persuadon fail, a reliable leader of greater experience of the world and its ethical prob¬ lems, moved by no feehngs of blinding anger, or private pre¬ judice, or mean lucre, is, because of the imminent danger to all, forced to command Rama in dang^us haste to IdU Tataka. Is not what at first sight appears to be a non-moral act from a theoretical point of view, really an all compelling moral act under these circumstances ? THE FIRST TRAGEDY IN KAMBAN 65 Valmiki’s Visvamitra wants ancient precedents to be fol¬ lowed, and Ije repeats many a time *' obey my command and kill her.” Kamban’s Visvamitra does not say so; for he is not talking to a school boy to necessitate the issue oif such orders or instructions. The sage is not in a mood to com mand. Obedience, outward conformity and passive discipline have no intrinsic moral value. But at the most dangerous moment, when Tataka is about to hurl her trident at Hama, the sage is so overpowered with the tragic sense of the situa¬ tion, that he almost exclaims “ kill her.” It is, therefore, no order. It is the cry of a broken heart, standing on the brink of death and destruction of the whole world — the cry of the broken heart of a majestic and divinely powerful Rishi, bent upon saving the world. Rama realises the situation. Moved by the very anguish of this b^eedmg heart he stands converted. To do as bid by such a true and knowing and loving heart is indeed Dharma. The concllusion of the story is the same in both Valmiki and Kamban, but what a world of change do we hnd when the -feelings excited are taken into consideration. Perhaps the very same words are always used — “ command ” etc. But these become surcharged with emotion in Kamban. In the natural society of Valmiki there is an atmosphere of sincerity, where words have not yet become dead verbal shells. There, even an outward conformity is not a mere show.- ICamban’s Eo'ciety has become much more complex with more of divorce than of union between thought and action. Merc outward conformity and passive obedience remind Kamban, as they remind us, of military discipline — nothing more than a physical habit. Therefore, our moral sense demands an inner communion of minds and an active mental discipHne vivifying all outward acts. It is this mental’ discipline which makes Hama say later on, on seeing Sita “ I love her. My mind can never fall in love with a married woman ; so she must be 8- virgin (Balakandam-.714) Mind itself becomes a moral guide, thanks to his association, and heart to heart contact with great souls. What is wanted is an active sympathy of a discerning heart which can understand the language of the true heart of the great seers, leading us on to a conversion of the heart and moral development. Kamban makes these i 9 66 - TAMIL CtJLTtoE ideals concrete in his Rama. His interpretation of Valmiki, because of this, has sti^l a value to the coining generation. The question arises, “ Is this the final answer ? " But may not one raise a counter question ? Is there except in death and theory such a thing as finality ? Life is a continuous march from truth to a higher truth. Is that not the very moral of the story ? Abstractions alor ? have a ring of finality about them. In this story we haA'e a first attempt at a tragedy and at a solution of the problem of life. But Kamban gets so many opportunities for further attempts all through his epic, and he does attempt at an examination and expla¬ nation of these tragic situations, suggesting in his own in¬ evitable way the resolution of these life mysteries to our great satisfaction, at least as long as we are under the magic spell of his higher poetry. A study of his method, of handling these situations is sure to reveal to us the gradual growth of his conception of tragedy and life. XII A tragedy from the pen of a great poet leaves in us an impression of a satisfying resolution of the complications of life — a feeling of poetic justice — an experience of suffused light and quiet joy. In this tragedy of Tataka there is the satisfaction and a feeling of justice. Kamban is playing on the surface of life ; he hypnotises all by what is called a poetic legerdemain, as far as Tataka is concerned. As far as llama is concerned, however, he takes a leap into the dark, reaches the very rock bottom of life, making it all glow with moral grandeur and beauty. Here is no legerdemain but a successful grappling with the tragic situation, a sufl&cient compensation for his superficial treatment elsewhere. It is the final feeling that is unportant. What are the final words in this tragedy ? The description of the blessings of the Devas is something external, unless it be a confirmation of our (feeling of poetic justice. The final words even now ringing in our ears are those which describe the arrow piercing through the adamantine chest of the lady of darkness. The whole tragedy is, a tragedy of the life of darkness and ig¬ norance redeemed by no light or culture — a Hfe of passivity THE FIRST TRAGEDY IN KAMBAN 67 and passion rolling down the precipice — a darkness and a passivity unable to withstand the piercing arrow of light, truth and goodness — those higher ideals of great souls servdng the common weal— Uiose ideals expressed by the unfailing words themselves, of the great man. This is the idea of the last verse of the tragedy. The last line has a more permanent effect on our mind, “ Pullarkku nallor conna porul ena-p-poyirranre.” It is in¬ deed acting like a magical formula tactfully introduced by way of a simile, for giving us the final verdict — another example of Kamban’s infusion of a moral spirit into the story. The world is there with all its defects as an unknown chain of cause and effect in that eternally moving wheel of life. The good men and their influences as teachers and guides are there to save the souls, but there must be people to hear them. It requires a certain aihount of culture. The seed cannot grow on a barren field. The world — the ever-moving world — does change people, but it is only a few who are chiselled into a beautiful shape. This is real education for life from birth to death. But all are not blessed with this kind of education. Here is also a system of education following the method of monitors. But there are students of lower class in this school of life, too low to pass the higher examination, or to be benefited by monitors. There are many who are impervious to higher knowledge and nobler influence and who remain passive, and who, therefore, are drawn round and round the wheel of death, dashing their heads against the wheel in [foolishness. Only a few resist this passivity, and actively get shaped into a significant form of any human worth. These are the good, the blessed souls reaping the bene¬ fit of the guides. They actively intervene to serve, becoming guides in their turn. Rama is one such cultivated soul where the words of the sage bring a wonderful yield. But the words and efforts of sages and of God himself fail especially with those who have not been on the way to get a form and shape and significance. The sun rises at dawn, but all the lotus buds do not blossom, only those ready for bibom open into flowers ; others continue to be closed within themselves. The Sun is not futile even with reference to these ; for, they are even there worked up for blossoming in time, What is more curious is that tfio 6$ TAMIL CtT.TUni3 dead flowers dry up in this veiy Sun, for becoming manure for those yet to be born. The Good therefore do not die ; their words do not die. The}' may not be patently effective in all cases. The instruction enters through one ear and leaves by the other ear — that is the proverb. One who received the instruction bke Tataka may die, but the words do not stick on to her to die with her. It escapes to become eternal, to be eternally saving others in time. By destruction itself, it will mould the whole world to salvation one day or other. Tataka has to be shaped into Rama. It is the eternal play of the Lord. d^aratlii at ike C^r ro6dt*oa F. MORAIS S. J., M. LITT. S UBRAM ANYA BHARATHI is a name dear to every Tamil heart. The songs c/f Bharathi are heard in every corner of the Tamil country - in musical concerts and political meetings, railway compartments and village fairs. They are better known than the works of any other poet ancient or modern. Most of the Tamil journals go to Bharathi for theii’ mottoes. On Bharathi day, meetings are held in many places, his songs are sung, and lectures are broadcast. Articles on Bharathi are frequent in Tamil journals. His collected works have gone through a third and a fourth edition. All of which point to the popularity this poet enjoys with the Tamil peopilte. A large measure of this vogue can be traced to his patriotism and devoted service in the cause of the country. The patriotic nature of his poetry overshadows its literary value. As literature his songs do not rank very high with the pundits. He is quickly disposed of by them as one who in¬ troduced into Tamil poetry a simple diction and a few easy metres. Mr. K. Subramanya Pillai, the author of a fair¬ sized volume on Tamil literature devotes just half a page to Bharathi ! Though the poet died nearly a quarter of a cen¬ tury ago a full life and estimate has yet to appear. His im¬ portance in the development of modern Tamil literature is hardly realised, much less established. It will not be, then, quite unprofitable to consider the place of Bharathi in the development of Tamil poetry. I To place Bharathi in modern Tamil literature it is necessary to glance back a little. For the past three centuries the Tamil Muse was singularly unproductive. There ap¬ peared but two or three poets of any lasting value, and one Rev. F. Morals SJ., M. Litt is Lecturer, St. Joseph’s College, Tiruchirrapalli. 70 TAMIL CULTLTRE of tliem a foreigner, the Italian Jesuit, Fr. Beschi. Not that there was any dearth of literary’ activity of a sort. Accom¬ plished versification continued unabated, and ^Ir. K. Subra- manya Pillai's history lists a few dozen names of “ poets " belonging to this period. A typical instance is that of Mr. Minakshi Sundaram Pillai hailed about the end of last century as a great poet. His name has become immortalised by a life written by the late Dr. Swaminatha Aiyar. His poetry however awaits readers. Criticism — what criticism Tamil can boast of — has attempted to enquire into the reasons for this extinction of inspired poetry. Various causes liave been suggested. Dr. Pope, the great Tamil scholar, wrote at the beginning of this century: “Many reasons may be assigned for this com¬ parative failure (of Tamil literature to enter into the hearts and minds of the people), — i|f the fact of failure be conceded. Among these we venture, very humbly as foreigners, to ex¬ press our opinion that Tamil verse, with all its incomparable ingenuity and elegance, generally fails in simplicity, intelli¬ gibility and adaptation... Whether simplicity of diction, limitation of sandhi, separation of words, a freer ^tem of rhythm, and a general adaptation of thought are possible to the Tamil poets is not for us to say.” (i) Bharathi. in the Introduction to his “ The Oath of Panjali ” says : “ The pwt who writes an epic poem in simple style and an easily in¬ telligible rhythm will alone give a new life to our mother tongue.” An undue stress on external form, a vocabfulary, ■exclusive, diffuse and often obscure, intricate schemes of metre and rhyme, the repetition of jaded sentiments and an extravagant fancy have all contributed their share. An ex¬ treme artificiality of form and matter has stifled poetry at the very source. The diagnosis given above is true to a great extent. But does it go far enough ? Extremely stylised form and lack of originality are the manifestations, not the causes, of de¬ cadent poetfy. The origin of the evil must be traced further back. Neither the adoption of new forms and a popular dic¬ tion, nor the expression of simple sentiment-s will by them¬ selves effect the genuine poetic touch. A combination of ♦ (I) Tamil ^cmn^ts : Suryanaraya Sastry, Preface by Dr, Po^, p. XII, baratSi at tBe crossroads these elements may result in what may be passed for true poetry. But the unmistakeable note of genuine poetic vision will be lacking, — that perfect blending of thought and music in such a way as to inspire life. To illustrate the point. Manonmanyam, the drama written by Sundaram PiMai, was an attempt to vivify Tamil literature with western form. Though the language is heavily influenced by the classics, there is a brave attempt to introduce prose rhythm and easy rhyming, and the spirit is modem. Yet on the whole the drama is a failure. I^he note df real poetry, absent from the drama proper, is, curiously enough, more traceable in the digressive anecdotes written- in the traditional style. The Story of Sivagami in the third, act, and Vani’s prayer in the fifth breaths more of true poetry than any other part of the drama. And again, take Suryanarayana Sastry. His sonnets, which appeared in 1901, were hailed by Dr. Pope as “ a clear indication of a new departure in Tamil poetry.” And yet, even after a most S3nnpathetic perusal, they fail to inspire, though his stray verses, dispersed through the novel Malhi- vanan, written in a most tradional vein, leave a better im¬ pression. For instance, the poem beginning with the lines, “ Knowing the nature of Him who forever exists. Come, friend, let us dance every day without fail. Come, friend, let ns sing with loi>e in sweet Tamil.” To restate the case. These two pioneers of modern Tamil poetry realised the required change, and were well equipped from the point of technique to effect it. Withal they failed to strike gold whenever they attempted anything new, but met with a relative success when they followed tradition. We are not unaware of the inherent difficulties of introducing a radical change in a field where conservatism reigns supreme. But these do not account for the entire faiillure. For, two decades later appears another poet, even less prepared than sither of them, makes the same effort, meets with much the same difficulties, — but succeeds so well that his poetry had become the lasting heritage of his people. An attempt to answer this question may reveal interesting points. Tamil culture n II Born towards the end -of 1882 in Ettiyapuram,’ Subra- manya Bharathi was early initiated in Tamil dassics by his father Mr. Chinnasamy Aiyar. After his marriage at the age of fifteen, he joined the Hindu College, Tirunelveli, and studied till the fifth form. He continued his studies in Benares, and passed first in the Allahabad Entrance examination. He had to discontinue his studies after one year of the old F. A. course as the Madras University would not recognize the Allahabad Entrance examination. After serxdng three years ill Ettyapuram Zamin. he became a Tamil Pundit at the Sethupathy High School, Madura—^which post he threw up in three months to become in 1904 an assistant editor,of the Tamil daily Sw3. * Narrinai 19 and 101. A naturalist's similes IN CANKAM LIT. 81 One should have seen both the objects of comparison in order to get a true appreciation of this simile. The description of the leaves and the similes employed for them are often very apt. Ipomea bUoba is a creeper found near the seashore. It has got a bilobed leaf. This leaf is compared to the footprint left by the deer. In English it is called goat’s feet. ’ t Manadi anna kavattUm adambin ” — Agauanuru 80. The cleft, the shape and size of the leaf are clearly brought out by means of the simile. The leaves of water plants are often broad and dark. The leaf of the lotus is said to be like the broad swinging car of the ellephant. “ Kalirruch cheviyanna pd^adai thayanga ” — Narrinai 310. The smoothness, the broadness and the shape are the comparisons there. Another clever simile is about the undersurface of the leaf in Water Lily. The undersurface of the leaf has got prominent veins and is also darker than the upper surface in order to absorb heat. The leaf with its protruding veins, starting from the base is compared to the dark ribbed wings of the bat.. “iVedumr UThbal adaippurathu anna Kodumen draiya kurugirp paravai — Kurunthogai 352. The description of the veins are also one of the com¬ parisons here. The leaf of screwpine has sharp thorns on its sides. It is said to look like a’ double edged saw and like the elongated daggerlike nose of the shark with teeth on the sides. “Aravuvdl vdya mullilaith thdzhai'* —Narrinai 237. *' Suravukkdttu anna mullUaithu thdzhai" —Narrmai 19. The sharp.thorns of Hygrophila spinosa (Mimdakam) are described as looking like the sharp teeth of the squirrel® and of the sharp spiny vertebrae of the fish.® Again the curved Agam 26 Kurunthogai 49 ^TAMIL CULTUrE S2 spines of the Rattan are said to be just like the curved'sharp teeth of the snake. ^ The greatest number of similes are used in describing flowers. The descriptions are often scientific. The different similes used for different Aowcts often bring out the dis-' similarity among them. The buds of the plants ‘ Pida’ and scarlet ixora (vetdii) look as the thorn-like back toe of the fighting game part¬ ridge.® The slender long bud of Webera korymbosa (Kura) looks similar to the poison fangs of the snake. “ Araveyirru anna arumbumuthir kutavin” — Agananuru 237. The bud of the plants ‘ Paganrai ’ with its twisted and overlapping petals is said to resemble the twisted squeezed wet cloth in the hands of the washerman. “Nirir piriyap paruthiri kadukkum Perilaip paganrai pothiyavizh vdnpu” — Kurunthogai 330. The bud also looks like the front portion of the concb- Ehell.® The long bud of the white waterlily looks like the beak of a crow. “. Amhal Chiruven kdkkai Avithu anna Veliya viriyum — Narrinai 345. The buds of ‘ Athiral * and ‘ Thalavu ’ look like th,e beaks of the cuckoo and the blue kingfisher. The sligjhtly opened bud of Indian Ifibumam is said to be just like a jewel called ‘ Kingini One should have seen the bud and the jewel in order to appreciate the beauty of the simile. The long curved blood red buds of Butea Frondosa is des¬ cribed as looking like blood dripping nails of the tiger. Agam 96 • Agam 24. ‘ ^arrinai 61. * Agam 23 Purara 269 12 Agam 146. A NATURALIST’S SIMILES IN CANIC\M LIT. 83 “ Uthiram thuvariya vengai ugirpol Etkiri Murukkarumba. ..” — Einthinai Eimbathu. Alan Butterworth says' that it looks like a lobster’s claw. The scarlet flowers of plants are often described as flames of fire. The flowers of the lotus. Bomba Malabaricum, Coral tree, and Indian Laburnam are often said to resemble leaping tongues of fire. Tennyson also describes the laburnam as “ Laburnams, dropping well of - fire.” The inflorescence (Group of flowers) of screwpine is variously described as looking like the elongated conchshell,^* the tusk of the ele¬ phant/* the heron sitting on iU® and the “ Kudamuzha,”** a musical instrument. The inflorescence of memecylon Edue with its clusters of bright blue flowers is said to look like the violet neck of the peacock.*’^ The blue white veined flowers in the dark green leaves of the creeper clitoria Temata is compared to that of the eyes of a peacock on, its feathery train. “ Thanjmnak karuvilat kanpon mamalar Adumayil PUiyin v&daiyodu thuycdvard” —^Narrinai 262. This is a very beautiful simile. The long green promi¬ nent stamens of Albizzia lebeck look like the crest of the pea¬ cock. Kumari vdgaik koludai naruvee Madamdth thogai hudumiyU thonrum” —^Kiirunthogai 347. The flower of goat’s feet resembles the bell*® attached to the neck of the horse. The flower is almost bellshaped. In botany it is termed as ‘ companulate The flower of Mimusops Elenghi (vagulam) is said to look like .a wheel.** The front part of the flower of Bassia longifolia is described &s resemblfngthe head of the prawn and also the feet of the 1** Narrinai 203. Narrinai 19. KanmthogaL Matburai'Kanchi 114-5. IT Kurunthogai 183. Again 80. Chintamani 1850, TAMIL CULTUBfi wild cat. The recently opened flower of Calophyllum Ino- phyllum is said to look like the broken egg of- the house sparrow. The golden pollen in the milkwhite petals look Jlike .the yellow in the white of the egg. The.pet^^ls look like the broken white shell of the egg. **Ullurk kunk karuvudmthu anna Penimpoihu avizhnda kamnthdl puimai” — Narrinai The flower of Malabar glory lily®* is said to be just like the upturned fingers of the palm. The petals here also are facing upwards. The flower of Coomb teak-* (Kumizh) is said to Ibok like the human nose. The shape of the flower when it is placed upside down looks exactly like the nose even to the side lobes. The flower of Coral tree*’ looks like the red crest of the cock. The flower of “ Nara ” is said to resemble the white conch- .shell with red lines drawn over it by means of red lac. *‘Avvalai verinin arakJctrthu anna Sevvari ithazha sendru naravin’* — Narranai 25. The black beetle emerging from that flower, smeared with golden pollen resembles the touchstone with streaks of gold on it. Narunthdthu adiya ihumbi pasumkezhp Ponnuraik kalUn nanniram peruni ” — Narrinai 25. This is also a very striking simile. It also describes the external process of pollination. The flowers of pterocarpua Indicus (Vengai) are found in bright yellow clusters.- These vivid bright yellow flowers are often compared to the tongues of fire or sparks flying from the anvil. The leaves of this tree are dark green. The cJluster of bright yellow flowers on the dark back ground of green leaves is said to resemble young tiger Cubs or tigers with their “ black and gold hides ” A strange incident about the elephant is often mentioned in many poems. An 2« Sirupanarruppadai 167. 2i Manlmekalai 20 : 48. 22 Puram 328. . ** Narrinai 388, Agam 228. Kurunthogai 47, Kalithogai 46, A NATURALIST’S SIMILES IN CANKAM LIT. ^ elephant was . sleeping soundly and it was disturbed all oif a sudden. It awoke and charged the fully blossomed * Vengai’ tree thinking it to be the tiger with whiph it had a fierce encounter on the previous day. Koduvari thdkki venra vanithamodu Neduvarai marungil thunjum ydnai Nanavil thanseythathu agalin Kanavil kandu kathumena venp Puthuvathdga, malernda vengaiyai Athuvena unamthathan anmalam murukH'* — Kalithogai 38. The scientists say that elephants have long memory. They nurse grievances and never lose a chance of taking revenge. They even dream. In the above instance the ele¬ phant was dreaming about the tiger. Even among scientists there is a diffCTence of opinion about the function of the tigers’ hide. The older school of Scientists thought that the stripes of colours on the tiger’s coat is for duping the animals by hiding its identity in their surroundings. In another Tamil : poem^* it is mentioned that the shadow of the tree with spots of sunliglit playing under the tree looked like the hide of the tiger. Some modem scientists think that “ it. is not the stripes but daring contrast of white and fulvous red on a tiger’s coat that makes it burn so bright.” Though the Tamil poets have mentioned the stripes of tigers, yet they very often speak of the patches of briglit yelow or red on the tiger’s coat. The incident about the elephant also shows that the Tamil Poets considered the colour of the tiger’s coat as a warning one at least as far as the elephant is concerned. They have noted that elephants associate bright yellow patches of colour on a dark background with that of the tiger’s coat. It is also significant that the Tamils called the tiger as well as the elephant by one and the same name “Vengai.” A creeper is said ,to possess a flower resembling therhood of the Cobra. This fact is mentioned only in three Poems.^® Narrinai 391, Agam 288, 309. 86 TAMIL CULTURE “ Venkottu yanai vilipada thtizhavum Agalvdy pandhal jxjdar . ” —^Agam 68. The^ plants are said to exist in mountains. The ele¬ phants and monkeys are said to mistake them for snakes. This kind of mimicry in plants is mentioned by some Bota¬ nists “For instance there are certain Aroids vhich resemble multi-coloured and variously spotted snakes .... In another Aroid called snake plant (Arisaema) common in Shillong, the gpathe is greenish purple in colbur and expand over the spadix like the hood of a Cobra — Duita. The Screwpine is pollinated by means of wind. In the Cankam Poems also the dispersal of the pollen of the Screw- pine by wind is mentioned,** but the pollination by wind is not mentioned. The spiked inflorescence of the grass *ugam* is said to look like the tail of the squirrel. “Venal variyanil vdlathu anna Kana ugin kazhandrugu muthuvee** — Puram 307. The pink fruit of Emblica officinalis (Nelli) is iq)tly described as looking like the eyes of the hare.** The pink fruit of Abrus Precat or is is sometimes used as an artificial eye for small animals and birds in museums. ...This fruit is described as looking like the eyes of the white rat.** In the above instances the sixe, the shape and the colour are aptly compared. In English Abrus Precatoris is called Crab’s eye but the crustacean’s stalked eye is usually compared in Cankam Poems to the Neem’s stalked small flower.*® The long black curved pod of ‘ Palas *** is described as looking like the fingers of the devil. The red face of a species of monkey is compared to the red fruit of the fig.“ The fruit of Melia Indica (Neem) is said to resemble the Globular Golden Coin that was in use at that time.** The grey flat pod of Acacia Arabica (Vagai) Narrinal 266. ao Agam 176. ^ *1 ** Agam 284. S 2 Narrinai 95. Agam 133. s» Kunmthogal 67, A NATtJRALlST’S SMLtS IN CANKaM LtT. 87 breaks into bits Mid each bit has a round seen and there is a little space between the two compartments. Any two com¬ partments taken tc^ther with the embedded shining black seeds look like the two eyes of the Cuckoo.®^ The fruit of Bowstring Hemp (Maral) is compared to the bud of the “ Punnai ” and the bubble on the water.*® The fruit of Wrightia Tinctoria (Palai) is a very peculiar one. Alan Butterworth®' says that ‘ the distinguishing feature of the tree is the curious fruit.’ He compares it to a narrow horse collar. The Cankam Poet has compared it to the tongs used in tinning copper vessels. *‘Kodiru pdl hay a valinarp palai” — Narrinai 107, The fruit has two follicles joined at the tips and bears white protrubences at the end. The comparison is not only about the shape and the length but also about the tip., The Mttle white protrubences at the end look like the white met- tallic tinge of tin at the tip of the used iron tongs. The long leaf sheath of the bamboo resembles the ear of the deer.®* The paleness of the girl pining over her lover in the^far off country is compared to the etiolated plant. ”Nmizhal thalirpdl uzhththal arivenum” — Kalithogai 20. Even in English a person who is pale due to il-health is said to be ‘ etiolated.’ The innumerable similes used in Cankam literature form a very stimulating study. They are all the more interesting when we look into the scientific basis of most of the similes. A study of the similes and descriptions of the fauna and flora in Cankam literature shows tnat those Poets were not only poets but were naturalists as well. ** Agam 203. 'Some Madras Trees.* 33 iifarrinai *® Kalithogai 43. ** PoFunar Arruppadai.. cUtn^uidllc ^vlcteirce tin Common Orig,ut of the obrautdi lanA an d *3ndo^Cv utopeand NALLUR SWAAII S. GNANA PRAKASAR o.m i. When a copy of the first issue of “Tamil Culture” was sent to His Lordship, Dr. Edmund Piries o. m.i.. Bishop of Chilaw, Ceylon, he has very gracious in thanking the editor with the gift of this unpublished study \vritten by the late Swami Gnana Prakasar. His Lordship wrote saying : “ The enclosed article is by the late Nallur Swami Gnana Prakasar. It was prepared by him in 1945 and sent to the Royal Asiatic Society (Ceylon Branch) to be read at its annual general meeting of 1946. As the theories expounded in it are open to violent controversy-, the Society wished to be present in order to answer any criticism. Unfortunately, at the time he was ill and was not able to go to Colombo. So, the paper was not read. During one of my visits to him, he showed it to me. I undertook to go over the article carefVilly and after that discuss every controvertible point with him, and, thus armed, to read it myself at a meeting of the society. But a month before the date arranged for us to meet, he died.” This article represents the basis on which the great scholar compiled his Etymological and Comparative Lexi¬ con of the Tamil Language.” No student of Tamil can read this article to the end without feeling that the science of Comparative Philology would stand to profit if the author’s line of research were continued. Only a few. fascicles of the Lexicon have been published. It is regrettable that so far the Government of (>ylon and the University of Ceylon have taken no steps to see that the Lexicon is completed Editor. ORIGIN OF ORAVIOIANS «fe INDO-Et‘ROPEANS SO S INCE THE time of Bisliop Caldwell, who published the first edition of his scholarly “ Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages " in 1856, the people who have spoken Tamil, Kanarese, Telugu, Malayalam, Tulu and other less cultivated' South Indian tongues from pre¬ historic times, are known as Dravidians. It was Franz Bopp who, for tlie first time (1833-35), drew attention to the mem¬ bers of the Indo-European (then spoken of as Indo-Germanic) family of people whose ancestors used languages derived from the same primeval stock. He first pointed out the original speakers of Sanskrit, 2;end, Greek, Latin, Lithuanian, Old Slavonic, Gothic and Old German as belonging to one and the same family, and later added the aboriginal] users of Celtic and Russian, Albanian and Aimenian to the number. But the two language groups, Dravidian and Indo-European, were then considered poles apart. There v/as nothing found common between them in vocabulary or syntax. Also the t\yo families of people who spoke them were taken to be without any point of contact. The Dravidians and Indo- Europeans were so widely different in customs, habits and colour that it was deemed a fruitless task to search for any connection between them. There was especially the con¬ clusion brought about by language. Although it is admitted that language cannot be a test of race in all cases, the fact that the Dravidians had been speaking, from the very be¬ ginning, a language which had no affinity whatever with that spoken by the Indo-Europeans forced the conclusion on our pioneer philologists that the two peoples were as different racially as they were linguistically. This was the general opinion of European scholars in the nineteenth century till H. Gundert and F. Kittel entered the field of Comparative Philology and made researches in Dravidian, the former taking his stand on Malayalam and the letter on Kanarese. They were the first to point out that if the Dravidian languages had, at a late period, borrowed a large number of terms mostly technical, from Sanskrit, this Aryan tongue also was indebted to the former for many words even in the vedic period. Kittel published, in his Kanarese-Engiish Dictionary, a tentative list of more than four hundred Sanskrit loan-words from Dravidian. This fact of mutual borrowing, even in very early times, would indeed 90 TAMIL CULTURE testify to the two peoples having had inter-communication at a given time and leave the matter there. But Caldwell, who worked independently and made his own additions to the list, perceived a new ray of light that opened to him a far away vista, and he thought he was justified in saying that “ the Dravidian idioms exhibit traces of an ancient deep- seated connexion with Prae-Sansknt—the assumed archaic mother tongue of the Indo-European family ‘In Caldwell’s time Sanskrit was supposed to be the mother tongue of Greek, Latin &c., but later investigations showed that the former was only an elder sister of the others. His remarks, therefore, shotild apply to a more primitive and elementary form of speech than the most archaic form of Sanskrit. He had a light dawning on him but in his days, facilities were not offered hini to pursue that light. The “ ancient deep-seated connexion ” suspected by him could be discovered only among the most elementary forms or roots of the two language- groups, Dravidian and Indo-European, now seemingly so far apart. For, during the course of ages words have under¬ gone bewildering changes both; in form anl in sense : changes induced by phonetic laws i.e., by the transformation of sound in the mouth of different individuals ; changes brought on by accretions of formative elements such as suflSxes, prefixes and infixes ; changes through corruption of word-forms in¬ evitable in the long run and changes due to the operation of semantic laws making the original sense of a word to fluctuate even to its contrary. We have, in other words, to find “the ancient deep-seated connexion” mainly in the roots of the two linguistic families. ELEMENTARY WORD-FORMS These roots had to identified, then, for both Indo-Euro¬ pean and Dravidian. In the case of the former, the work of patiently comparing the various linguistic forms within the family and artificially constructing roots for them had been started by Bopp himself and was continued vigorously with the result that we have now comparative word-books for several' Indo-European languages. To cite some of them only : C. C. Uhlenbeck’s “ Etymologisches Wort«"buch der alti- > “ Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages,” 3rd Ed. p. 565 ORIGIN OF DRAVIDIANS & INDO-EUROPEANS 91 dischen Sprache” for Sanskrit; E, Boisacq’s “Dictionaire Etymologique de la Lahgue Greque ” for Greek ; A Waldo’s “Lateinisches etymologisches Worterbuch" for Latin; F. Kluge’s “Etymologisches Worterbuch der deutschen Sprache” for German ; Franck’s “ Etymologisch Woordenbuek der Nederlandische;Taal” for Dutch ; W. W. Skeat’s “Etymo¬ logical Dictionary ” for English ando, ‘ to bend * and Tamil pan-t, * to bow ^ In Tamil also we have pan~i ‘ what coils up, snake ’ (for which Sanskrit has the form pkanin)y paniyal, * worship’ and panr ilam/yfh&i is spiral, conch The Sumerian pan (ban, van)* is possibly (found in the second member of the Sanskrit com¬ pound dhan-vaUy Zend than-vare, ‘ bow of fir ’ as suggested by 0. Schrader.® The same is seen in the Sanskrit hanas or v&nas and Tamil pdnam and vdli meaning not the bow but an arrow. It is a well known fact that the names for bow and arrow have been interchanged in many cases. For in¬ stance, the Latin arcuR originally meaning ‘ arrow ’ (root ar, a-Vin to Gothic arhvazna, Ango-Saxon earh, and English arrow) later became the names for the bow. On the contrary, the Greek belos, Middle High German vliz, jlitsch, Low Ger- maii flitz, French fleche, ete., probably designated the bow at first as comiterparts of the Dravidian vil, and, by transi¬ tion of sense, came later to signify the arrow. Another ancient weapon used, also as a missile, is known in T amil as pdrai, Kanarese hare, Malayalam pdra and Tulu pdrengi. Originally this is the same as the Sanskrit parasus or poTSiLS. In Greek it is pelekus (battle axe). Ail these forms are very probably from the Sumerian balag which gave Assyrian the form pilaggu. Some think that this is a loan word in Indo-European languages. For Dravidian this may not be the case, as the word pdrai as compared with its cog¬ nate pdlai, * what splits, a spathe * which is from the second¬ ary root pil-a ‘ to split.” The Sanskrit pTial, * to hurst ’ cannot be maintained, as it is seen to have been invented to furnish an etymology for the noun pkalam-palam ‘ fruit ’, a Dravidian word. Hence we may presume that the Dravidian pdrai and Sumerian balag belong to the primeval times. Inter-borrow¬ ing of cultural terms cannot be easily established in the case of intimately related languages such as these two seem to be. * This pan lor the bow occvirs also “ in a multitude of Austro-oceahic dialects (“Anthropos ”: XXX, 722) ® Prehistoric Antiquities of the Aryan Peoples,” p. 232. r “Anthropos” ibid. p. 719. ORIGIN OF DRAVIDiANS & INDO-EUROPEANS 96 According to savants like C. Autran* Indo-European itself is not unrelated to Sumerian. The balag-parasu-pdrai was probably of stone in the early ages and was wielded habitually at close quarters. For hurlmg stone at a distance the sling was devised. The Dravi- dian word for it is : Tamil kavan, kavanai ; Kanarese, Tulu, kavane j Malayalam, kavatia. In Sumerian the sling is known as ir, irni. The Egyptian ayr means the same. These may be connected with the Dravidian root word er, ‘ to throw, fasten ■. The Siunerian pictograph for ir, * sling’ is probably that of the central part of it without the strings.® It would seem that the sling began to be known by what is thrown, t.e., a stone, instead of the act of throwing. We ha;ve probably an equation of the Dravidian kavan in Slavonic kameni [ stone ’ with which OM Norse hamarr, Anglo-Saxon hamor, Old High German hamar are said to be connected. Some adduce also the Greek akvion and Sanskrit asman. We know that the earliest weapons were of stone fuid wood. If kavan was a stone weapon we have katai, originally a wooden as well as stone one. The Sanskrit gadd is of doubt¬ ful origin. ■ In Sumerian khat was a club or mace and battle axe. Perhaps it was connected with our kaddai, ‘ piece of wood ’. Compare also tandam or tadi, synonyms for it which mean stick ’. Sanskrit has taken over the Dravidian tandam as dandam. But when axes began to be made of bronze and later, of iron, there was an evolution of this word and o!f its meting in Indo-European, The Iranians made of it kareta while the Indo-Aryans called its kritti from which the Dravi- dians got their katti, ‘ knife ’. The Iranian word took several forms in other languages, e.g,. New Persian, kard ; Ossetic, khard; Servian, korda ; Lithuanian, kardas ; Polish kord ; Albanian kordu, etc., meaning surgical knife, dagger, etc.*® Another ancient weapon is in Tamil.iddi or Iddi, ’spear ’ Malayalam itti, Kanarese Hti, Hi; Tulu itti, Telugu Ue ; Sinhalese isatiya, Uiya all probably from the root id, ‘ to dis¬ lodge, attack ’. • The Vedic Sanskrit rishti, * spear ’ in Zend * "Sumerien et Indo European,” Paul Geuthner 1925. » Barton: Origin and Development of Babylonian Writing No, 229, Schrader, op. cit. p. 224, 166 TAMIL CUI.TURE arshti, may be compared with this. Also Sanskrit yasktia, * mace, club DOMESTICATED ANIMALS It is a fact recognked by historians that, in earliest days of antiquity, the dwellers of the fertile plain between the Euphrates and the Tigris (now called ^lesopotamia, * between the rivers ’) and those of the valley o(f the Nile were in pos¬ session of domesticated animals such as cow, sheep and goat. The Sumerians had named the cow or ox gud (contracted into gu) from the fact of its having prominent horns, as will be seen from the pictogi’aph of the word which is “clearly the head and horns of an ox.” This original name is seen used in its contracted form among many races of the Indo- European stock. Thus Sanskrit has go, Zend gav, Armenian kow, German kuh, Anglo-Saxon cu, English cow, Greek hous, Latin hos. The ancient Dravidian name for the cow is kud-am. That this should phonetically approach the Sumerian gud nearest is only to be expected, since modern research tends to show that the Dravidians of old were wdth the ancestors of the Sumerians ii^ Mesopotamia and had spread East and West from there. Etymologically the Tamil kud-nm means ‘anything bent, spherical’, then ‘horn’ (=k6du), and hence a horned animal, particularly the cow or ox. Compare the Malayalam kompi, ‘horned animal’ a name for the cow. Similarly in Tamil kampan means any homed animal. The original kudain has become kodi, ‘ cow or ox ’ in Kui, a Dra- yidian dialect, and gond,, ‘ ox ’ in Sinhalese. It may be re¬ marked In passing that Sinhalese, holding a very old Tamil element as its background, furnishes e^^cellent side-lights on the evolution of Dravidian. A form similar to the Sinhalese gena was taken over by Pali as gona, ‘ an ox ’ and was given to Sanski'it. In Kanarese kona is a male bufifalb, gona, an ox. But in Tamil the original kudain as a name for cow be¬ came obsolete and is now found only in the nighantus. Its other sense of (a spherical thing) ‘pot ’, however, is in popu¬ lar use. Hence commentators have mistaken the real sense of. the word as found in some comparatively late classics Barton, op. cit. No. 259. Origin of dra\t[dians & indo-europeans loi (Kalittokai 109, 3,—Purapporul-venpa-jnalai I, 18) which also seem to have used this word ambiguously. The expres¬ sion is kudam-cuddu-inam, “ the kind (of animals) known by the name of kudmn’\ But commentators wouM render it cows “ which are known by the number of pots of milk they yield They were obsessed with the idea that kudam meant only pot. They might have compared the expression mahkad- cvddu for ‘mankind’ in Tolkappiyam (Col. 1) where cuddu means ‘ what is pointed out as ’. The equation gud^kudnm—gond^cow, etc., takes us back to a time when the Sumerians, Dravidians and Indo- Europeans lived together and possessed the cow as then* chief • wealth. As it would be travelling too far afield to go into the many other old words connected with the cow, we now pass, on to sheep and goat, also domesticated by man in the earliest period. The Tamil word eli means ‘ rat ’ in modern speech ; but, as found in some old widtings in connection with eli-mayir- porvai, ‘ cloak made of the hair clf eli * it has puzzled commen¬ tators not a little. How could any sort of garment be woven of hair which the rat has not ? A recent writer referring to this sort of textile says: “ rats have no hair and therefore the reference cannot be to the hair of Indian rats.” Another suggested that the Indian rat referred to was a sort of beaver.^® But the fact is that in ancient Dravidian the word eli meant ‘ a white animal ’—the white kind of sheep or goat. In Tamil vellai, a derivative of this, is still a name for goat. The same name eli was applied to another llittle white animal, rat, a species of which is still known as vel~eli^ ‘ the white rat.’ Some Dravidian dialects have differentiated the name eli into other forms |or denoting the rat: e.g., Telugu, elUm ; Kui, odri and Sinhalese undurd, Sanskrit also having adopted this form as undwras, etc. Others, on the contrary, have kept eli for rat and differentiated that form in various ways for de¬ noting sheep. This will be seen presently with the many variations the word has undergone in Dravidian and Indo- European. 12 "The Silappadikaram," EagL Trans, by V. R. R. Dikshitur M; A. 13 Devanesan in “ Studies in Comparative Philology ” (Tamil) p. 62. 102 TAIVIIL CtJLTUIlJi Turning now to Sumerian, we find that the oMest name it had for sheep is dim, for, the picture-writing for this word is doubtless the figure of the head of a ram.** Elim is evidently from el, ‘white.’ The Semites who succeeded' the Sumerians in Mesopotamia also adopted the same name. They called sheep eyal. In Sumerian there is another name for this animal, lidu .(us) which may have been derived from the original elim as the sequel will show. A remarkable thing here is that most of the Di-avidian and Indo-European terms denoting sheep, goat and similar quadrupeds, by transference are modifica¬ tions of eli or elim. Thus : Telugu has eta, edika (difFeren- tiating into elika for rat); Kurukh, era. ; Malto, ere ; Kui, oda (which has the differentiated form odri for rat); Tulu, yUu ; Gondi, yeti, ‘ the she-goat ’; Brahui het; Malayalam and Tamil ddu which is the present name Latin alces, Greek alke, English elk. The Sanskrit risyas, ‘ antelope ’ and Latin an'cs, ‘ ram ’ are other forms. By the side of the Telugu edika, formed from the original eli, we have Pali elaka, Sanskrit elakas, edakas edas, ‘ sheep ’ and enakas enas, ‘ a kind of deer ’. The names kambalas, ‘ a sort of deer ’ and kamhalam, ‘ a woolen blanket ’ are also from eli compounded with kem, ‘red’, and refer to a red kind of sheep. The modern T^il word for sheep, cemman, is but a transformation kem-eli. The author qf Cintajnani, who was doubtful, like all moderns, in regard to the word eli meaning sheep interprets kampalam as made “with the fiery red hair of the red eli (cev-eU) which feeds on fibre ” (2686).« Had he said kem-eli instead of cci>- eli he would have hit the mark. Kampalam in fact is kem-eli with the epenthetic p infixed. In another place (1898) he tries to guess what the eli which gave the red shining hair for Barton ibid. No. 374. « “Dictipnaire Etymologique de la Langue Grecque.” ORIGIN OF DRA^aDlANS & INDO-EUROPEANS 103 textiles was like, and says they were bigger things than wild cats and roamed about hill tops. Udu another Tamil name for sheep, which has its equi¬ valent in Sumerian as udu and iw, is probably another form of eli through Kui oda. Sanskrit has hudus for ram reffer- ring back to the Tamil udu. With this we may compare the Latin haedrus and the Tulu yedu. In Tamil -udu has become utal, Warn* and also has the forms uru and oruvu for sheep. With them we may compare the Latin ovis, Greek ois, Lithua¬ nian amiSt Gothic avi, Old High German ouwi, English ewe. The Sanskrit avis ‘ sheep, rat ^ is also connected.^® The earliest clotliing next to hides of animals seems to have been made of wool, first by felting and later by planting or weaving. That the ancestors of the Indo-Europeans had knowledge of wool before they left their common abode is evidenced by the name for wool in all the chief languages of the family being phonetically identical with the Dravidian vellai, ‘ sheep or goat a derivative from eli. Thus the Latin vellus lana for vl(i)na ; Greek lanos ; Gothic oulos, vulla; Lithua¬ nian wilna; Old Slavonic vluna ; Sanskrit umd ; Armenian gelman ; Old High German wolla ; English wool. The Dravi- dians have not kept any single word for wool in their dialects for the very plausible reason that, on arriving in India, they soon began to use pancu or koddai for their clothing. /' The word pancu was taken over by Sanskrit aa panji and picu, and koddai went to all the countries of Europe in the tform of cotton, etc.'^ LIGHT, AIR, WATER, OIL Having seen the primeval agreement of names in respect df two of the most useful animals domesticated by man, let us briefly examine if there be any similar connection between words used for the elements most necessary to himi. The genera¬ lity of words for light among Indo-Europeans and among the Dravidians is found to be variations of el. This word is re¬ gularly derived from the root eUu, (Sumerian elamu = Tamil elu-mpu), ‘ to rise ’. In Dravidian it originally denoted the sun as the daily riser— oriens. From the sun, the brightest Cf. Schrader op. cit. p. 332. $ce "Hobson—Jobson” s. v. Cotton. 104 TAMIL CULTURE heavenly body, the name was transferred to God. Sumerian el is the moon-goddess.^* For the Semitics it was the name for the Supreme God i El in Hebrew, Ilah, Allah in Arabic. The Sumerian or Akkadian Hu, as a name for God, might be, according to Prince,** a Semitic loan. It might as well be a form of the primitive el common to most languages. El, as the orb of day, has given rise to such Indo- European forms as the Greek elis or hUios, Latin sol, Breton Gothic sauil, Lithuanian saule, English sun, Sanskrit svar, surah, surya, etc. Some analyse these forms as sau-el suv-el, etc., in which the original root-element el is made a stem- suflBx.^® This is an error due to hot considering the vowel gradations or ablaut which the deictic e of el undergo^ in its development. Thus, in Dravidian el becomes ul, ol, kel, tel, col, pol, etc., as in ul~ar ‘ to be dried ’, oUi ' to be white \ kel-u, * bright colour ’ tel-i ‘ to become clear ’, col-i ‘ to be resplen¬ dent ^ pol-i, ‘to shine’. Viewed in connection with these tmnsmutations, the initial s in the Tndo-European forms given above is seen to be an instance of the many sibilated colla¬ teral forms m those languages, and the transformed vowelis to be instances of vowel gradation. Brugmann** is more cor¬ rect in postulatmg a hypothetical *sauel or sauol as the root which the true root el could have become by prothesis and ablaut. Ill Tamil el has lost its primitive sense of sun and God, and we find ony the secondary meaning ‘light’ in classical literature. In this sense alone the sun is termed ellavan, ‘ the source of light ’ and gods elldr, ‘ those who dwell in the light’. Indo-European has, in addition to the above forms of el de¬ signating the sun, a large number of words derived from it to denote light and brightness. Thus I.Atin lux, lumen, ‘light’; Greek Leukos, ‘ brilliant ’; Sanskrit rocate ‘ to shine ’; Latin and Old Slavonic luna, ‘ moon ’; Lithuanian lauks; Irish lauch; German licht, blitz ; English light, blaze, bleak, etc. In lux etc. the initial e is elided and what should be elux is foimd as lux etc. In blitz etc. an additionall consonant is 18 Barton, op. clt. No. 507. 18 “ Materials for a Sumerian Lexicon ” by J. D. Prince. 20 Walde Pokomy II 446. 81 “Ver^ Gramm, der Indogerm. Spr.” I p. 318, ORIGIN OF DRAVIDIANS & INDO-EUROPEANS lOo found prefixed. This will be explahied by the Dravidian t'eliccam, Might', a development from el by prefixing v and Eufiixing ~ccam {—kk~am). Most words in modern Tamil are similar derivatives but Sinhalese, which is a repositoiy of early Dravidian forms, has eliya, eli, alu, etc., for'light. With regard to prefixing consonants to original root- words it will be opportune to give an explanation here. An important law of language, not so flar animadverted to by European philologists, I believe. Is the one of initial intensive consonants. Primary roots, which always begin with a vowel, become secondary by prefixing a consonant which serves generally to emphasize and thus differentiate their sense. As an example, we may take the already cited word vellai, ‘ white' or ‘ a white thing from el, with v prefixed. The final at is, of course, a stem-suffix. El with v prefixed becomes also vU by ablaut, as in vil-cr, vil-anku, ‘ to shine With a new initial intensive in we have mU-ir which becomes min, ‘ to glitter ’ as the former becomes also vin and van, the shining 'sky'. From min there is a further derivative min ‘ the Ottering thing, star or fish ’ (Compare with this the Sumerian mvl or mulu, ‘star’). Akin to the Tamil min is the Greek men, mene, * the moon' another name for which is seUne from the original-el by a different line of development. Compare the Latin luna, ‘ moon *, Armenian lusin, where the initial e is elided whereas in seUne it is retained and sibilated as se. In Gothic the orb of the night is mena, Lithuanian menu. Old High German mano, Anglo-Saxon mona, English moon, San¬ skrit mas, ‘a month but originally meaning moon as in the pleonastic candra-mas. The Latin mensis, ‘ belonging to the moon ’ contains the element men, ‘ moon ’. The equation mm—men—moon is presented here for pointing out that the true root of the Indo-European equiva¬ lents is not ma, ‘ to measure' as has been generally supposed. The history of the Tamil mm and the analogy of the names of the sun, etc., show that the moon has been named from its brilliancy. This is the most obvious way names were given to objects in primitive times. To consider the luminary oSF the night as ‘ the measure of time ’ can only occur in the second place, after the object had been named. This is of a piece H 106 TAMIL CULTURE with “ the idyllic interpretation ” of the word ‘ matri, ‘ mo¬ ther ’ as • measurer of food ’ to her children, about which later. The idea of this luminary marking time as “ the gol¬ den hand in the dark dial of heaven ” would have been sug¬ gested onlj*^ in course of time by obsen’-ing the phases of the moon. But does not the Dravidian nun indieite a star while the Indo-European men, etc., denote the moon ? Such transfer¬ ence of sense is by no means an unfamiliar feature in the his¬ tory of language and is not therefore a serious objection. An instance in point is the word tinkal from tikal Z telierly means ‘ spots of the moon ’ and not “ spot on the moon fancied to resemble a deer ” as the Madras Laxicon has it, by taking man to designate deer only. Now, to proceed to examine words, for air, considered as something which blows. It was known in ancient Dravidian as iitei (originally uta) from the verb uUu, ‘to blow’ (root unt, earlier ut, ‘to push’). This utai with the initial inten¬ sive k becomes kutai and has the same sense intensified. With p^rton, op. cit No. 13. ORIGIN OF DRAVIDIANS & INDO-EUROPEANS 107 a new suffix -al it becomes kutal and means * chill '; and kutir, with still another suffix -ir, stands for the cold wind or cold season. This group of words, offering a good illustration of secondary, word-formation, is purely Dravidian and -we have also the root form iitu in all its chief dialects. The cog¬ nates of utai (=ut.a) can be easily recognized in the Sanskrit' iidtas, Persian bad, Latin ventus. Old High German wint, Icelandic vindr, English wind. Compare Russian vieter, ‘ wind ’, and vieiate, * to blow \ Greek aHes. All these forms will be seen to be akin when we bear in mind the phonetic law of u being often changed into vd. Again, in Sanskrit the stem vd, contracted from vd.ta, is treated as a denomina¬ tive verb from which are derived vdyus, ‘ wind ’ and other forms. European philologists constructed for these words an artificial “root” *wento (Uhlenbeck), but the true root is unt-u, or ut~u which are real words in Dravidian, meaning ‘ to push, to blow It may, therefore, be concluded that all the above forms among the Indo-Europeans for wind hark back to a time when their ancestors were one with those of the Dravidians and named that element by its conspicuous qua¬ lity of being in motion. For water also there was a common word among the Dra¬ vidians and Indo-Europeans. It has already been remarked that Tamil has, as a rule, preser\^ed very early forms of words intact. And such is the case with dt~am the ancient Dravi¬ dian name for water. It is as transparent, so to say, as the ellement of which it is the name. Its etymology is easily traced from tlie primitive root ul, ‘ far away, Iddden from view, inside ’ ffom which comes ullu, * to get insideand from this, ddu, ‘ to flow into a hole, to run ’. From ddu, ^to run-, three derivatives are differentiated by means of suffixes in two cases and in one by modification of the formative. Thus dd-ai is the canal through which water runs ; dd-am, * the thing on which people run over a canal i.e., a bark ; and dt-am, * the running thing' i.e., water. The last word is now used only in the sense of inundation, -wave and sea, while mr, also meaning ‘ a running thing ’ (and taken over by Sanslgrit as niram and ndram) is the ordinary word for water. But in Indo-Eiu-opean it is the cognates of dtam that are mostly in use. Thus Sanskrit udan, udam, udakam ; Gothic wato ; Anglo-Saxon waeter ; Greek huddr ; German xoasser, Latin 16^ TAMIL CULtra^ unda ; Lithuanian wandu, etc. The main phonetic laws of all languages have so much in common that Sinhaltese has turned the original Ham into vxitura in line with the Anglo- Saxon waecT ! . ' There is another old name for water, sea, etc., which is common to many languages. The Sumerian form of it is ah, abba. Vedic Sanskrit has ap, later apas in the plural. ^ Zend afs, singular ; New Persian ab ; Greek apos, *sap’ ; Lithua¬ nian upe, ‘ water *; Old Prussian ape * river ’ ; Greek aphros, *8cum’; Sanskrit abhravi, * cloud': Greek ombros', Latin imber, ‘rain’, amiiis, ‘river’; Sanskrit nwihw. All these forms seem to be explained by the Dravidian root am, ‘ to immerse’, and their original' would be aminu which became ampu taking an epenthetic p as infix. Possibly the Sanskrit form ambu (for ahhmas) is a loan from Dravidian, for Telugu, Kanarese and Malayalam have ambu and Tamil ampu. The Dravidian dialect Kurukh seems to possess the original amm for water. A common name for oil among the ancients is another patent fact. The English word oil comes from the Latin oleum through Old French oil-e. But it goes further back into pro-ethnic times Sumerian had li for it, represented in picto- graph by what is interpreted as an oil-lamp.^ The et^-mology for this word is offered by the Dravidian ilu, ‘to be sticky’, which is an extended form of the root il ‘ to pull down ’. From tliis root Dravidian has Hutu, ‘any sticky liquid’ fat. grease, ghee, and el the name for oil and the oil-plant sesame. Iluppai, the name of the oil tree, the South Indian mahua, comes 'from the same. El is now not used alone for oil in Tamil, but combined with another word ney, meaning ‘ unc¬ tuous substance^ ffrom neku, ‘to melt’) as el~ney. Another name for it is tailam, borrowed from Sanskrit which derives it from tHas, sesame. This looks suspiciously like the Dravi¬ dian el with the initial intensive consonant t. The name for sesame in Pali and^ all Prakrits is the same but none has an explanation to offer. Nor has tilas any Indo-European paral¬ lels (so Uhlienbeck). The inference that Sanskrit borrowed it from Dravidian, even from Vedic times, may therefore be entertained. Barton, op. cit. No. 228. Origin of dravidianS;& indo-europeans lod The Greek elaion for oil is radically one with el and the name in that language for the oil-tree is elaia. The Latin aliva, * the oil-tree and oleum (for olevum) are akin to this: Boisacq correctly gives the more ■ original jform of elaia as elei(F)a which falls in so well with the Dravidian Uuppai. Sanskrit has a curious word Upas, ‘a wonderful tree in the other world’. Does it represent the Dravidian Uuppai? This form indeed explains the other Greek names of the oil^tree, viz., elpos, elphos, etc. Also olpe, ‘oil-flask’, lipos, ‘ grease Hittite has lip, ‘ to smear With these compare Sanskrit sarpis,.‘ ghee ’; Albanian gulpe ‘butter’ ; Anglo- Saxon sealf ; Old High German salba ; Gothic salbon, Eng¬ lish salve, etc. There is no doubt that the oldest names for oil bring the Dravidians and Indo-Europeans together in a remarkable way. NAMES OF KINSHIP We should expect to find traces of pro-ethnic connection also in names of kinship between the two families of peoples we have been so far considering. But, on the hypothesis that the Dravidians and Indo-Europeans separate very early, and each family developed the primitive language in its own way, we should be satisfied with the names of the most pro¬ minent relationship, as father, mother and child. As regards Indo-European names of parents it is admitted on all hands that Sanslcrit pitri, mdtri, Greek pater, meter, English father, mother, Armenian hair, mair, French pere, mere, etc., are variants, in the different languages of the group, of the same pair of words. Has Dravidian to show any connection with these sets of words ? Some European philologists of the last generation like Max Mhller and A. Fick imagined, in¬ deed, thSt they could draw pictures of archaic civilization from an equation of these words making the word pitri come from a root pd, ‘ to protect ’, hence meaning one who protects the family and mdtri from ma, ‘ to measure’, hence the managing house-wife, etc. All this is beautiful but not consonant with facts. On the one hand, forms like pd and md cannot be called primitive roots, i.e., most elementary word-forms, for such roots aro always composed of one of the deictics and a conso¬ nant, as already stated in an earlier part of this paper. Even 110 Ti^MIL CULTURE as secondary roots, po and Twd are mere abstractions convey¬ ing no meaning by themselves, whereas a real root has its own meaning although in a general, unspecified way. On the other hand, we find the sounds pa and two as second member in words for father and mother in all-ancient languages. Thus : for father Sumerian has ab, ap, abba ; Akkadian, abu; Syriac, abba ; Hebrew, ab ; Greek, appa, apha, pappa ; Go¬ thic, aba; Middle English, abbod. With this compare the Tai^ appan, Brahui aba, Sinhalese appd ; Prakrit appa. For mother, Sumerian, Hittite, Basque and Old High German have ama, Sanskrit amba ; Greek mamma, * grand mother With these compare the forms amma, ammd in all Dravidian languages. It seems probable therefore that the later patri and mUri were corrupted or developed, if you will, from forms like appa and ammd by eliding the unstressed first q^I- lable—a frequent phenomenon in word-building, and adding tri, -ter, or -tar as in dhd-tri, gno-ter, pak-tdr, etc. Schrader, commenting on this, rightly observes : If one takes into consideration the probability that names for father and mo¬ ther existed in all stages of language, and refflects on the ex¬ traordinary accordance of the sonorous and significant Indo- Germanic p(e)ter and ma-ter with the more onomatopoetic papa and mama of nearly every language of the globe, it is hard to suppress the suspicion that the Indo-Germanic words are only fuller and more developed forms of inuneasureably earlier names for father and mother.” -* We may not follow the learned author where he speaks of papa and mama as “more onomatopoetic ”. They have something of that char¬ acter indeed as child language had so rendered appa, and ammd, but these original forms are words full of sense duly derived from the roots ap and am meaning ‘ to be near This will appear more clearly from another set of words which is represented by attan, ocean ajje, etc. in Dravidian. These words are certainly not onomatopoetic but are derived from the root at, also ‘ to be near ’. Thus we have the Sume¬ rian ad, at, adda, ^father’ also ‘mother’ ; Hittite attas Etruscan attume, ‘relationship’; Greek, Latin, Gothic, atta, ‘ father ’ ; Albanian at, tate ; Greek tata, tetta Sanskrit fata, ‘ father, child, dear one ’, Lithuanian teta, tetis. Old High German toto, Enghsh dad etc. So, mother represented as a dear one is anmi (from root an ‘ to be near ’). For this ORIGIN OF DRAVIDIANS & tNt)0-EUROPEAi^S 111 Hittite has annas ; Hungarian anya ; Turkish a7ia; Persian nona ; Sanskrit nand ‘ mother ’; Albanian nene ; Greek nanna nenna, ‘ aunt ’; Latin nonna, ‘ nun \ anus, ‘ oM woman Compare also the root av ‘ to be near, dear ’ from which Dra- vldian has avvai * mother, old woman' and from which also the Latin avia, ‘ grand mother * and avus, avunculus, ‘ grand¬ father ”, etc., were very likely derived.®* There are some common names for offspring too in an¬ cient Dravidian and Indo-European languages. The Tamil pill-ai (properly puU-ai), ‘what bursts out’ (from primary root ul) is a name for a child male or female also for the off¬ spring of fauna as anil-pillai ‘young squirrel’, kUi-pillai, ‘ young parrot ’ and of flora as tennam-pillai, ‘ young coconut pliant’. We may compare with this the Latin pullus, puer, puella ; Greek polos, ‘ young of an animal, little boy or girl ’, etc.; Gothic jula ; Old High German foh ; English foal; French poulain, ‘ a young horse,’ etc. From the same primitive root ul there is a secondary root put (from pud) which gives such Dravidian forms as potti, ‘ sheath o^f grains, etc., as shooting forth ’, pottu, ‘ young shoot of a tree, sapling, male of animals and some ptf birds *, potu ‘flower’, etc. Compare Sanskrit potas ‘young tree, animal; Lithuanian pautas ‘ egg, testicle ’ j Sanskrit put- ras, Zend puthro, ‘ son, child ’; Latin putus, putillus, ‘ boy ’; Old Slavonic puta, putica, ‘bird ’ ; Lithuanian putytis ‘ young bird or animal, etc. Malca is another word in Dravidian for young of ahimals, son or daughter. Its primary root is ak(al) ‘ to separate, to get out, increase’. This root has talcen the initial intensive consonant m. I is akin to Sumeriaq mah or mag ‘ elevated, great ’, Greek megas ; Sanskrit mdhd ; Latin magnus ; Gothic mikUs ; English much, etc. The Dravidian maka becomes makan for masculine and makal for feminine. Now, we find this maka as mac, * son ’, in Gaelic. In Gothic magus, boy Icelandic mogr. For the feminine we have Gothic magaths, mawi, German mdgd, Dutch maagd ; Old English may, Eng¬ lish maid. See Etymological and Comparative Lexicon of the Tamil Language s.v. attdn and avvai. Schrader op. cit. p. 379. 112 TA141L CULTURE Many more parallesims could be adduced, but what we have briefly seen above is enough to show a doubtless pro- ethnic connection between the Dravidians and Indo-Euro¬ peans. The question examined here in terms of Linguistic Paleontology would be only doubtfully solved if Archaeology and Anthropology did not point to the same conclusion. For we are not absolutely certain that aU the equations given above deal with original native words of the several peoples, ' and that some of them at least may not be loans made by one people from another at a later period. But recent study of archaeological material brought out by excavations in the various old sites of ancient civilization in Western Asia and in India, as well as the study of archaic races by eminent scholars tend more and more to support the view that the’ progenitors of the Sumerians, Dravidians and Indo-Europeans were one and the same stock of mankind with a common early culture and a common primitive language. TAMILIANA-NEWS & NOTES ORIGIN OF THE DRAVIDIANS VIENNA, Sept. 20. At the IVth Session of the International Congress for Anthropology and Ethnology held in Vienna between Sep¬ tember 1 and 8, Dr. Furer-Haimendorf of the Royal Anthro¬ pological Institute, Londofi, spoke to the Congress on “New Aspects of the Dravidian Problems In his interesting lecture, based on recent archaeological finds in the Mysore State, Dr. Furer-Haimendorf indicated that (1) the Dravidians, a highly cultured people, brought the iron age to South India from Central Iran ; (2) they travelled by land from Iran through Baluchistan and along the West Coast till they came to the Mysore Plateau, and (3) to the period of Dravidian arrival in South India should be approximately 300 B.C. and not much earlier. Nearly 800 delegates from all parts of the world attended the Congress. There were six from India, viz., Prof. Chatto- padyaya of Calcutta, Prof. Biswas of Delhi, Projf. Dubey and Dr. Sachchidaiianda of Lucknow, Dr. Fuchs and Mr. P. G. Shah of Bombay. Prince Peter of Greece also attended and spoke on Polyandry in Tibet, Ceylon and South India. In the discussions which followed, well-known archaeolo¬ gists including Prof. Childe supported Dr. Furer-Haimen- dorf’s hypothesis. Dr. K. V. Ramaswamy, who participated in the discussions as a special delegate suggested that it would be necessary to take into consideration the results of research conducted by South Indian scholars, particularly on internal evidence in ancient Tamil literature before the hypothesis could be accepted. Though no definite conclusions have been reached in regard to the period of the Second Sangam, ThoU kappiyam and Thirukkural belonged to the pre-Christian era and the development of the literature of that period showed a high level of civilisation in South India. It would, there- 15 114 TAMIL CULTURE) fore, be rash to consider, he argued, that Dravid^s came to South India only about 300 B.C. Pr^. H^e-Ge - dern, who waa in the Chair, expressed the view that the clam of the Tamil scholars was exaggerated and that he was dis¬ posed to agree with Dr. Furer-Haimendorf. It was unfortunate that none of our South Indian schol¬ ars was present at this important Congress, which brought home to all present the inadequacy of our research work m South India and the importance of the problem. GLORY OF TAMIL CULTURE RAMNAD, Sept. 18. Presiding over the anniversary of the Raja’s High School Old Boys’ Association, Ramnad on September 15, the Raja of Ramnad said that associations of this nature should en¬ gage themselves more in cultural activities promoting the re¬ naissance of Tamil Culture and learning than in mere sports. In the course of his address, he said that there was no use abusing the language of the North as was done by some so-called reformists here in the South, while being ignorant of their own Tamil Culture and learning. The Rajah Sahib de¬ plored that beautiful Tamil nadJJpsof several sacred places in Tamilnad were appearing in Government records and Railway guides with mutilated versions and assured the gathering that he would do everything constructive in his power to pro¬ pagate Tamil learning. Mr. R. P. Sethu PiUai, Professor of Tamil, Madras Uni¬ versity, unveiled a portrait of Mr. P. Pandithtiraiswami Thevar, founder of the Fourth Tamil' Academy in Madurai and of the Pandyan Secondary School, the nucleus otf the present Rajah’s High School. He said that it was a privilege ‘for him to be asked to unveil the portrait of a scion of the Sethupathy family, who had done yeoman service to the growth of ancient Tamil literature in Pandyanad. Pandi- thuraiswami Thevar was a good scholar and able speaker in Tamil. Mr. Sethu PiUai stiU remembered his presidential TAMILIANA — NEWS AND NOTES 115 addresses for three consecutive years at tlie Saiva Sidhantha Samajam in Palamcottah, which were a lucid exposition, of the spiritual value of Tainil literature. Tamil literary erudition had, he continued, preserved the memory of the three Sanghams which flourished in the Tamil Country and patronised Tamil learning and culture. It was the special glory of the Pandya Kings to be associated with the Sanghams. The Tamil language became rich on account of these Academies. After the Pandya power ceased to exist, there was naturally a lull in the activity of the Sangham. Pandithuraiswami Thever, the Zamindar of Palavahatham, a scion of the Ramnad family revived the Tamil Academy in Madurai which led to a renaissance of Tamil classical lemm¬ ing. His patronage of Tamil poets and scholars and his scho- lar^ip earned for him the grateful "praise of the Tamil coun¬ try. The Sangham started by him was rightly styled the Fourth Tamil Sangham and attracted a galaxy of scholars from all over the Tamil country. The circumstances that led to the starting of the San¬ gham in Madurai was that Mr. Pandithuraiswami Thever, while engaged in a literary discussion on the raccellence of Kamban's poetry at Madurai, asked his friends to get for him a copy of Kamba Ramayanam for reference. None was available at time. Mr. Thever was greatly shocked to find that the famous seat of Tamil fearing was devoid of a work like ‘Kamba Ramayanam’. A thotjght struck him that a literary association with a fully equipped library should be instituted in Madurai. He contributed a large sum of money for the purchase of old manuscripts and classical books and brought into existence the Sangham which was hailed as the Fourth Tamil Sangham in Madurai. A research journal called “ Senthamil” was started under its auspices, and valuable contributions were naade to it by the eminent scholars of the last century. The Sangham still continued to exist at Madurai, and its services were well known to all lovers of Tamil. It was appropriate, he said, that the Rajah’s High School in Ramnad with which Pandi- thuraiswsuni Thever—the illustrious patron of learning was 116 TAMIL CULTURE associated, should perpetuate his memory by having his por¬ trait ip the. institution. , He was sure that the portrait would serve as an inspira¬ tion to the successive generations of students to devote them¬ selves to the study of Tamil language and literature and serve the country by following his noble example. The speaker appealed to the Madras Government through the Kajah of Rainnad, to take immediate steps to see that the beautiful Tamil names of several sacred plac^ in Tamil- nad appearing in Government records and Railway guides with mutilated versions, were restored to the original. CONCORDANCE OF TIRUKURAL MADRAS, Sept. 29. A function to mark the publication of the book, Tim- kural Concordance, written by Mr. Velayudham Pillai, a re¬ tired teacher came off last eyening at Rajaji Hah before a large gathering. Mr. C. Subramaniam, Finance Minister, presided. Mr. T. V. Kalyanasundara Mudaliar said though the Tirukural wasagreatandimmortal work his own feeling was it was not being sufficiently honoured. After quoting Mr. C. Raja- gopalachari^s reference at a recent function to the need for a ciuriculam to deal with the sci^i^ of happiness in the home, Mr. Kalyanasundara Mudaliar said the best literature they had on the subject was the Kural. There should be a separate library in ffie University for the works relating to the Kural just as they had one in England for Shakespeare’s works. He regretted that such valuable works as that written by Mr. Vela 3 nidham Pillai were not being published by the Univer¬ sities. TAMILIANA — NEWS AND NOTES 117 ANTI-HINDI AGITATION. MADRAiS, Opt. 10. Mr. Nehru, addressing a public meeting on the Islan4 grounds, referred to the talk in the South about North Indian ^ imperialism and pr^umed that the chief element of it was that the Hindi language was being “forced down your throats” If they went to Delhi, they would hear of the in¬ vasion of the North by the South because a vast number of senior and junior Secretariat officers c^e from the South. The need for a common language for India had been re¬ cognised long ago, and the only possible common tie that could be suggested was Hindi. It had nothing to dp with any kind of domimtion. “ For my part, I should like to make one or the other Southern Ixmguages compulsory in the North Indian Univer¬ sities, so that there should be more of the understanding bet¬ ween each other. Any how, I referred to this because there seems to be a lot of mismiderstanding about it here.” l^okenio^da '^ftfo^aaro SIR MORTIMER WHEELER B ETWT5EN THE years 2500 and 1500 B. C. it would have been possible to travel from remote vSutkageii-dor, near the shores of the Arabian Sea over 300 miles west of Karachi, to the village of Rupar at the foot of the Simla Hills — a distance of 1,000 miles — and to see on all sides men living in various degrees the same mode of life, making the same kind of pots and too?s and ornaments, and possibly administrated by the same government. There was a widespread unity, widespread alike in time and in space. This unity is emphasized and i^ly explained when our travels take us past- two gieat citi^ of a kind hitheto unparalleUed in these parts. One of them lies, beside the Indus 200 miles north-east of Karachi, at a spot which came to be known later as Mohenjo-daro, the Hill of the dead; the other 400 miles further on, stands near the littlte Punjab town of Harappa, beside a former course otf the Ravi, tributary of the Indus. Here the art o-f living in cities, in other words Civilization had come into being and had co-ordinatel human effort on a geographical scale un¬ approached in prehistoric times. Since its discovery in 1921, the now-famous Indus Civihzation has rightly ranked amongst the great civilizations of the ancient world. Almost all' the known remains of this civilization lie within the limits of West Pakistan. That is a circumstance of which the new Dominion may be proud. It gives, indeed, a sort of basic unity to Pakistan itself in our historic con¬ sciousness. At the same time it presents the Pakistan Govern¬ ment with a special responsibility, of w'hich it is well aw^are, as the custodian of the relics of an outstanding epoch of human endeavour. Mohenjo-daro is today one of the most spectacular -• Sir Mortimer Wheeler was fomierly Director-General of Archaeo¬ logy in India, and Anchacological Adviser to the Government of Pakis¬ tan. He is now Secretary of the British Academy, London. It is by his courtesy that this description is reproduced. 3 m TAMIL CULTURfi Deity and doing obeisance before the sanctum sanctorum, can easily understand the depth of the feeling that found expres¬ sion in the following song. (Some three hundred or four hun¬ dred years ago). Why art thou restless, my heart f Peace be with you : The Lord’s feet are there and there are the Sage’s Songs in praise of them. And there is the mouth to sing and the hands are there to strew flowers And, to bow homage to the twm feet there is the head : Why are thou restless, my heart ? Peace be with you.. fud^fi^suQfisir, UT^susSsrexiTsir jBth sariqasr^ fi&O. 2 NO GOD WHATEVER We know that the eye reaches the very stars; but not the ear and the other senses. We know also that, for a girl who is married, the husband is the only one, in the world of relations, to be taken into account. When the youth goes to a distant land, perhaps never again to return, the young wife has only to follow him, bid¬ ding farewell to her dear father, mother and other kindred. Again a man may have abounding wealth. Is there any worth in all that if, in the evening of his life, he has to see his 2- Nanmanikadi^ai. THE SONG WORLD IN TAMII^A GLIMPSE 121 BOOS playing ducks and drakes with his property, thus giving him endless worry and annety ? Now as for the mother’s affection for her child, it is some¬ thing incomprehensible. It really transcends all considerations of self—nay, reason itself. Now the song : (1st Century A.D.) There is no member, 'precious as the eye ; No kindred close as the husband ; No wealth covetable as urise sons ; And, to compare unto the mother there is no God whatever. ^fArsasfip Uppp m.(^ui3A&o, Q^rofTturesSAp Qxfifir iSfiJIASeo, mi^ppiSA 9sir€DU)iuturiu4 ^raip Qur(^efflAfso^ irsk(jg(tsirr(^(Qy srshtsatA mL.$iifcst^ih SIA. 3 BIRTH IS COVETABLE The image of Nataraja, its transcendent beauty, and the interpretative art enshrined therein are now familiar to the entire Art-world. Through the dancing pose of the Deity at Chidambaram, we have to see a vast figure,, filling the very heavens, dancing and whirling in ecstatic joy : and again^ through this cosmic image, one has to perceive the oneness and harmony that governs the whole universe, and thus realise the joy infinite. Here is a glimpse of such a realisation : Thy matted locks waving in the skies. Thy complexion resplendent; The milk-white ashes besmeared thereon, 3. Appar, m TAMIL CULTURE I Thy arched brow, Thy ruddy Ups, Thy smile mys^erimis. And, above alii Thy lifted foot dripping as though vnth honey, These, 0 Lord ! if one could have a vision of, Even the birth, on this earth, as a human mortal is Worth striving for. (Found in the HjTnns of Appar, 7th Century A.D.) 'u^e$rA (SurA dujsiBufth urA QtustJreaf ^ih q^tuQfiih Q^rAsosu4 Q^di suirufii ^iSsiST SllfiLM If A SjssfiAfith Qurp urfiOpA, xirsmu Qup (ojA tassfi^pu iSpsSufA QanAr^suQfi Ujres/lsvfiOp. 4 THE THREE WORLDS DO HEAR Man’s life on this earth has never been an easy one. From Adam down to the present-day coolie, man had to live by the sweat of his brow. The land of plenty and the land of drought are often things far apart. The rich and the poor seem to be also eternal entities. Under these circumstances the bountiful heart feels the need of giving relief to the poor, and out of true charity, gives. This gift finds response in the grateful hearts of thousands. No wonder when people go from place to place, (pilgrimage was such a common thing in those ancient days) from Cape Comorin to the very Mount Kailas, they found an inexhaustible theme in the acts of charity they witnessed or heard of. Even today a munificent gift made in this country 4. Nyadiyar, THE SONG WORLD IN TAMIL^A GLIMPSfi finds recognition in the columns of & New-York newspaper the next morning. Now let us see how the poet sings of this grateful appreciation of a gift. Here is an old song. (1st. Cen¬ tury A.D.). The beat of the Drum is heard miles afar ; The thunder in the clouds is heard for tens of miles But all the three worlds do hear The praise that a gift was made Though, on this earth.’ OturrSardiuri srmuu(^ih 5 . HINGES WEAR OUT Here is a love-song of the twelfth century (A.D.). The lady-love expects her lover to return in the evening. She is alone in the house and is waiting till it is almost midnight. Then she goes to bed. But she is restless, walks to the door and opens it to see if her lover is coming. The lover is not seen. She closes the door and returns to her bed. Again in a few minutes she goes to the door, and in despair returns to the bed. This going and returning goes on incessantly tiUi sun¬ rise. All this is expressed in a couplet: Expectancy opens and Despair shuts And thus swings the door from eve to mom Thereby wearing out the hinges. 5. Kalingattuparani. 124 TAMIL CXTLTURE 6U(3f»irf Q^(!£ jEir srtgr^fSpfi turrrr 0«/r(ip fir cr«nr (StSiS sffi^rjar r^ih dfiufih riurL.ih fSptS O®. 6 SON’S DUTY It is indeed difficult to realise fuHy all the psychological implications of war, as it was a couple of thousand years ago. People never had the long periods of peace which have been prevailing of late. In the present-day warfare, it is not any soul force but only a mechanical force operating against the one on the other side. The operative force being mechanical, war has only a de¬ pressing effect upon the people. Whereas, in those ancient days war brought out the innate heroism in men and also women. We will see how a woman felt the supreme need of war-like spirit in a land subject to constant attacks from neigh¬ bouring states. It would almost seem as though her attitude to her son was unmotherly : My duty as mother is to bring jorth and to bring up ; To educate is the father's duty ; To make manful is the King’s duty ; To give the spear is the duty of the blacksmith ; And my son’s duty is — To plunge into the battle-field, To pierce the elephant in the enemy’s line. And return triumphant, fFfiiJM tfrJtfiOSfiA STtkfiSsoA niJdm fifsmfii^^ nuOtsr ; 6. Puran&nuru, Tffl SONG WORLD m TAMIL-A GLIMPSE 125 fiotmeou. dtuAfutf-^^i Qair(^^fsA Q*rA«op(§A tiiJJtn ;— ^stHjfigurdr QaiA^tnA QfiQjiSi xaUQpjfiJsjfi QuiuiftA *cr&irAQi «i_e- rior civilisation. Megalithic monuments in the shape of grave circles, dolmens and menhirs situated in Mysore, Hyderabad- and the adjoining areas, can be counted by the thousand, and such impleinents as have been found in megalithic tombs were invariably of iron. The northern border of their distribution runs through Madhya Pradesh, the former Central Provinces, but from the whole of Northern India this type of megalithic monuments, with the one exception of some little-known groups of stone- cists near Karachi, seems to be absent. What bearing has all this on the Dravidian problem ? We now know that not earlier than the middle of the first millenium B.C. an iron-using population, in possession of a material culture vastly superior to anything South India had seen before, spread over large parts of the Peninsula. The archaeological evidence indicates that the older neolithic cul¬ ture was partly displaced, but persisted for some time, side bj[ side with the new iron-using civilisation. But there can be no doubt that ultimately the iron-using people prevailed and extended their civilisation through the length and breadth of the Deccan, where it flourished until the early centuries of the Christian era. TAMIL CULTUBfi 1^0 While we have no direct evidence as to the language ^x)ken by thia megalithic people, circumstantial evidence would seem to point to the conclusion that it must have been Dravidian. For there are only two possibilities; either the. earlier stone-axe people, shifting-cultivators ctf very primitive material equipment, were the original Dravidian speakers, or the intruding m^alith-builders with their developed iron- industry, brought the Dravidian languages and imposed them ultimately on the whole of Southern India. It is highly im¬ probable that the speech of the more primitive neolithic popu¬ lation, whose culture was superseded by a more advanced population, could have persisted, while that of the populous and d 3 mainic megalith-builders disappeared without leaving any trace. In other words : if the megalith-builders did not speak Dravidian languages, what languages did they speak ? The interval between the time of their expansion over the Deccan and early historic times is so brief that the complete disappearance of the language of so large and advanced a population is beyond the realms of possibility. Indeed the coincidance between the distribution of megalithic tombs of the South Indian type and the Dravidian languages speaks dearly for the correlation: Iron-age megalith-builders Dravidian speakers. Only this hypothesis fits the known facts of the South Indian situation. The loss of the languages of the primitive pre-iron-age stone-axe people is not difficult to explain. Even. today we see how one primitive tribal dialect after the other disappears as the result of contact with more advanced popu¬ lations of different language. If We admit the validity of the correlation : South Indian iron-age megalith-builders—^Dravidians, we caimot escape the question as to the origin of the people who brought to South India bo0i the knowledge of iron and the languages still spoken throughout the southern half of the Peninsula. One circum¬ stance can be considered certain : the iron-using civilisation in South India was an intrusion. It did not develop jfrom local roots, but superimposed itself on the mudi more primitive in¬ digenous cultures. Archaeological evidence excludes, as Col, NEW ASPECTS OF DRAVIDIAN PROBLEM 1^1 D. H. Gordon' has convincingly demonstrated, a gradual spread of an iron-using culture from Northern India through Middle India towards the South. For in most parts of North¬ ern India, iron occurs later than in the South, and any people coming- from Northern India, where bronze axe cultures flour¬ ished, would also have brought some copper and bronze imple¬ ments, and not exclusively iron. Thus there remains only the possibility of either an im¬ migration by sea or a southward movement along the western coast of India. The similarity of the megalithic tombs of Southern India and those of the MeditCTranean area—a simi¬ larity extending to so characteristic a feature as the ' porthole * in the stone-cists—certainly suggests western connections, but there remains the chronological difficulty of linking Indian megaliths of the first miHenium B.C. with those of the west, none of which can be dated later than the second millenium B.C. The existence of a Dravidian language, the Brahui, in Baluchistan can be explained by either a migration on land or by sea along the coast, for in the course of their migration the megalith-builders inay well have founded Colonies at suit¬ able sites on the West coast. Isolated megaldthic stone-cists in the vicinity of Karachi may represent another trace of this migration. That after the movement df the main body of Dravidians to the South, most of such colonies would ultimate¬ ly have been absorbed by the surrounding Aryan-speaking populations is only to be expected. D. H. Gordon favours an immigration of the megalith- builders by sea. “ It is tempting ”, he writes, ” to associate them with the people whose ships plied between the Indian coast and southern Arabia in the first half of the first mille¬ nium B.C. and through them in some way with the megalith- builders of the West.* While in Brahmagiri the arrival of the iron-using mega¬ lith-builders cannot have been earlier than 300 B.C., their establishment in localities closer to the west coast may well have occurred several centuries earlier, and on the ground of a 1 “The Early Use of Metals in India and Pakistan”, Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, VoL LXXX. 1950, p. 67, * JjOQ, cit., pp. 65. 66, TAMIL CULTUREi typology of implements and weapons, D. H. Grordon considers the time between 700 B.C. and 400 B.C. as the most likely period of the immig ration of an iron-using people into South¬ ern India. . Having established an approximate chronology, we must leave it to the archaeologists to trace the migration of the iron- using megalith-builders to their roots in Western Asia. As an¬ thropologists, however, we have to reassess the Dravidian pro¬ blem in the light of present-day archaeological knowledge. Many old-established ideas will have to be abandoned. It appears now extremely unlikely that in Northern India there was ever a Dravidian-speaking population, though small colo¬ nies'may have existed on the coast of what is now Western Pakistan. The Dravidian high civilisations oif Southern India seem to be far younger than it has so far been assumed, and. the Middle Indian tribal belt is likely to have Constituted an effective b^rier between the Aryan and the Dravidian sphere, the gradual reduction of which began both from the north and. the south at about the same time. The racial map of India still reflects this process. There are two great areas of progressive, mediterranoid populations. One covers the whole of Northern India, while the other ex¬ tends over Western India and parts of the Deccan. In bet¬ ween these two areas there is a broad belt of more primitive populations, in whose racial make-up a '\^eddoid element pre¬ dominates. The southern progressive block would’ seem to re¬ present the Dravidian expansion, and the northern block the Aryan invasions and other racial influences from the North¬ west. By such a view of the respective positions 0 |^ Aryan speak¬ ing and Dravidian speaking populations, the many tfundamen- tal differences between Aryan and Dravidian cultures are more readily explained than by the older view of the gradual dis¬ placement of Dravidians from the northern parts of India. I may mention here only the North Indian and South Indian kinship and marriage-systems which are diametrically op¬ posed, and reflect two entirely different principles. The nor¬ thern system forbids the marriage of persons related by blood, the southern favours cross-cousin marriage; the northern sys- l^W ASPECTS OF t>RAVlDtAiJ problem l35 tcm—^through the rule of village-exogamy—Pleads to the spread of agnatic lineages over large areas, the southern system keeps kinsmen together and works for the self-sufficiency of the vil¬ lage. Had Dravidian populations lived in the.north and mingled .with the Aryan invaders, an overlapping of the two systems, resulting presumably in compromise, would have been inevitable, but as it is, we find a combination of the two principles only among the Marathi-speaking populations, whose kinship system, with its tolerance of cross-cousin mar¬ riage, represents a compromise between the Northern and the Southern patterns. And it is also in Maharashthra that the megalithic iron-age civilisation must have clashed with the southward movement of the first Aryan people to invade the Deccan. In the eastern part of the Peninsula, direct contact between Aryans and Dravidians seems to have occurred much later. — Here a large block of tribal populations, many of whom spoke and still speak Munda languages, formed a buffer bet>- ween the two great population groups and the aboripnals’ as¬ similation to the one or the other remains even now incom¬ plete. Such tribes as the Kolams, Gonds and Oraons were dravidianised, while others, such as the Baigas, adopted Aryan languages. The comparatively late date of the Dravidian expansion over South India which seems to have reached its height just before the Christian era, explains also the long resistance of very primitive indigenous cultures in some of the more sec¬ luded h^-tracts. Archaeological data suggest that mesolithic industri^, largely of microlithic character, survived in some parts far into historic times, and the present-day food-gather¬ ing forest dwellers, such as the Chenchus and Kadars, are very probably direct descendants of the makers of the microlithio implements at one time so widespread over many parts of India. But these primitive semi-noinadic foodgatherers were un¬ doubtedly not the . only predecessors cf the iron-using megar Uth builders. The neolithic stone-axe people, whose charac¬ teristic implements, though as yet rarely found in. situ, had a wide-distribution, must have formed primitive farming com- TAMIL CtJLimE 'munities comparable to some of the present-day tribes of shifting-cultivators. To what an extent they were absorl^d and assimilated by the more advanced Dravidian-spealdng people is dfficult to say. It is problematic, for instance, whe¬ ther the system of exogainous dans, each of which has its own cult-centre and clan-priest, «) characteristic of many of the South Indian tribes as well as certain lower Hindu castes, has its roots in Dravidian culture or in an earlier indiginous stra¬ tum. It certainly is absent in areas under predominantly Aryan influence. I am not competent to voice an opinion on linguistic mat¬ ters of a technical nature, but it appears to me that the close integration and compactness of the Dravidian language group fits the assumption of a comparatively recent Dravidian ex¬ pansion. If the Dravidians of today were the remnants of an¬ cient Dravidian populations, which Once occupied the whole of India and in the course of a process of attrition were gra¬ dually pushed southwards by victorious Aryans, one would ex¬ pect their languages to comprise a large number of splinter groups and to show secondary amalgamations of fragments thrown together in the general southward retreat. But noth¬ ing of the kind is to be seen ; all the Dravidian languages are closely akin, and appear rather as the branches of a group still in a state ojf organic growth than the remnants of a once lar¬ ger complex. Protagonists of the great antiquity of Dravidian speech and culture on Indian soil, have based their argument on what they consider the internal evidence in ancient Tamil literature. But the exaggerated antiquity previously ascribed/to Vedic literature should serve as a warning against countering the evidence of archaeological stratigraphy with literary data pre¬ served only in late transcriptions and commentaries. Recent research in ancient Tamil literature has moreover made it pro¬ bable that the literary efflorescence of the Sangam age occur¬ red not earlier than the second or even the first century B.C. and lasted until the fourth of fifth century A.D. An immigra¬ tion of Dravidian speakers about 500 B.C. would allow suffi¬ cient time for the development of such a literature, parti¬ cularly if we consider that the iron-using and culturally ad¬ vanced megalith-builders must have arrived with a fairly well NEW ASPECTS OF DRAVlDIAN PROBLEM 135 developed language and that influence of Sanskrit literature are discernible even in the earliest Sangam works.* In this context it is not possible to discuss all the problelns raised by the proposed correlation : Iron-using megalith- builders—^Dravidian speakers. For the time being it should be considered as no more than a working h 3 rpothe 8 is formulat¬ ed in an attempt to interpret from an anthropological point of view the epoch-making stratigraphic discoveries in Brfdima- giri. "All too long have the students of Indian culture concen¬ trated on Aryan languages, literatures and cultures. It is time that a comparable combination of archaeological, ethnological and linguistic research is devoted to the study of the Dravi- dian problem. 1 For information on recent developments in the study of the Sang am literature I am indebted to Mr. K. B. Venkataraman. 3 ^J\oraual^ An ancient custom prevailing in the villages oif the East¬ ern Province of Ceylon, is the soun^g of the Koravai. On all occasions of rejoicing such as puberty and wedding ceremonies, as at reception to important personages visiting the village, the Koravai is sounded It is sounded both when a guest ar¬ rives, as when he departs. It is a mark of respect and honour - paid to the guests. It is not quite easy to convey the idea of Koravai, without hearing it, as it was my privilege to hear it on the occasion of my visits to the viMages in the environs Of Batticaloa and Kalmunai when I was received with the sound- * ing of the Koravai Women assemble, standing with the mouth covered by the right palih, and the sound bursts forth from all assembled. It is a rolling sound and not the single note that is produced when one whistles with the breath forced thrpugh the lips forming a small orifice. The technology of the Koravai is not quite easy to explain. The difference between an ordi¬ nary wWsfling sound and the Koravai seems to lie in the mani¬ pulation of the tongue which rolls in the mouth producing the rhythmic wavy sound that is the peculiarity of the Koravai, How far back the custom goes one is left to imagine. Koravai as a dance ojf the hill maidens of the early days finds mention in Silappadikaram. But the term as us^ in the latter does not seem to have application to the ceremoni&l call, as it now prevails with the village women of the Eastern Province of Ceylon. I shall be glad to know of any reference in Tamil lite¬ rature to the sounding of the Koravai in the context of the social life of the peasantry of CMrly da 3 n 3 . M. D. Rag^vAN, Asst. Director and Ethnologist, National Museums Dept.," ■ Ciolombo 7, Ceylon. ^Itarata ^at^am, tlie ^outli ^3nclian C^ia65lcai <2)c Jance RXJKMINI DEVI I N INDIA today, Art has taken a very definite hpld on the imagination of the people, for the whole of India is inte¬ rested in every art, and particularly in the art of dancmg. In different waves of civiHsatipn a nation’s thoughts turn first into one channel and then into another, and consequently the life in each waxes and wanes. Today we view an approaching flood-tide of artistic life. My own interest in the arts has always been a part off me. I have never cared for any other education but the artistic and the spiritual, but does not that include all other education ? In whatever coimtry I have travelled, I have tried not to waste my time biit have endeavoured to learn something; of the arts of the nation, particularly music, painting and drama." Later when I saw for the first time two well-known Bhar rata Natya exponents, I was surprised by their technique, their grace and the essential spirituality of the dince-form though I discovered that all such professionals had a cert«uii element in their dance which I knew was hot part of Bharata Natyam but was part of their own interpretation of the dance. I have always felt and have since known for myself that the dance is a philosophy of life and a spiritual expression. Many dancers take their forms from sculpture but I feel that ancient Indian sculpture has taken its form from the dance. In India the very soul of the dance is spirituality. All the arts have derived their inspiration from our great Teachers and Aey produce .an atinosphere of. uniqueness which devoid of devotion, becomes dull and uninteresting.^ It has been quot¬ ed by m^y learned scholars thqt^ the Dance is .a philosophy EtuJcmlnl Devi i? ioUn^er dn^ti?r Ct the Adyar, MadraSv TAMIL culture in itself, that through the dance may be given to the world true life and understanding of life, and through the dance can come Mok^a or salvation both to the audience and to the dancer if they are properly attuned to it. Though this may sound very exaggerated to many who know only the modern dance, it is my own e3q)erience that during the moment of Dance can come a spiritual Light as great as thou^' any wor¬ ship in a Temple or Church. Indian art has always been impersonal, and has never been for the onlooker either to praise or to criticize, but to feel. In modern days unfortunately art has become merely a matter of fame. There are many true and great artists who are old-fashioned, who belong to the village, and who are still unconscious of publicity or fame ; and there is something very spiritual and simple in that one-point^ devotion to art—a devotion which is not concerned with the outside world. It is also sad that combined with the revival in the arts has come a very grave danger to India—the danger of ugliness masquerading as beauty. Perhaps people do not know enough about art, particularly the dance, to be able to distinguish the real from the unreal, for anyone with even a few months’ learning and with very little knowledge, by the aid of costumes and orchestra, is able to win an audience. Besides real knowledge of the dance, belief is a most essen¬ tial requisite for the dancer. I know that this is an opinion with which many people will not agree, but there is a certain something a dancer can produce when he or she believes, which is never possible otherwise. Bharata Natyam in South India has been degraded not only by the professional dancer but mostly by the audiences who were willing to encourage vulgarity. But the dance it¬ self is such, and its form is such, that in the hands of the right person, it can easily assume its rightful and original place. I have seen practically all types of dances throughout India ; but the classical style, the beauty, the dignity and the obvious grandeur of Bharata Natyam, in my opinion, cannot be equalled by what I might call her daughters. While every form BHARATA NAITAM 130 of dance, whether it be folk, semi-classic&I, or classical must have a place in the nation, just as there must be a place for all types of peoples Bharata Natyam is satisfying to every type of person for to the untutored it may be enjoyable; to the learned it may'be beautiful'; and to the intuitive it reveals oceans of happiness. Yet it must be emphasised that its technique is so difficult, that I feel Bharata Natyam is meant only for the few to learn, as it needs many qualifications before the dancer can really be called an artist and not a mere technician. Few dancers either know the true meaning df the mudras, the mandalas, etc., but learn the poses for the sake of effect. Like everything in ancient Indian art and science every detail is thought out, every detail is well conceived, every detail has a place and meaning. Just as the ancient South India bronzes were made to the correct proportion according to the Shastras, given for the helping of those who wished to attain the best results, so were rules and regulations made for the position of the body and the mudras in Bharata Natyam. In modern days sculptors are copying these bronzes and attempting to follow' the Shastras, but they are not able to produce the beauty that was achieved by the artists of an¬ cient days, because^ though they follow the rules they have lost the spirit. Rules in themselves are not enough. Words are not enough. Knowledge is not enough. There must be a spirit which one might almost call a Deva of Movement This spirit is intangible and can never be described, as indeed nothing great in the world can be described. But this spirit is most easily and profoundly available through the art of Bharata Natyam when it is properly mastered and understood. Bharata Natyam is ob'viously an art meant for the Tem¬ ple. It is surprising to feel the perfect harmony between Tem¬ ple architecture, bronze sculpture, the Temple dance—Bharata Natyam, Temple music and Temple musical instruments like the Nathaswaram, ^ . In India the arts have never been separated from life. The arts were taken from life and life was given by the arts. This is a very important principle that should always be re-, merabered by the artists who desire a renaissance of the arts, 140 TAMIL CULTURE In my own School and Art Centre, Kalakshetra,^ at Adyar, I very specially emphasise this Indian spirit in which the daily life and mind of the dancer or artist is consecrated- to the Highest, in which the artist will think of no reward of public opinion, for public opinion changes from tnne to time while true art never changes. I am more interested in making artists than creating technicians, though it can never be poS" sible to produce many great geniuses. In the same spirit in Kalakshetra we have classes in literature, in drama, in music, in sculpture, in painting, in Kathakali and Bharata Natyam, for I feel that no artist can ever be a fine.one unless he learns more than the one art in which he is most deeply interested. A back^ound in which the emotions and the mind expand and become cultured will directly affect the art.. Therefore, there is needed a profound knowledge of literature in the Students^ mother-tongue, in English and particularly, in Sanskrit, for Sans^it gives an atmosphere which is unique and essential for all arts. So our dance pupils must have a general educationj as well as a knowledge of the stage, of costume, of colour, etc. , ■ • ■ I * *• How sad it is that in these modern days people treat the dance so lightly that they think anyone, can learn to danpe in a few months. A chemist is not allowed to compound medi¬ cines. without full knowledge and experience, so how can a dancer manage -with a mere smattering of knowledge ? ' Many people ask me whether I believe in the blending of many forms of the Indian dance. I am myself on the principle opposed to it. I do not say that this is impossible ; but I do say that those who have attempted to blend the various types of dance have, so far as I have seen, blended them more because they know little of each art rather than because they know ’ much of all. Each dance-form has its own special and unique emphasis. For example, though Kathakali ^eatly resembles Bharata Natyam. in the mudras, Kathakali is Na-tya or the Dance Drama in' which various dancers take the differeut characters in the drama. It emphasises ‘Abliinaya; but lis eriibtions arex portrayed in conventional facial expressions achieved through very clever muscular training. In Bharata Natyam, it is the story teller who portrays the many charac¬ ters, and the emotions are expressed by a spontaneous- and shahata nawam 141 natural feeling without much technicality of facial expression. Therefore were the Bharata Natyam dancer to have little feeling it would be most difficult for her to be expert at Abhinaya ; and) if she has no feeling there can be no Ab^i- naya at all. So, even with so many likenesses, it is difficult to blend the arts of Bharata Natyam and KathakaM. I know definitely, so far as these two dance forms are con¬ cerned, many modern dancers, after seeing one or two per¬ formances, carry away an impression of one or two movements that they like,' and then they incorporate them in their own dances without fully learning the best way of expressing those movements. To those who have specialised in any of the arts, the result comes as a shock. Many Manipuri teachers of the dance have expressed the same opinion, for each exponent of a dance-form discovers a mutilation of his own art, introduced for the sake of building up what is called the “ modem dance ”. Is the modem dance to be a creation purely from lack of knowledge and a blending of the ugliy, or is to be the result of a deep and life-long study and experience with a wise-blending if there is to be a blending at all ? In my own dancing there are certain expressions which I have changed—I have attempt¬ ed to create a costume and stage-setting which is both simple and direct; I have introduced many great and beautiful songs of South India which had never in the past been used as themes for the dance. But I have tried to do this in the spirit of India and her glorious traditions, so that I could go further along that road towards which the great signpost of ancient India has ever pointed. poiiticai Pliiioiopli^ o/ ^Iniuaiuiuar D. I. JESUDOSS, M.A*, M.Lrrr. P OLITICAL theory, Sabine writes, has always been a part of philosophy j it is a reflection upon morals, economics, government^ religion and law. Bosanquet says that political life o(f man has a nature.of its own, which is worthy of inves¬ tigation on its own merits and for its own sake. Bertrand Russel points out that philosophers afe both effects and causes : effects of their social circumstance and of the poli¬ tics and institutions of their time ; causes (if they are fortu- ' nate) of beliefs which mould the politics and institutions of later ages. Cook holds the view that the political philosopher desires to transcend the environment as well as to remove the defects of political organisation. Coker remarks that political philosophy is not abstract speculation but it is practical reflec¬ tion concerning our expectations from political action. Tiru** valluvar, the Tamil sage of yore, writes as though he had been conversant with all these views of our contemporary political writers. Political philosophy deals with many a problem of peren¬ nial interest to the ruler as well as the ruled. The purpose and end of the state, the problem of human values, the basis of sovereignty, the scope of authority, the rights to freedom and revolt, the question of property, the justification for waging war and the necessity for a good foreign policy are some of the problems discussed today. Few of these vital problems escape the eyes of Tiruvalluvar. Further, he is fully aware of the fact that the problem of any government is the basic question of organisation of man as a social animal for the good life, how¬ ever differently that life may be interpreted in different periods of history. Tiruvalluvar is said to have livejd about 2,000 years ago. His is the immortal Tamil work, Tirukkural. It has bew TlRm^ALLUVAll*S POLITICAL PHILOSOPflY 14S translated into various languages^ Among them Father Beschi’s translation into Latin, Graul’s into German, Ariel’s into French and the Knglish translations of Pope, Drew, Lazarus, V. V. S. Ayyar* and Rajaji are the very familiar ones. There are also many commentaries in Tamil on the Kural. Recently an anthology of five of these commentaries (by Pari- melalakar, Manakkudavar, Parithiperumal, PariUiiyar and Kalingar) has been published by a learned Tamil scholar S. Dandhapani Desikar by name. This work has been acclaimed the greatest Taihil publication of the 20th centuiy, by Prof. T. P. Meenakshisundaram. The entire book of Tiruvalluvar is usually divided into three parts ^aram^, porul and inbam. These correspond to ^^ma, artha and kama. Out of these three the second part is a treatise on poiitical philosophy and practice as well as on political eronomy. It is addressed to a prince or ruler. Re- gai^g this second division of Tirukkural V. V. S. Ayyar wntes that ** The fact that this part is about twice the size 6f the first and thrice that of the third shows what importance the sage gives to PoHtics in his scheme of life.”"' This part coii^ siste of 700 couplets. All these are further classified into three umts®, the first of which deals with the prince, the second with members of the body politic and the third discusses miscella¬ neous subjects. Though the second book of Tirukkural discusses the sta^man’s art, the following are some of Tiruvalluvar’s ideas which are equaUy applicable to the statesman and the layman as weU : One must not only learn with precision but also should translate into practice what has been learnt (391). Letters and Numbers are the two eyes of human life (392)! Thew^ of the good are like a staff in the slippery’ place • In the iMreparation of this paper, the translations of Drew, Lazams and V. V. S. Ayyar were consulted. (D. I. Jesudoss is Lecturer in Philosophy, Annamalai Uhiversify.) 1 It is sometimes said that aram is justice and rt should not be con¬ fused with the dharma in Sanskrit vide p. 200 “ Tsunil Culture (Journal). 3 Cf. preface p. 32 of his translation of Tirukkural. * This division is according to the well-known commentator Parimela- l^ar. Some other scholars have divided it into six and seven sec¬ tions. Vide Tirukkural oorai-valam p. 7. 1 144 TAMIL CtJLTtmS (415). True knowledge consists in the capacity to d^criim- nate the true from the false in every utterance no mate who makes it (423). Those who have foresight will not ^bowl^ over by calamity (429). It is ten times more fwhshness to abandon the friendship of the good than to mvite the hatred of the many (450). Purity of heart and action result when one is in association with chaste company (455). Even though the income is limited it will not be bad if the expenditure is not large (478). A man’s deeds are the touch-stone of his great¬ ness and littleness (505). Self-complacency is a greater to- ger than excessive rage (531). They who are able to sho^ and consideration without adversely interfering with their duties will inherit the world (578). Those who love pro¬ crastination, forgetfulness, idleness and sleep are bound to perish (^5). The proud pleasure of being able to se^e others belongs to any one who is ready to exert (613). Since pros¬ perity and ruin are caused by the words of one’s mouth one should guard one’s tongue (642). Even if one is mentally aa sharp as a file, if one is devoid of culture fitting a human being one is comparable only to a piece of wood (997). Besides these stray pieces the whole of certain chapters such as the ones on greatness (ch. 98), worth (ch. 99) and culture (ch. 100) are equally applicable to the politicians and the public. Tiruvalluvar’s political philosophy has morality for its back-ground. Tiruvalluvar is. moral to the core. He is essen¬ tially a moralist and makes morality the basis of all aspects of life including politics, economics and private family Ufe. In this he resembles Ruskin, Carlyle and Gandhiji. He never compromises the means on the ground that the end justifies the means. Even a ciusory perusal of his 99th chapter, which deals with goodness, will justify this opinion. The same spirit is reflected in his political philosophy. He writes for instance that " The prince shall not fail in virtue and shall abolish un- righteousne^ ; he shall guard his honour jealously but shall not sin against the laws of valour” (384). In short it can be said that the basic principle of Valluvar’s political philosophy is that all men are bom equal and that virtue is universal ; politics and economics shoidd not be cut off from ethics. Like most other Indian writers on the science of politics, b? ^ivid^ the members of the body politic into six in the very TIRUVALLXJVAR’S POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY 14^ first stanza of the Porul adhikaram. They are fighting forces, population, wealth, ministers, allies and fortresses (381). Ex¬ clusive chapters are devoted to each one of these and the treat¬ ment reveals Valluvar’s political acumen and precision. Chapter 39 deals with the qualifications of the prince. He is said to have the fighting forces, subjects, riches, ministers,' friends and fortifications mentioned just above. He is the custodian of virtues such as courage, liberality, intelligence, industry (382), alertness, learning, bravado and quickness of decision (383). He should be able to develop the resources, to preserve and to spend it worthily (385).* He should be easilv accessible and shouM be devoid of harsh words (386)., He should give with affability, and rule with love (387). He should have beneficence, benevolence and rectitude. aPd should take loving care of his people. In chapter 44 it is said ^at avarice, the undimified pride and low nleasures are faults in a prince (432). If he corrects his own faults and then cor¬ rects those of others he will not be blame-worthy (436). In chapter 45 it is pointed out that the king should choose his courtiers with due discretion as they serve as his eyes (445) . The ruler will ruin himself if he has no one to reprove him when he goes wrong (448). In chapter 47 it is indicated that to wage a war without careful preplanning will amount to transplanting the enemy on carefully prepared soil beneficial to him only (465). It is further stated in chapter 48 before actual warfare one should take stock of the difficulties to be' surmounted, one's own strengthj that of the enemy, and that of the allies (471).' Again it is pointed out that the wheel of a bandy even though it be loaded only with peacock’s feathers will give in, due to overload (475). By this analogy Tiruvallu- var hints that “ even the most powerful king will succumb if he makes war with too many enemies at a time, even if each of them should be despicable when alone ”. • strive, save and serve—these ideals found in the 385th stanza of Tirukkural have been the guiding stars of the late lamented merchant' prince. Raja Sir Annamalai Chettiar, the founder of the Tamil seat of learning and culture at Annamalalnagar. He has proclaimed this . in a letter (written on 25-3-1944) the facimile of which can be seen • in a book entitied Tamil Peruvallal, by M. Arunachalam Pillaii of the Staff of the Annamalai Universi^. TAMIL OTLTURE In chapter 49 the prince is advised to do the right thing at the right moment. A crow, it is pointed out, will overcome an owl in the day ; so also the king who would conquer his enemy must have an opportune moment (481). In chapter 50 the prince is advised not to provoke an operation without pro¬ per reconnaissance (491). Chapters 51 and 52 deal with the principles to be applied in choosing ministers and other ser¬ vants. The king is ad\Tsed to supervise them daily (520). Chapter 53 deals with the mode of moving with one’s relatives. They should not be treated alike but according to their merits (528). In chapter 55 the king is enjomed to rule with love. For sovereignty will not depart from the king who rules with love (544). However, Tiruvalluvar sanctions punitive mea^ sures for wrong doers. He makes it the duty of a king to punish (549). Capital punishment, according to him, is ne¬ cessary for purging out the weeds of society (550). But he advocates the deterrent theory of punishment. Moreover punishment should fit the crime and the criminal (561). He further adds if the government is to last long the rod should be brandished smartly but should be laid softly (562). Tiruvalluvar devotes chapter 56 to t 3 n'anny. Tiruvalluvar, like St. Aueustine. eouates unjust government to a highway robbery (551 and 552). Like the Bible, Tirukkural says the tears of the oppressed form the weapon which will unseat the tyrant. Tiniv^uvar opines that the earth bears up no greater burden than a cruel sceptre which attaches to itself ignorant men (570). However, Va^luvar docs not give to the suppress¬ ed any right to tyrannicide as does John of Salisbury or Mariana. Nor does he suggest to the downtrodden to rise in revolt. Nor does he want any leader to rise “ to be a dangerous salt or a dangerous leaven ” on this account. He thinks the rule of the tyrant will automatically wither away (554 563, 564 & 566). Tiruvalluvar secs the necessity for a secret intelligence departno^nt for a successful government. Chapter 59 deals with this topic. He wants spies to go about in the guise of ascetics (586). He advises the prince that he should see that members of the C.I.D. should not know one another (589) and advises the ruler not to honour them in public (590). He fur- TIRtrVALLUVAE’S POLITICAL PHILOSOPIEI^ 14? ther asks the prince to take action only when there is corrobo¬ ration in the accounts given by the secret agents. At least threo reports should agree, says Valluvar, for the ruler to give credence to them (589). This passage is one of those pieces which give the lie direct to the statement that TiruvaUuvar is a vague generaliser and the thoughts of die Tanlils are ste¬ rile abstractions.* The qualities of the minister are described in chapter 64. He should be a good judge of ways, means, time and manner of doing things (631). He should possess firmness, loving kindness toward people, clear learning and perseverance (632). He should be able to play the political' game of dissolving allies, forming allies and uniting enemies ('633). He should be ready to offer opinions *{634). He shouM combine in him¬ self book learning and practical experience (637). Chapter 69 deals with the aualities of the ambassador. These consist of loving nature, high birth, pleasing manners (681), loyalty, discriminating capacity (682), scholarship, at¬ tractive bearing (683 and 684), sweetness of tongue, capacity to eschew disagreeable words (685), timeliness (687), firm¬ mindedness, purity of heart (688^ and fearlessness of death (690). Chapter 70 discusses the qualities that are becoming for the Courtiers such as keeping neither too near nor too fair off from the prince (691), not arousing suspicion (693) ^id avoiding inquisitiveness (695)) Chapters 72 and 73 give suggestions regarding platform manners and audiences. The question what is a real kingdom is analysed in chapter 74. Chapter 75 deals with the details of fortresses. Chapter 76 extols the importance of wealth. Chapters 77 and 78 enumerate the characteristics of a good army. Chapters 79 to 83 form a section by themselves. Here¬ in the problem of friendship is thrai^^ out. Chapters 87 to 89 form yet another unit devoted to enemies, internal and ex¬ ternal. In chapter 91 those who run the government, are warned against falling a prey to the petticoat government. When one goes through this chapter one is reminded of the Czar Nicholas III who was ruled by his wife which ultimately * Cf. “Tama Culture", p. 203. 4‘AMII-COLTORE led to the Coiniinmiat revolution. Oieptere 92, 93, 94 and 95 give a warning against women, wine, gambling and over eat- ing. • Thus we find that Tiruva’luvar does not write on an ideal state like Plato. Augustine and More but writes like ^istotle on the ideals of the state. He speaks ^ut the ph^ical and mental conditions required for good life. He outlines both political ideals and political practice. But he never suggests that expediency should be the consideration in matters poli¬ tical. Hs views regarding the qualities of the ruler, law, ^li- tical and economic life are clear cut just as Ws specifications regarding the national army, fortresses and agricultural opera¬ tions.^ Tiruvalluvar’s concepts of education are both edifying and practical. Chapters 40 to 43 deal with learning." In'the opinion of Valluyar learning is the only imperishable wealth (400). Knowledge is comp^able to a sand-spring (396). The learning of one birth will be of avail for seven births (398) * beasts by the side of men, so are other men by the side of those who are learned in celebrated works” (410). Out of several ways of instruction Valluvar prefers learning by hearing. This method is. more personal than the other ones and is also highly suitable for adult education. Valluyar exclaims, “ Behold the men who haye listened to much instruction: they are very gods on earth ” (413). Even the unlettered man will be be- nefitted at the time of distress if he has acquired learning by hearing (414). True unde’rstanding is the capacity to discrl- tninate the right from the wrongs and the true from the false’ (423).' ■ ' ■ Regarding family, Tiruvalluvar says that the pure family. life is preferable to that of the life of a brahmachari. He cautions that those who want to establish an iUuteousfamily' should abstain from sloth (602). If laziness takes up its. ajhKxle in a family, the family will soon be in bondage to its foes, CW). Chapter 96 gives a vivid description of a typical noble fhmily and details regarding the demeanour of the mem- b^ of ,su(h a faii^y. Chapter 103 tackles the problem of rearmg a family. Manu^ labour and perseverance are pplntr ed out to be the secrets of success here, T mtJVALLtfVAE'S POlitlCAL fttlLOSOP^ Tiruv^uvar is not against private property. The rich should hold their wealth as mere trustees and make it useful for others. Tiruvalluvar compares the wealth, in the hands of the intelligent capitalist to the lake full of water in the midst of the town (215). He furtiier points out that whether any piece of property will turn out real wealth or ilkh depends ui}on the mind and culture of its owner (1,000). • - In chapter 101 Tiruvalluvar preaches his doctrih^ of socialism. . He refers here in detail both to miserliness and'the wealth that is not put to good use. The treatment of the sub¬ ject is characteristic of Tiruvalluvar, the moral and social philosopher. The man who has hoarded riches and does not use it for his own benefit is a dead man (1001), and if he does not share it with others he is a demon (1002). Such a one will go to his grave unhonoured, unwept and unsung. Positively his exislience is a burden to the earth (1003). He is comparable to the damsel who wastes her youth in loneliness (1007). His prosperity is poison in the naidst of the town (1008). But “the distress of the man of wealth who hath emptied his resources by benefactiohs is only like the exhaustion of the rain cloud : it will not continue for long ” (1010). When one studies these pieces one is reminded of Bradley’s exhortations to live as an infinite whole. The subsequent chapter 102 on the sensitivity to shame clearly points out that Tiruvalluvar is not a materialist as the modem Marxist. Purther while the modern schools of socia¬ lism extol the various industries, Tiruvalluvar makes agriciilT ture the main stay of the world (104). He vividly pictures misery that is caused by poverty (ch. 105). He points out that even one’s own mother will disown one if one suffers from abject penury (1047). Poverty is worse than consuming fire; one can even sleep while surrounded by flames but deep will completely desert one in penury (1049). Further Valluvar preaches liberality in chapter 106 and brings out the evils of hewing in the next chapter. Finally he cautions people to have some scruples and breadth of vision in judging others for it is the vile man who always discovers vices in a ne^bour well clothed and well fed (1079). 1$6 fAMlL CdLtmiE While Plato’s communism is political, Apostolic commu¬ nism is spiritual, Fransciscan communism is based on poverty, the communism of the Diggers is based on land reform and Marxian communism is based on economic consideration, that of Tiruvalluvar is ethieah Using the terminology of Rmring- ton, the 17th century political thinker, it can be said Tiru* valluvar stood for “ ancient prudence ” or the art of governing by law for the common good, and Marxian communism is “ Modern prudence ” which consists of exploiting the commu¬ nity in the interest of an individual or a class. Tiruvalluvar shows also the relationship between the Two Swords, the sacerdotium and the imperium. In the 55th chap¬ ter, which deals with upright government he says : larfiiuinu This means the sceptre of the king is the mainstay of the books of ^e Brahmans and also of rectitude (543). He makes im¬ perium the foundation of religious and ethical hfe. In the next chapter he adds : *rtusttir *ratir Qtartsfitir This means that if the ruler neglects to guard the country the produce of the cows will fall and the men of six duties (Brah- i^s) will forget their sacred books (560). These pieces give the lie direct to the charge laid against Indian thought that It IS only otherworldly. Scalars have pointed out that “ Kural combines the Confucian mimdane wisdom with Taoian high thinking with¬ out the humdrumness of the one or the chronic mysticism of the other, and shares with the Republic its Utopian odour to ^eate an order, and lacks both the detailed concret^css and the smug michiavellism of the Arthsastra,”* It has also been argued that Valluvar is not the Plato of Tamilians but' anal^ ihe com^nents of a good state fully and systeiktic- ally that he can Be called the Tamil Aristotle. » "Tamil Culture”, p. ige. TIrUvalluvar^s political philosophy 161 The codification of the writings of Tiruvalluvar is attri¬ buted to Parimelalakar. One modern Tamil schokr^ has ex¬ pressed the opinion that the proper arrangement of the three books of Tirukkural is the reverse of what is given to us by Parimel^akar. Chapters on love should come first, then those on Politics and finally the rest on dharma.- It is pointed out that this is not only the proper arrangement according to the genius of the Tamils, who had always made the sentiment of love the master-sentiment, but also is proved by the inter¬ nal evidence. The whole of this arugument turns on the 757th stanza of Tirukkural as the pivot which runs thus : Grace which is the child of Love grows under the care of the rich nurse of W' ealth. On the same trend it can be argued that even the arrangement of the three sections of the poruPadhi- kai^m, which has been so far engaging our attention, may be revised, first the chapters on people (ozhipiyal), then those on the immediate officers (angaviyal) and finaUy the rest on the Prince (arasiyal) can be given. In that case this would make Tirukkural as the book on Republicanism. In this! con¬ nection it is significant that those chapters which are held to constitute ozhipiyal are given the generic name of Kudi-iyal by Mannakkudavar and Pariperumal. A few scholars have written in English about the politi¬ cal philosophy oif Tiruvalluvar. Among them K, V. Ranga- swamy Ayyangar, V. V. S. Ayyar, V. R. R. Dikshidar, A. C. Paul Nadar and R. R. Pakrisankar are worth mentioning here. Some traditional commentators of Tirukkural And some mo¬ dern scholars suggest that Tiruvalluvar wrote mainly due to the inspiration he had from Arthsastra, sukraneedhi and kamandhaka. They do not however go to the extent of say¬ ing that Tiruvalluvar copied or translated from these and other sources. There are others who hold that Tiruvalluvar never had anythmg to do with Sanskrit sources.^ Still others point out that Tirukkural represents in certain definite places * ^ TiruvaUuvar or ExplLaation of Life (a ?o« f ^ scholars who spoke on the 8th and 9th of November 19M, in the. Purasawalkam Kural Neri Kazhagam hold this ww^* Vide the Tamil Dailies of Madras of these dates. 5 .S .a .a TAMIL CtJLTUKE Dravidian culture and in certain other places Aryan culture.* But it can be definitely said that parallel ideas or opinions occur many of the great books of Political philosophy ; Tirukkural one of the greatest guides to morals and politics, and what more it is a hand book of these two together harmoniously blended. • Cf. “TamU Culturep. llff. Cuit of Wanamman or the ^odcleii of f^ain M. AROKIASWAMI, m.a., ph.D. N either the Indologist nor the student of South Indian culture seems to have thought of enquiring into the origin of the widely-spread cult Off Mariamman in the Tamil country. An attempt is made in this paper to suggest a classi¬ cal origin to this cult. In the first place it is to be noted that ’the worship of this deity is common only in the Tamil speaking area of South India and the name (rf the deity itself is purely Tamil in origin. This ought to furnish a clue to its beginnings and nature. The second is the meaning conveyed by the name—rMariamman— itself. It seems to refer to some rain god, the term,'*Mari* obviously meaning ‘ rain *. Looking up our ancient records we find a reference to the setting up of a deity for rain in Sangam times, i.e., as early as the II century A.D. The reference is to be found in the well-known work of Hango, the SUappadikd- ram. In what is a kind of introduction to his work, the Urai- perukatturai, the poet gives a prose account of what happened after the heroine Kannaki had finished her earthly career. It is a strange way of telling a tale, a kind of putting the cart be¬ fore the horse ; but he seems to have adopted this method with a view to emphasise the divine nature of his story.' In any event the poet obviously attaches a great importance to this final apotheosis of the Pattini, as Kannagi has now be¬ come known all over South India and beyond ; and gives pri¬ macy to this by putting this at the outset of his narration, though it offends against the conventional way of telling a tale or narrating an event. Dr. M. Arokiasami is Lecturer in Indian History and Archaeology, University of Madras, TAMIL CULTURE iS4 The passage in question has four pm'ts and would read as below in a free English translation : (a) From that time the PSndyan kingdom suffered from drought, poverty, and excessive heat leading to small-pox. Un¬ able to bear the suffering the Pandyan King at Korkai offered a sacrifiee pf -a thousand goldsmiths to the Pattini and also made a festival in her honour, whereupon rain came in abun¬ dance and there was a cessation of famine and pestilence. (b) The Kosar of Kongu on coming to know of this cele¬ brated a festival in her honour in their own kingdom and there ako an abundance of rain followed. (c) Gajabahu of the sea-girt Ceylon hearing of this set up an altar for daily sacrifice for the deity in his kingdom and there also there was rain and plenty. (d) The Cola King Perunkilli followed and built a temple for Pattini in his capital at Uraiyiir. It will be clear from this that as early as the II century A.D., to which time the epic Silappadikdram is generally re¬ ferred, a rain deity had been expressly set up in all the king¬ doms of South India and even in far-off Ceylon in the person of the well-known Pattini-devi. The Uraipervkatturai here" referred to has the virtue of being the work of Ilango himself unlike the padigam about whose authorship some doubt still exists. There is therefore no doubt as to the antiquity of the rain god conception in the Tamil country. Is it possible to identify the Pattini-devi of the Silappadi- kdram with the Mariamman of the modem day ? In my view there seems to be every reason in support of this identification. Rain is so fundamentally necessaiy for life particularly in an agricultural country like ours that there is no reason for the cessation of this cult at any time. We have reason, therefore, to look for this in the accepted forms of worships now extant and we have no other cult but the one of Mariamman which answers the description of a rain god. On the other hand, the apparent absence of the worship of the Pattini-devi in South India of the present-day needs to be explained, especially when it still persists in Ceylon. Is it possible that a cult that originated in the Tamil country and in every one of its several THE CULT OF MARIAMMAN 165 kingdoms has died in the land of its origin, while it still lives in Ceylon ? For obvious reasons it cannot be so. It must still be found thriving in the Tamil land though in some other guise : and the cult of Marianiman seems to be this same cult in the form of rain-god-worship. If further proof is necessary, that is found in the special devotion in Soutii India for the same Mariamman as the deity that cures one from pox. If the reader recollects what is mentioned in the above quoted UraipenikattuTai of Silappadikdram, in which reference is made to the severe pox that affected the Pandyan kingdom for which cure was sought and obtained from the sacrifice offered to the Pattini, the connection between Mariamman and pox- cufe would indicate the identification between the two cults— the cult of Pattini and that of Mariamman. The cult of Mariamman, though it is prevalent all over South India, seems to have a special attraction to the region of Eongu, whose early kings—^the Kosar—^are said to have fol¬ lowed the pandyan first in setting up the worship of Kannagi in their kingdom. Lines 159-60 of the last canto of the epic Silappadikdram also mention the fact that the Kongar were among the first to worship the Pattini. This gives further proof in support of our identification. Surprisingly enou^, there is a place about ten miles south-east of Dharapuram in the district of Coimbatore (within the region of old Kongu) known as Korkai (in common parlance Korrai) where the vil¬ lage deity is called as Korkaimari. This seems to recall what is said to have happened at another Korkai nearly 2,000 years ago when the Pandyan king Verrivelceliyan was ruling and the sacrifice of 1,000 goldsmiths which he is said to have offered to the Pattini. It is said that at the place referred to in Kongu one goldsmith was offered in sacrifice to the deity Mari, every year during the feast of the Mariamman and that this practice had continued for long undisturbed and uninter¬ rupted. In the vicinity of this place is another called to this day as Mulanur, where the amman worshipped for rain is call¬ ed Vanjiamman. The reference seems to be clearly to Kan- nagiamman, for whom the first temple was built by the Cera King Senguttuvan at his capitsd, Vanjimanagar. The amman at Kangayam in the same area is called Ayeeamman and was worshipped for long to get cure from pox. In another place 156 TAMIL CULTURE called Kiranur close to Kangayam the amman is known as Kiranurselvi. Its historical antiquity seems to take it as far back as the Sangam times ; and tradition has it that the Cera king Antuvan Ceral once worshipped the amman in this place. The place was also called for this reason as Ceranur and Adi- yur. In a fifth place in the same region called Udi 5 dir, situat¬ ed twelve miles away from Kangayam on the roajd to Dhara- puram is the temple cf Udiyurselvi. which is the name of the Mariamman of this place. There is every reason to believe that this place also is of great antiquity and seems to have been a centre of the Cera Kings, when they were ruling Kongu as a part of their kingdom. The very name Udiyur seems to have been given to it on account of the connection off the Cera line called the Udiyar with it in early times. The small hill of the place called Ponnuthimalai seems to have been famous for its gold deposits once upon a time. The same is borne out by a line in one of the local songs called ndttuppddal** referring to this place as “ sempon uthinagar ”. The deity of the place mentioned as Udiyurselvi is known in common parlance here and all over the district of Coimbatore as Sellandiamman. The names Selvi and Sellandiamman, which latter is only the col¬ loquial form of the former, are strongly reminscent of the des¬ cription of Kannagi in Silappadikdram as “Konguseivi” in lines reading as . “Ivcdd Kongaselvi Kudamalaidtti . Thentamilpdvai seithavakclunthu ” (Sil. XII, 11, 47-48) The same description also gives an unmistakable connection between Kongu and Kannagi. The cult of Mariamman, which, as we have shown, is to be identified with the Pattini cult of ancienjb times, is found to exist all over Kongu in the modem districts Ojf Salem and Coimbatore. The very fact of the prominence given to the worship of this deity in this- region is a proof in favour of its identification with the Pattini, who is described in the very epic of Silappadikdram with special connection to this region, as has been already shown. Even in Kongu it would appear that it is most generally prevalent in the modern region of K&ngayam, There is a reason for this, In anci?nt times it I’HE CULT OJ’ MaIIIAMJVIAN 157 was this region more than any other that was famous in Kongu history. The Katttas and the Ganga rulers who followed the Ceras,as rulers of Kongu seem to have had their ve^ capital in this region—^in Uharapuram (what the Kongvdesardjdkkcd^ calls Scandapura).* These rulers would appear to have them¬ selves taken an interest in the spread of this devotion and set up several places of worship for the Pattini worshipped as hlariamman in their kingdom. Naturally enough a large num¬ ber of such worshipping centres sprang up in the Kangayam region. Two centres of Mariamman worship which are famous to this day are found in Pariyur two miles from Gobichetti- palayam and Pannarai on the way to Mysore. The deity in the first place is known as Kondathu-Kali ^nd the one in the second place is known as IMari. But in either place the form which the worship takes is the same. Every year during the feast a big fire is kindled (called in Tamil as kundcm ; hence the name Kimdathu or Kondathukkali) and those who have, prepared themselves for the feast by prayer and penance get into the fire and are supposed to emerge unhurt, reminding one of the prayer of Kannagi when she cursed M^urai to be swallowed by fire that good people be saved from it: ‘*Parp'pdr Aravdr . ... ivarai kaivittu Thitkirathdr pakkame aer .." (Sil. XXI, 11, 53-55) But is Pattini to be identified with Kali ? There seems to be every reason for doing so. In many places in South India were Mariamman is worshipped the deity is also called Kali, Makali and in common parlance as Makaliyathal. That Kan¬ nagi was considered as a form of Durga or Kali is indicated by the earlier commentator of the epic Silappadikdram, the Arum- pathavurai^iyar, whose date is placed as early as the IX century A.D. in his comment of the lines 47-48 of Canto XII already cited. The Mariamman of Pannarai indicates the im¬ portance given' by the later rulers of Kongu—^the Rattas and the Gongas—to the deity of this region. Even to this day aU people going to Mysore stop or get down from their vehicles to pay their homage to this deity of Pannarai. * jSce my article on Vitaraya CakravarH in JBBRAS. SM. L. LAKSHMANAN CHETTIAR, b^. E ^N though TainO is one of the oldest of languages, its prose, in the sense in which the word is understood today—is of recent origin. In the Sangam age and soon after, anything that was not poetry passed for prose and the word de¬ noted commentary, explanation, interpretation, exposition and gloss. The concept of prose as understood now came into popu¬ lar vogue only after the coming of Europeans to South India and their attempts to convey in Tamil the knowledge they had already acquired through the European languages. Of these pioneers, especial mention must be made of Robert de Nobili and Fr. Beschi. The latter’s style may be Jdlustrated , by this quotation: ujTiLirir^^ Qa^^p iSdrLf, pirdisA' uiLi— ue^sir^iii Qa^ireoeS eQa^esruuiLj-jrd-ssdr. ^uQuitq^^ im—pssipu Qu0sQi ^0 aesr pc-ppeneu aSotrQiueOeOinh sQeuiruiirijs QsCJ^i eas Qarilj^ pesisppj. ... “ pdsrdssriuirSl^il, QeuQQip^euflssrtjrQ^Ui puueQiLQi—eareBrl^/b aassra^p pui^ppir ^"... crar^w. Fr. Beschi’s' contemporary, Ananda Rangam Pillai, an in¬ fluential merchant of Pondicherry, has made a record of his day-to-day activities; this reveal^g diary has been published very recently and it throws light not only on one the ill- known periods of Tamil history but also on the type of prose- style employed in the mid-18th century. Similarly, the book of Law (Desa Valamai) published in 1862 gives: us an insight into the Tamil style adopted in Jaffna in the late-19th cen¬ tury. I do not propose to burden the reader with too many quotations and so let me pass on to Arumuga Navalar. Sm. L. Lakshmanan Chettiar, B.A., is a journalist and author, and has written a number of books of travel in TamiL TRENDS IN MODERN TAMIL PROSE m Arumuga Navaliw is to Tamil what Dryden is to English —the father of modem Prose. He began his literary activi¬ ties as the translator of the Bible ; his works include “ Saiva Vina Vidai " which is based on the Methodist Catechism, the prose reftderihgs of Peria Puranam and the Bala Paadams. The last-mentioned we a series of school text-books and have benefitted students to a great extent. Navalar’s style is a mixture of sweet Tamil words and some Sanskrit ones ; it has been criticised on this score ; but we do not propose to enter into the controversy for the simple reason that a writer’s style must be judged by the conditions of the times and the know¬ ledge of the particular generation to which he catered. The following passage is typical of Navalar’s style : ^^esTfiretsTUi Qp/seSu ^iresriaaidsir^ Qa^ii LfgaraaRLiih; utranl. a=p ca0 iSpuusiretf ]Sp(^Ui; pQua^Ejasf^ QsirQp psrjO! iBpctuea-af ^p(^ii); Q^u luira^ Q&=tuQ€k]iri-i(^ QsrQpp^ iSpuuareif fip(<^th ; ^tuiresr tuira^ Qs^tu Cturri^s QdSirQpppj spuLLetretjui jSp^ix>; lutrsfQ Qr£jQeuiri-s Oa/rQpppj utsir a^iaairjr dsireOLLerr&jU) ^p(^ui. The 19th century will be remembered as the era of an¬ other great person who contributed to the development of Tamil prose. We refer to Mayavaram Vedanayagam Pillai, the distinguished author of “ Prathapa Mudahar Charitram which is perhaps the first novel ever written in Tamil. This is a work of very great importance and deserves to be read by all those who evince, a genuine interest in Tamil.literature... The thanks of Tamil readers is due to the Tamil Literature Society of Tuticorin for bringing out a reprint of the original book, without any alteration whatsoever. Vedanayagam Pillai’s direct, simple and conversational style adds flavour to the narrative which abounds in several proverbs. And so, we come to the twentieth century, the renaissance movement announced by the trumpets of national insurrec¬ tions, the decreasing emphasis on grammar, the puritan move¬ ment and the various schools of Tamil prose-writing. The general trend has been determined by Western contacts. First, it was an imitation of and later, a hostility to everything Wes- 16D TAMIL CULTURE tem. The present phase is one of correct perspective based on intrinsic worth, As the editor of Tamil classics, Dr. Swaminatha Iyer de¬ serves an unique place in our literary history. He will be re¬ membered as the first Tamil scholar to edit his works bn the English model with annotations, reference citations, biogra¬ phical notes of the authors and the conunentators, descriptive notes, etc. Dr. Swaminatha Iyer wrote a clear and concise style as will be evident from the following quotation from his autobiography : eresra^ ^jjir^^iuiriujrirs jBirjrirajessnutuT s=p(2ppa(^esiptu iSIjtt luih Qsiremt—aiir ; s-aat—iueuir ; ^euesijrs ■<3sir^p/th Quir^ cresra^ih mppu tSl6irS>r u&oeciraSjrih ^jrirsBstr fF(S ut—^ tnaaflssQarra^. LasmflsQsirt^ utrjr^ utesr^^enu. ^ietQ euetr(^ih ^nStueo jgissR, QpSstsr, QairQ£fi4SJ. •■ . All tills is not to say that there has hot been any scholarly writing either. Thiru Vi Ka, who is generally acknowledged as the greatest living writer in Tamil, is well-known to all lovers of Tamil through his many books. Of these, we may parti¬ cularly mention " Murugan alladhu Alagu ”, “ Tamil Thenral ”, f‘Pennin Perumai ”, “ Gandhi-adigalum Manitha Vazhkai-* yum ” and ” Thiru Vi Ka Vazkai Kurippugal ”. He is known for his excessive use of the exclamation-mark. There is a humus remark about him that the printers who print his books must be adequately stocked with type-cases of the ex¬ clamation mark! He luu ^ccessfuUy used the question-and- answer method. 11111 Vi ^-unlike other scholars—has written on almost every conceivable subject imder the sun:—on religion^ politics, literature, economics, natural scenery, etc. His styfe is arresting ; it is fuH of short sentences ; he is fond of using words like e^^Lheumss, tuir? a^-irjseo, QutreQcif, Qstr^, yjs^striu^^sei^p^. The following passage is from one of Thiru Vi Ka’s works: &pu9p utjQ^a/S pv^petfih ped€\a B^6inir(T^Ui sS^srp^pQpth eQojppp^ tuRttJSjr. Sethu Pillai’a style mav be compared to that of W. H. Hudson : his deep study of Kamba Ramayanam comes to him handy when others are at a loss to find the apt words. His writings—fancied by the public and envied by his colleac:ues— often remind me of R. L. Stevenson’s views on some technical elements of style: “ First the phrases should be rhythmical and pleasing to the ear ; secondly, the phrases should be musical in the mouth; thirdly, the writer should weave the argument intoi a pattern, both beautiful and logical and lastly, he should mteter the art of choosing apt, explicit and communicative words.” Dr. Varadarajan has made his mark as an eminent writer, thanks to his numerous books. He has been highly successful in his attempts to portray classical Tamil thought. His works reveal' his vigour, insight and distinct literary character. In ■ brief sentences and a simple, chaste and grammatical style, he has demonstrated that the Tamil language lePds itself to the expression of all modem ideas. This brings us to the so-called Puritan movement and its great founder Maraimalai Adigal. By insisting on the need to use pure Tamil words only, he has helped the preservation of ancient Tamil words which would otherwise have died unsung, imwept, unhonoured. Thanks mainly to him, fewer and fewer foreign words are now used by Tamil authors. Of course, there is a school of thought which feels that written Tamil must be synonymous with spoken Tamil; it sees, no harm in using foreign words in place of Tamil words. This section has re¬ ceived powerful support from press-barons, film-magnates, and their foUowers. The other section—^led by Maraimalai Adigal ^insists on the purity of Tamil. It also desires to keep up TRENDS IN MODERN TAMIL PROSE 165 grammar, S 3 aitax, and sentence-construction. It views the penetration of foreign words with suspicion. While strong views are held by both the groups, the puritans gain increasing public support. We shall content ourselves with drawing the reader’s attention to the views of such an independent autho¬ rity as Winslow. He says in the preface to A Comprehensive Tamil and English Dictionary of High and Low Tamil : “ Within certain ranges of thought, omitting terms of art, science, religion in a great measure and pertain abstract forms, we may write in pure Tamil, as in English we may in pure Saxon. In fact the nearer we approach the Shen Tamil the less we need Sanskrit And Dr. Caldwell has well said : "The Tamil, the most cultivated, ab intra, of all the Dravidian idioms, can dispense with Sanskrit altogether, if need be, and not only stand alone, but flourish without its aid.” To conclude this preliminary survey of the trends in njo- dern Tamil prose writing, let us summarise our observations : “ Good Tamil Prose began with the commentators. The present-day printing facilities have added to the quantity of prose-iiterature in Tamil while its quality has gone down very appreciably. In the name of intelligent prose, the crime of diffusing ungrammatical Tamil and spoiling the sweetness and euphony of Tamil by writing foreign words phonetically with¬ out their being Tamilised is ruthlessly perpetrated. The at¬ tempt to write pure and unmixed Tamil is condenmed by those who are unequal to the task as ‘ Purism (The late M. S. Puranalingam Piilai in his TAMIL INDIA). DR. XAVIER S. THANI NAYAGAM I A LOVE of Nature cannot but be engendered in a people that come often in touch with Nature. The influence in fostering an appreciation and love of Nature is mutual be¬ tween poets and people. The Tamil poets came from the people who as a nation were intimate with Nature, and the people were encouraged in their enthusiasm for Nature by what the.poets wrote. The Tamil learnt to love flowers and plants even front his very childhood. The eldest sons of warriors when they set their eyes on their fathers for the first time, saw them in the panoply of war adorned with the garlands of warfare. It was the custom then that a few days after the birth of the heir, the king, dressed in battle-array which included also 'garlands of flowers, should show himself to his son, so that the child’s first sight of his father m^ht be that of his father as warrior. Such was the love of braver}*^ among the ancient Tamils.^ Even infants had a few flowers tied to their forelocks which were brushed back to a side above the forehead. The fifth poem in the Ago/m collection speaks of a heroine who went up to her husband about to depart for another country. She was silent; a (forced smile broke the pressure of her lips ; tears welled up in her eyes. Her entire countenance bespoke a pleading that he should desist from parting. She pressed her child to her bosom and smelt daintily the fragrant flowers adorning the boy s hair. She breathed a sigh and the flowers faded—so warm was her breath of anguish.^ ^ Puram, 100 . - Agam, 5 . THE TAMILS SAID IT ALL WITH FLOWERS 165 The younger children, counted among their toys, little dolls, made out of the petals, or poUen-bed of flowers. Child¬ ren young and old, played games under the shades of trees, games in which the seeds of fruits or dried fruits themselves formed the indispensable materials of the games.’ Their leisure Was spent in the gardens and groves gathering flowers and leaves of the region, weaving garlands out of them, or pre¬ paring the leafy dresses with which they adorned themselv^. The garlands were either of one kind of flowers or of diverse flowers or of flowerp interspersed with leaves.Bathing in the sea, the river, the lake and tanks, was one of the most pleasur¬ able pastimes of outdoor life seen in Cangam littrature. Young and old of both sexes dived and swam and played merrily with the surf or with the waves and eddies in rivers and tanks. Even in places of religious pilgrimage, there were large tanks where bathing for sport and pleasure was com¬ mon.® The Kurinjippattu of KapUar mentions the many ways in which girls delight themselves on the hills, thek* sitting on an eminence prepared as an ambush to drive away the par¬ rots, their raising such cries as frighten the birds in their nests, their sporting in the river whose waters flow from the moun¬ tain heights “ like white linen,” and their having dried them¬ selves and their hair, gathering flowers on the hillsides. Such pleasurable distractions, sometimes in the company of the hero, were not confined to the hillsides.® In the other regions, except obviously in the palai, the young enjoyed themselves in like manner. The Pattinapalai gives an account of the neydal regions, how the fisher-fo^ on full-moon days, adorned them¬ selves with the flowers of their own region, played on the beach with crabs and the waves, built castles on the sand, and thus passed the live-long day."^ The Kali odes give many an indi¬ cation of the festive dance under mullai bowers and the gay life of the shepherds in the open air.® Marudam wa& known for its aquatic sports. Not only the long descriptions in: Paripadal, but al^ other verses reveal a keen appreciation of .. * Kur. 48; Nar. 3, 2r4; 79, 2-3; Cfr. Nar. 68, 155; Puram, 176. *■ The leafy-dress also bad flowers interwoven with leaves. ® Paripadal, 9, 61. ® Kurinjipattii, Passim, 259. ^ Pattiriappalai, 11; 85 ; 105. « Kali, 1; 49; 3; 75; 6; 47. 166 TAMIL CtTLTURE public baths.* Tht Pattinappalai says that the ritual bathing in the tanks of Puhar were productive of happiness in both worlds.*® The Tamils had their houses built in beautiful surround¬ ings, in the centre of a garden. Percolated paths led to the central entrance. It is under these bowers that the young heroine is often pictured as engaged in play. Here too the heroine plants a creeper or plant (often an ^lu&c) and waters it daily with her own hands.** Sometimes, it is a plant that is grown in an earthen jar or flower pot.*® When the heroine has left home with her lover, these plants that she has nur¬ tured are among the constant reminders to the nurse of the child now lost to her.*® % Natural beauty and flowers entered on a preponderant scale in the story of Tamil love. The poets idealize the spots on which lovers meet. The first meeting as developed in Iroiyanar Agaporul where Nature’s setting is the most pic¬ turesque that one can imagine for the drama of love, is but a development of or a composition of several such scenes in Cangam literature. One of the conventional situations in which lovers meet is when the heroine is out in the open gathering vengai flowers together with her yoimg companions. It was the custom among children to shout out “ Ti^r, tiger ” in the childish belief that the vengai would lower its brandies within reach for them to pluck its flowers. The colour of the vengai flower which resembles that of the tiger was the cause of the origin of this cry. A heroine, with her companions, plays about the vengai with shouts of “Tiger, tiger.” A young chief who is out hunting hears the cry and hastens to the place of the cry in the belief hat a real tiger has given ^use for alarm. “Where has fled the tiger ? ” he queries in anxiety. The girls hide one behind the other in shyness. ’ Is it possible that falsehood emanates even from such lips as » Aina; ‘*//697«)/ril(5u 71-80; Panpadal; Poems on Vaiai. Pattinappalai, 1; 39 : P&ot ’ Nor. 179, 1; anu&o*'; '305/P suiu&o** Agam 89, 21. “ Agam, 165, 11: : Kur. 47. Pari, 14, 11-12; Agam, 12. ” Agam, 2 ; Kali, S 8 ; Nar. 206. Cfr. Agam. 378. « Nar. 313; Kali, 42; Cfr. Kur. 241. « Nor. 241. »> Nor. 818. i68 'TAMIL CliLTim^ hero himself adorns the heroine’s tresses with the flowers he has brought for her.^. The chiefs made presents of bouquets of flowers and of leafy-dresses or leafy-girdles to be worn as. ornaments around the waist— Another flower commonly pre¬ sented by lovers of the hills was the gloriosa supcrba. In the first poem of Kuruntogai, the maid rebukes a chief mildly when he hands bunches of gloriosa superha that he has brought from his own hills to be presented to the heroine. She im¬ plies by the rebuke that the chief ought to marry the heroine, and thus end the courtship which has been the occasion for gossip in the vicinity. Her laconic statement is in effect, " On our own hill sacred to Murugan, flowers also this clustered blood-red flower,” meaning that she rejects his offer of flowers to her lady.**® The heroine on the other hand, once in love with a chief, is desperately in love with all the natural objects connected with her lover, with the hills which are his possession, with, the clouds that sail over them, with the river oc stream that brings the waters of the hills, with the plants and flowers that these waters wash down from the chief’s mountainous abode. To a maid sorrowful because of her mistress languishing for her lover, the mistress says :— " Hitherto I consoled myself by gazing at his hill. But now that it is evening, his hill seems to disappear gradually like a ship that sinks at sea. Hence I am inconsolable.’*^* Again to a maid who wonders if her mistress would be able to support the grief of separation, the mistress says :— “Look at my forehead. The effect of sorrow is no more there. The reason is that I have beheld his hill washed by heavy rain, where groups of peacocks cry in the thick groves, and where the pale-faced-monkeys and their little ones shiver with cold.»’^5 Nature has the objects with which the heroine consoles her¬ self during the absence of her lover. There is another little stanza of Awai, which is significant in its suggestion regard¬ ing the love a heroine has for the hill associated with her lover. Kur. 312. S: “<9n.jB^6S) OsuujJb^ sS rof ugof . 22 Kur. 214. Cfr. Kur. 333, 342; Pari, 6 , 68 . 2» Kur. 1. 2* Kur. 240. 25 Kttr. 249. THE TAMILS SAID IT ALL WITH FLOWERS 16^ The heroine is found to be of poor health by her parents. The mother seeks a.woman-diviner to find out the cause. The divi¬ ner divines with) grains of paddy^ and with the help of prayer to the gods announces the cause of her illness, namely, that it comes from Murugan, the god of the hills, and that he must be appeased with the dance sacred to him. To such a diviner occupied in her divination with the grains of paddy, the maid says, “sing not of the gods, but sing the song of his hill that you have been singing,” so that the parents might understand that she is love^sick.. ** losiGsiir insidm iLssrOfA (SsiiTU usksjr VDxOsrr uir^x urilQu. uir(^A utiIGl. ^drjoth urtij.uj uriLQi-*' (Kur; 23 ; While arrangements are being made for the heroine’s wedding, the maid observes to the heroine that she has»brave- ly borne the pangs of separation. To her the heroine replies that she was able to do so because of the comfort she has de¬ rived'from a gloriosa superha plant, washed down stream from the hill of her lover by the night’s rain. She took it in her hands, fondly kissed it many times because it came from her lover’s hill, and planted it in her own garden. The sight of that plant gave her joy enough to await with resignation such time as would bring the nuptial day. The mother saw her fetching the plant from the stream and planting it, but said nothing. Even the highest heaven would not be adequate re¬ ward for her goodness, was the opinion of the heroine. “ Listen, maid dear. The highest heaven would he small reward for mother, I fetched the kantal tuber that arrived one morn¬ ing brought by the fragrant stream fed by the evening rain on his hill. I hissed the tender leaves so often that they withered ; and I planted it at home.' Mother watched my actions but breathed not a word.” (Kur. 361). The wedding ritual itself included the use of petals of flowers and paddy grains. Before the bride was taken to her chamber, four ladies who already had given birth to children, were appointed to strew flowers and paddy grains on the bride and pronounce this greeting • 170 TAMIL CULTURE " May you never swerve from chastity and thus do good, and may you be a partner in life that loves her husband.” Disappointed lovers too said their disappointment with flowers in the later developments of love poetry. They wore gar¬ lands of the most uncared for flowers {e.g., erukkalai and mounting palmyrah stocks made after the fashion of a horse, they went about proclaiming their grief.*’ In daily life too garlands were profusely used, especially when men and women went on their social or religious visits. In the Paripadal occurs a statement that the entire road from Madura to Tirupparangkunram, a distance of about four miles, seemed to he one long garland to an onlooker from the hill, so many were the pilgrims and so profusely had they de¬ corated themselves with garlands.*® • The Tamils said it with flowers not only in love but also in friendship, in hospitality and even in relief of poverty and want. When strangers passed through a village they were offered flowers as a sign of friendliness.*® When poets and minstrels went to kings and chiefs to sing their praises and obtain relief in want, they were not only given, elephants and lands and silks, but lotuses made of gold. It was the custom for the patron to present the head of th(^ band of minstrels or dancers with a lotus of gold. Sometimes the gift consisted of flowers made of gold fastened together by bands of silver.*® These musicians adorned even their musical instruments with garlands of flowers.*^ During periods of mourning, flowers and garlands were not used by the Tamils in adorning themselves or the other Agam, 86 . Even the image of the goA "wYach. was used lor the mar¬ riage ceremony was made of petals of flowers, and laid on the ten¬ der Vahai-flowers and grass. See A 0 am, 136. 27 Kur. 17; 182; Nar. 220; H. T. p. 170. 171. 28 Part, 19. 15-18. 2» Malaipadu, 428 fif. 8 ® Porun. 159-60; “ 6rifiiusn*fi daiif. (njUiaof 9rftlu3Q^Ui iSfisnfi QuirsSiud Perumhan ; 481-482 ; Malaipadu, 558-569 ; Puram, 12, 1 ; 29, 1 ; 69 ; 4-21; 126, 1-3 ; Kali, 55, 2 ; 85, 2 ; Puram, 11, 18. •1 Puram, 242, 2-3. firirirp QujbjaSIQtsr**! 153, 7-8^ THE TAMILS SAID IT ALL WITH FLOWERS 171 objects which they were wont to decorate with flowers. Po¬ verty and suffering too were causes for abstaining from the use of flowers. Among the many poems rich in pathos is an elegy on the death of a chief in which the poet turns to the blooming jasmine with pity and asks, “Wherefore bloomest thou when none will wear thee ? ” The poem, incidentally, mentions the many occasions on which flowers were worn :— “The youths will have thee not. The bangled-damsels will gather thee not. The bard, to adorn his lyre’s handle will re¬ ceive thee not. The songstress vnll wear thee not. After Sattan of the strong bow who killed many a foe and showed his prowess, is no more —O mullai dost thou tloom yet in Olliyur’s land ? " (Puram, 242). Society, at the time of the composition of these poems, was hard on widows. They had to sleep on a bed of stones, and eat the rice of the white water-lily {^^ihueo) and fast and mourn their lot, or burn themselves on the funeral pyres of their husbands. A royal poetess says that it were better to die on the same pyre as her lord than to lead such a life, so differ¬ ent from the one she led with her lord. To her, he says, after her lord’s death, the cool waters of the lake where lotuses bloom and the raging fires of the pyre are the same. She will throw herself into the fire with as little concern as she woifld into a bathing pool.^^ Another widow, a poetess herself, who leads this penitential life prescribed by social convention, has a quatrain of simple beauty in which die addresses the water- lily. The poem is so fragile in its tender suggestiveness that I dare not risk a translation. It means, however, that it is sad indeed that the water-lily which in the youthful days of the poetess served for her leafy ornamelits, now that her husband is no more, should offer the grain which recalls to her a life of abnegation and loneliness. “ fi.TdLD Sf ^Qtoisir aririiuai ^isauj fissiffiuJT uSsadsu^ ^ssfldiu, QuQ^suardi G^ircifijssir utriu^Gfioru Qurr(^^ SnSilSi ^ms6u u^M-U3 Lfnsoir uSswQsu** (Puram; 24 &/ *2 Puram, 246. 172 TAMIL CULTURE II We have seen the use made of garlands and flowers in warfare, and the different flowers that signified different stra¬ tegic movements. It remains to sum up briefly those customs connected with Nature which have not been mentioned so far. Each king and chief had a tree which symbolized him and was called his guardian tree ( toirds). He seems to have planted his outer defences with many trees of that spe¬ cies, and any king waging war against another was supposed to score a great victory over his enemy and disgrace him if he could penetrate into the forest defences of his enemy, and cut down his symbolic tree. Thus the margosa tree was the “ guardian tree " of Palayan and the punnai of Titian. It was also counted an act of defiance and bravery, if a king tied one of his elephants to the “ guardian tree ” in the forest defences of his enemyTh story is narrated of the poet Satanar who went to receive a poet’s gifts by singing the praises of a chief Veliman by name. Since Veliman was resting, he refused to see the poet but ordered his younger brother to give a few gifts to the poet. The latter was niggardly in his giving. The poet refused his gifts, went to the chief Kumanan and having re¬ ceived ample presents which included one or more elephants, he brought one of them, and tied it to the “ guardian tree ” of Veliman, and harangued him thus in his presence :— “ You are not one that gives or protects those who seek help ; but neither are patrons wanting to those in need of succour. Learn then that there are those in want, and that there are those who meet their wants. The mighty elephant that I have tried to your "guardian trees" in the defence outside your castle, is a gift. O chief of the swift horse thus do I return." S4 To spite an enemy king, there was also the custom among victors of making use of the timber of the “ guardian trees ” of their enemy chiefs or kings, for the wooden part of the drums that were used by their armies in proclaiming their victories.** 83 Patir, 33, 3; Puram, 57, 10-11; 162, 5-6; 336, 4. Puram, 162. 83 Potir, 11, 12-14; 17, 5 ; Agam, 347, 4-5, ■ THE TAMILS SAlD IT ALL WITH PLOWEHS 173 Besides these “guardian trees,” the three kings of Tamil Nad, the Cera, the Cola, and the Pandiya had a flower each as his own emblem, just as the lily, the rose, and other flowers have been taken as emblems of royal houses in the West. The atti flower was the emblem of the Colas, the palTnyrah flower of the Cera, and the margosu flower of the Pandiya. A poet in addressing two of the Cola family who were flghting among themselves for the Cola throne, appeals to them thus with the hope of offering a reconciliation : “You are not one who wears the white garland oj the lofty palmyrah’s flowers (Cera), nor wear you the darh-branched margosa’s garland (Pandyan). You wear the attv’s garland i so does he who faces you in battle. I one of you is defeated, it is the House of Cola that is defeated.” When a king went to war, he wore garlands made of his royal flowers, as well as the flower that signihed the particular kind of warfare in which his troops and he were going to engage. Garlands of the flowers emblematic of the royal houses were used also to decorate the royal standards. In the graphic account of Pandiyan Nedunjelian visiting the wounded at mid-night, it is said that the general who preceded him point¬ ing out the wounded soldiers one by one, carried a halberd around which was wound a garland Of margosa flowers.^’ Further, certain stories that gradually formed part of the folklore of the Tamil people v^ere such as to fire the imagina¬ tion of poete and people in favour of a love of Nature and ani¬ mals and birds.^® There is the story of Pari, one of the seven chieftains renowned in Tamil history for his liberality. He found one day a jasmine creeper lying athwart his chariot path. He would not ride his chariot over it, nor would he allow it to grow unsupported across the path. He abandoned his chariot so that the plant might creep on it for support. This tender munificence towards a plant was the subject of poetic praise as the most characteristic act of his life.®® There was Pehen who came in for equal- praise because he found a peacock shivering with cold, and with gesture more gracious Puram, 45, 1-5. Nedunalvadai, 176 f: See introductions to texts. Puram, 200, 9-11 ; 201, 2-3 ; Sirupan, 87-91. TAMIL CULTtiRE 174 than that of Sir Walter Raleigh, covered the peacock' with the silk mantle with which he was himself covered.^® A story is recounted of birds in the person of Ay Einan. He was so much a lover of birds and their protector, that when he fell in the field of battle, all the birds formed a canopy with their out¬ stretched wings to protect him from the rays of the sun. And, it is added in the poems, that the owl was struck with grief at its own want of vision during the day for it could neither see Ay and his wounds, nor join the other birds in providing shelter.^^ There is an anecdote concerning Kapilar, a poet who has written many a beautiful line of Kurinji poetry. His great patron and friend was Pari, the chieftain who lent his chariot to a jasmine creeper. Pari’s liberality was such that he gave away the revenue and ownership of the three hundred villages of his chieftaincy to poets and minstrels that had gone to him for help. The Parambu hill region alone remained for his own income. Such was the fame and prowess of Pari that it excited the rivalry of the three kings of Tamil' Nad who be¬ sieged his rock fortress. Kapilar was with Pari within the fortifications when the siege took place. The poets narrate how Kapilar trained birds to go out of the fortifications and harvest the paddy in the fields. They brought the sheaves in their beaks, and thus helped those who were besieged to tide over the scarcity of food that the siege had caused.^^ A love for the ideal in Nature was fostered by art and handicraft. Ori’s hiU, Kollimalai had on its western slope the sculpture of a goddess which was so lovely to behold that persons who viewed it were entranced by its beauty. The beauty of a heroine was compared by poets to the beauty of the statue on Ori’s hill.^® There are many indications in Cangam literature of the highly developed state of the Fme Arts among the ancient Puram, 141, 10-12; 145, 1-3; Sinipan, 85-87. Agam, 142, 181, 208. *2 Agam, 78, 303. « Kur. 89, 100 ; Agam, 62, 13-16, 209, 15-17 ; Nar. 186, 6-11. THE TAMILS SAID IT ALL WITH ELOWEHS 175 Tamils, and these include several references to the influence which a love of Nature exerted on the architecture, painting and music of the Tamils. It is on these references that P. T. Srinivasa Iyengar based his conclusion : “This same love of Nature was the cause why they beautified their tools, their houses, their furniture, and their vessels with carvings imita¬ tive ojf creepers, leaves, flowers and animals.” ** M H. T. p. 89. 8 ^rincomalie (/Jjronzed DR. W. BALENDRA O N JULY 3, 1950, at 10 a.m., on a bright sunny morning with the smooth blue sea around, a public meeting was held at Swami Rock in Fort Frederick. The Office Assistant to the Assistant Government Agent, Trincomalie, the Member of Parliament for Trincomalie, Chairman and Vice-Chairman, Urban Council, Trincomalie, District Engineer, P.W.D., the Town Overseers, School Teachers and officiating Hindu priests had assembled, there to consider a motion to rebuild Konesar Temple which was destroyed by the Portuguese Captain General, Constantine de Saa on the Hindu New Year Day in 1624. The question was raised by the then Member of Par¬ liament for Trincomalie Town as to what image the temple would be dedicated in case it was rebuilt. As this question could not be answered at once, a committee was appointed and the members of this body decided to meet on August 6, 1950, to report on the proposal to rebuild Konesar Temple and also tx) examine a method of procuring a Lingam (the phallic emblem of Siva worship) from Benares, India. Whilst workmen, employed by the Urban Council,'were digging a well for the use of the tenements on North Coast Road of the Town on July 27, 1950 one of them struck a metal object at a depth of three feet from the groimd. All the workmen were informed and they excavated three objects. These statues of Somaskander Siva, consort of Somaskanda Murthi Siva and Chandrasekara were given in charge of the Chair¬ man, Urban Council, Trincomalie, who reported this find to the Archaeological Commissioner. A find of two more of these bronze statues had taken place some months previously (date unknown) but the objects were not handed over either to This study is published by courtesy of the Royal Asiatic Society, ^e^lon Branch. TRINCOMALIE BRONZES 177 the Chairman, Urban Council, or to the Archaeological Com¬ missioner. Persistent' search was made for these finds and it was proved that a bronze figure of Ganesha, Parvati in a seated position, one Trisulam' (Trident) and a figure of a bird were excavated, when the roots of a coconut tree were being dug out on the North Coast Road. These bronze arti¬ cles were entwined amongst the roots of the. tree. Thse were ultimately handed over to the Chairman of the Committee, appointed to restore the Temple. These metal articles com¬ prise the largest find ever since H. C. P. Bell unearthed 16 bronzes at Polonnaruva in 1908. Previous to Bell’s discovery at Polonnaruva of the Hindu bronzes, a large bronze Maitriya was dug up in 1898, south of the Thuparama Da^ba near Basawakkulam. Hugh Nevil, a Civil Servant, discovered many Buddhist bronzes which are at present in the British Museum, but the date and sites of discovery are unknown. In 1830 a large bronze of Tara was found in the Trincomalie District/ and was presented to the British Museum by Governor Brown- rigg in 1830. More than a century later in 1940 anoth^ re¬ markable statue of Tara was found at Kurunegale District and was secured for the Colombo Museum. It was described by P. E. P. Deraniyagala in 1951. The study of the bronzes gives an insight to the civilization of the period ; these rock inscriptions and written records aid the study of the history of Ceylon. Investigations were conductetl to ascertain (a) the ori¬ gin of these seven articles, (6) the purpose for which they were used, (c) the date (if possible) of their manufacture, (d) the country of their origin and (e) the temple or temples to which they originally belonged. The authorities on this subject, were consulted and local legends were examined to ascertain how these bronzes happened to be located at the site they were found. Historical References to Trincomalie and its surroundings within a radius of 40 miles in Sanskrit, Tamil, Sinhalese, Portuguese and English were examined in consultation with the acknowledged scholars in these lan¬ guages, 1^8 TAMIL culture The measurement and weights of .these articles are as follows:— Siva in seated pose . 1' 8i'’ xl0'’ —70 lbs. (more gold and copper) Parvati in seated pose 1' 4" Siva standing . 1' 8" Parvati standing . 1' 8* Ganesha . 1' S" TrisUlam . 1' 7" Lamp Top . 1' 5" Annam X 8" —30 lbs. (gold and copper) X 7" —25 lbs. .(more white lead) X 5" —30 lbs. (gold and copper) X 104"—65 lbs. (more gold and copper) xl'O"— 8 lbs. (more brass) X 1' 2" — 7 lbs. (more brass) 235 lbs. LTnlike the Polonnaruva bronzes, the seated' Siva and the consort are on two separate cushions. Provision had been made for carrying these images in procession. The seated Siva is four armed—^holding an axe in his right hand, and a deer in his left; the axe and deer were sent against him by his enemies and subdued by him in accordance with the legend that Siva had to fight the deceptions and fraud of human nature. The right lower hand is in the fear-noi pose assuring protection. The left lower hand is in the Kataha pose. Siva is represented with three eyes. The third eye is located bet¬ ween the eye-brows and is known as the eye of wisdom. Images of the Buddha are seen with the third eye of wisdom. All men are are said to possess this eye which is probably connected with the pineal gland. Arunachalam stated before the R.A.S. on December 1, 1916, that physiologists regard this as the vestige of an aborted eye and quotes Descartes who placed the seat of Soul in the pineal gland. Modern physiolo¬ gical research does not confirm either Arunachalam or Dec- cartes’ inference, Siva wears in his right ear a Hindu man’s ear-ring and on his left a Hindu woman’s todu (ear-ring). The beauty mark, placed by Hindu men and women between the eyes, owes its origin to l5ie theory of the eye of wisdom depicted in the Siva Statues. Siva wears a necklace of beirries, symbols of his piety. This is explained by Arunachalam as solidified tears wept by him for the woes of his devotees. Ro¬ saries of these beads arc worn to this day by all Hindus. Siva wears the sacred thread which runs over tlie left shoulder and under the right arm. The thread consists of 96 strands repre¬ senting 96 forces which are the constituents of the Universe, according to Hindu shastras. 'tW» ».<:^»?X<'>;->ft%<^ ^aVj, V -•- V ^’?%?-X‘'i'^ >'®¥; >.-■ ?/■ '$v -••X'^tfft;*;;: Somaskander Siva ^ vV> vV msk^' Wt 'x'^'. y.. \ ''''] ^y^%'y4f'4(W v-i %> ' ' - %5>w'«^-vw/.Ni^^tXv -v<-:AVV*.'^.v/->;N Av.v I ■ss« ^'' '>syiy''^m V. V'.S .» VA'.S V.'/.V-V.*^v.v.i '' '-'' Syry^m y^yi^cwim ''' ' u ' y '>:^-0 ''''::' '>>yM .•^.. v^.'vvV\'—and is the consort of Siva, the dancer. The bronze, depicting Siva the cosmic force in the rhythm of life is missing in. the Trincomalie ex¬ cavations but was found in Polonnaruva by Bell in 1906. Three other articles in the Trincomalie finds are the Ganapathi bronze, the Trident and the figure of the annam. The Ganapathi or Ganesh is one of the most unique finds of recent times in either Ceylon or South India. The Polonha- ruva find had not unearthed a Ganesh of this typje and the Ganesh described by Gravely and Ramachandran in the Madras Government Museum Bulletin is unimpressive com¬ pared to the Trincomalie specimen. The artist has skilfully portrayed his idea of Ganesli, the elephant-headed deity, as having the strength of an elephant and wisdom of a man. Comparing the four Ganeshas, studied by Gravely and Chin- tamani Kar, I am of opinion that the Trincomalie Ganesh is the most outstanding bronze casting of itfe type available to¬ day. The gold content is high and this bronze is certain to attract the world wide attention of students of Hindu art in metal, owing to the superb technique adopted in casting the sixty-five pound Aveight of gold and copper in one piece. It is a work of skill on the part of the sculptor who performed the casting. Trisulam (Siva's Trident) :—One of the interesting finds of the Trincomalie treasure is Siva’s Trident (Trisulam). It 1S2 TAMIL CULTURE is one foot seven inches long and one foot broad and weighs eight pounds. It is made of brass. A broken trident made of copper of height 10.5 cm. and of the tenth century design was excavated at the Topawewa Dagoba. A double Trisulam in copper (height 5.3 cm.) has been reported by Ananda Cooma- rasamy in the Colombo Museum series. Annani :—^The Figure of a Bird. This was excavated along with six other objects. This gives a definite clue to the temple to which it belongs. This brass object’ is the figme of a bird used for the top of a brass lamp. The fitting rims are seen distinctively. A similar find is reported by Ananda Coomarasamy in his work on the Museum bronzes. He calls it Hamsa—^probably finials of lamps—Muniseram—^Mediaeval —Brass—Height 30 cm. II - . . . . The next step in these investigations is to collect, sift and evaluate evidence on the probable temple to which these arti¬ cles might belong. The articles may belong to a temple which is nearest the site of their discovery. This is called Konesar Temple and the references in Tamil were supplied by Mudlr. Sabanathan of the Government Information Office, Colombo. 1. Sambanthar—7th century A.D.—refers to Konamam- malai in one of his Padikams. “ He who dwelleth on Konamamalai — where the roaring ocean replete with the sandalwood that are found on its banks and bits of black Akhil, and precious stones and pearls, splashes,—^is the peerless one who is accompanied by the sounds of the rows of Kalal and the anklets and half of whose body is shar¬ ed by the maid of the mountain and who rides a sacred bull.” 2. Arunagirinather in his Thiruppugal (15th century) refers tip Thirukonamalai:— “ Konnamamalai, whose population was vast and where the waves were dashing against the shores furiously.” •!<>'»/!■ ^a'.* vi*>^<' V -^v'* '"^ V^ ^ V •’v ’■ V \- V *« *< -•?‘'.'>v<'»'*-^ >>S »XWKS Chaiidrasekera A Thousand Year Old Example of Metal Art r«?WtfM««X*X‘C-X!X^ A 16th century Map of Trincoinalic — showing and the site of the Konesar Temple TRINCOMALIE BRONZES 183 3. Konesar Kalvettu by Kavirayar : Composed partly in verse and part in prose ;— “ A. King, named Manu Neethi Kanda Cholan, who ruled over the country of Cholamandalam learn¬ ing from the Kailasapuram the wonders of Thirika- yalai (Trincomalie) came over to the place. His son, Kulakkodu Maharajah, who followed him later raised the temple, Gopuram, Mandapam, Pavanasa spring and the sacred tank in 512 of Kal'iyuga on Monday the 10th day of the month of Vaikasi.” 4. Thakshinakailasapuranam by Paditharasar : This is more or less Isthalapuranam. ‘ According to the Colo¬ phon this appears to have been composed in the reign of Sekarajasekaram (Arj'an King of Jaffna) t.e., 14th century AJ). Konamamalai, where the huge sonorous weaves carried on their crest pearls, gold and shells from the treasure troves of the sea-bed, and heaped them on the beach.” 5. Yalapana Vaipavamalai by Mylavaganapulavar — 18th century. He mentions that Kulakkoddu Maha¬ rajah came to Ceylon in Salivahana Saka year 358 or (436 A.D. ?) and repaired the Konesar Temple. “ Konamamalai where a temple with a pond (spring) was surrounded by the sea.” 6. Thirikonasalapuranam by Masilamanipillai Muttu- kumaru (19th century—^Exact period is not known). The dates mentioned in the Puranas cannot be taken as correct. “ Konamamalai where in the garden luxuriant creepers tall and spreading jasmine bush “ Madavi ”, “Pumnali”, “Vengai,” champuk trees interspersed with “ MuUai ” were in abundance. 7. Konamamal’ai, surrounded by the shimmering beach strewn with jasmine and the garden on the shore. CodringtOn, in a note to the R.A.S. in 1927, quotes the Kalveddu and states that the Kaliyuga year 512 corresponds to 184 TAMIL culture 2590 B.C. i.e., 4542 years ago. This is long before Vijaya landed in Ceylon. Local tradition states that Ravana wor¬ shipped at the Konesar Temple. To this day there is an inden¬ tation in the Rock called the “Ravanan Kalveddu”, the cut of Ravana. There ai*e several stories regarding this Rava- nan Kalveddu. These stories may be dismissed as being pri¬ mitive and cliildish. At the entrance of Fort Frederick, on either side of the arch, is a rock inscription with the insignia (two fish) of the Pandyan kings. These rock inscriptions have miraculously escaped the stone-breakers’ hammer. The Dutch engineers, unwittingly fixed them on either side of the arch¬ way of the Fort. These inscriptions are referred to by Portu¬ guese writers and replica of the original is available in the Adjuda Library. Valentyn the Dutch Historian studied the inscriptions. Codrington, Rasanayagam of Ceylon and Krishna Sastri of Madras have given their interpretations of these inscription Si The Portuguese account is fomid at the Adjuda Library— Codes X 61—Chapter 7—paragraph 40. This translation into English reads as follows :— “ Constantine de Sa de Menezes destroyed these Pagodas, and with the stones thereof made a fortress to close that Port to the Chingala, and as it was not I'arge enough for a battery it also came to have a small garrison. The event of the destructioin of this pagoda was found engraved on a stone and being, authenticated by the Ouvidor of Ceylon after it had been translated by those most learned in ancient letters of the Chingalas, it was sent to His Majesty, and it said as follows :— Manica Raju Bau Emperor of this Lancae erected this pagoda to the god Vidia-mal-manda in the year. (according to the reckoning it comes to be 1300 years before the coming of Christ). There will come a nation called the Franks who will destroy it, and there will be no Kings in this Island to rebuild it once more*. This stone was placed at the gate of the fortress; and there is no doubt that it is the Portuguese who are called Franks ; because the French in past ages were so well known in Syria and tiience their name resounded TRINCOMALIE BRONZES 18^ in all this Asia, they called therein every European "with some corrupted Franguis, as thou^ they were all' French; and it suffices to be white folk and not to wear a cabaya to be called TVanguis by them. Nor can I give any ac¬ count who it was who foretold Hhis truth so distant in futurity to a heathen king ; for if the dedication of the Pagoda implies idolatry ; the prediction of its destruc¬ tion so far implies prohecy, the author of which cannot be manifest to us in the obscure date of the traditions of India. And though CJonstantine de Sa destroyed these pagodas, their worship continued until the time of the General Doni Nuno Alurez Pereira, when the last Ganes and Jedacas who carried it on were beheaded.” The PcMtuguese version dates the origin of the temple to 1300 B. C., Codrington puts it as 2590 B. C. Constantine de Sa, who gave orders for the destruction of the temple, writes as follows :— When I went there to make this Fort, I found this written on the pagoda among many writings which were there, one which ran thus :— .has caused the pagoda to be built. Never¬ theless the time shall come w'hen the nation of the Frangis shall destroy it, and there shall be no king in the Island of Ceylon who shall’ rebuild it anew. The Frangis are the enemy whom we in the whole of the East have.” Search was made for evidence of further inscriptions by examining the rocks used for building the ramparts. None was found. Father Queyroz states in his “ The Temporal and Spiritual Conquest of Ceylon ” that these inscriptions were examined by a committee of investigators and transla¬ tions were sent to the Kiing of Portugal. A search is now being organised with the assistance of the Indian Envoy at Lisbon for evidence of further inscriptions. It is impossible to state the period to which these inscriptions belonged and whether these were in Sanskrit, Pali, Singhalese or Tamil. The rock inscriptions now available are three in numbw. Two slabs with the Pandyan insignia with Ta-mil letters at the 186 TAMIL CULTURlS arch way of Fort Frederick and a fragment of an inscribed door jamb found in 1944 by the British Army Service Corps, whilst digging a reservoir in Fort Frederick. Codrington and Rasanayagam give the follbwing trans¬ lation of the Tamil inscriptions at the entrance of the Fort:— “ O King! the Portuguese shall later break down the holy edifice built by Kulakkodan in ancient times, and it shall not be rebuilt nor will future kings think of doing so,” Krishna Sastri, the Madras Government Epigraphist, CTamined these inscriptions and stated that the record might belong to the sixteenth century A.D. to judge from the palaeo¬ graphy. The photograph produced cannot substantiate Sastri’s opinion. The pair offish, the accepted insignia of the Pandyan Kings, is. of an earlier date than the sixteenth century, by which time the Pandyan Kingdom had ceased to exist. Cod¬ rington disagrees with Sastri. He states that they were carved in the thirteenth century, when Patawaruman Vira Pandyan It planted the Pandyan flag and insignia at Konamalai. The fragment of the door jamb was examined by Dr. Paranavitane in 1946, who states :— A fragment of an inscribed door jamb found in exca¬ vation within the Fort at Trincomahe was copied. Two stone images of Hindu deities (Luximi and Vishnu) were also found in the same place. The preserved portion of the record contains the first two lines of a .. Sanskrit verse in the Sragdhara metre and its beginning of the third line. It states that in the year Saka 1145 • (Sambhu-puspa), when the sun was in the house of Aries, on the. day of the constellation Hasta and at a time when the Mesa Lagna was in the ascendant, a prince named Codaganga came to Ceylon and had something to do (missing portion) at Gokarma. The details of the date point to Friday, the 14th of April, 1223 A.D. The Mesa Lagna was prevailing in the early hours of the morning.' Codaganga of this inscription cannot be identified with • any prince of that name known to us from other histori¬ cal records of Ceylon or India, The name suggests that I’RINCOMALEE BRONZES 187 he was a scion of the Eastern Ganga dynasty of KAL- INGA, Gokarna figuring in the inscription must be the ancient name of Trincomalie. We know from the Maha- vamsa (Chapter 37 v. 41) that a place of this name in Pali Gokarna existed on the eastern seaboard of Ceylon in ancient times. Sanskrit Gokarna and Pali Gokarna correspond to Singhalese Gona, in which form the name must have been in the use among the Sinhalese popula¬ tion of the area before they were displaced by the Tamils who adopted the old Sinhalese name and pronounced it in their own way. In the Tamil form of the place name, Tirrukonamalai, Tiru (meaning auspicious) may be pre¬ fixed to any name which one wants to honour. Malai means “ hiU ” and the essential part of the name is Kona which is merely the transliteration in Tamil characters of the Sinhalese Gona. The old Sinhalese population of the area must have referred to Trincomalie as Congala.’* —(Ceylon Administration Report—1946. Archaeological Survey of Ceylon). Paravavitana’s interpretation of Kona Malai may eX' plain the origin of the Konesar—^the present name of the tem¬ ple at Swami Rock. Francois Valentyn, the Dutch Historian, refers to a rock inscription. The Dutch would have learnt and have studied this inscription with their usual thoroughness. Valentyn’s reference to this inscription was translated by the Ceylon Government Archivist and reads as follows ;— “The ancient Emperors of Ceylon had built at Trincomalie (which name signifies the equivalent of Tricun’s Hill or the Hill of the Three Temples), a tem¬ ple of unusual size and splendour which was renowned through the whole of India. But in the year 1622 it was destroyed and the stones thereof were used by Constan¬ tine de Saa or some other Portuguese towards the build¬ ing of a fine fortress there. In regard to this temple and the destruction thereof, an ancient prophecy was known among the Singhalese and this was found inscribed on a very old stone in their archaic language. By command of the authorities of Ceylon, it was sent to the King of Kandy and translated as follows by certain learned men —^Manica Raja has reared this temple in honour of the 188 TAMIL CULTURE God Vidomal in the year 1300 ; but a certain nation called the Franks will come and destroy it; but there shall come a king who will build it up again.” {/The Dutch version differs from the Portuguese.) In addition to the search for rock inscriptions, local say¬ ings, traditional tales and recent books on this subject were examined and docketed. A large majority were of recent origin and are of no historical value, Codrington (R.A.S. Vol. XXX) in 1927 cites a rock inscription and translates it as follows :— “ 0 King ! Harken. After a cat^s e5^ed one, the red eyed one, and the smoke eyed one have gone, the figure • will be that of the Northener.’” This translation has been queried by Tamil scholars. The words thane ” vaduanu Codrington translated “ vadu ” as meaning “ vadukan ”—a man of Telugu origin. This is in¬ correct. It means “ it will thrive again.” Besides the inscription slabs, six pillars of the original temple are found on the grounds of Fort Frederick. One is on Swami Rock while the other lies on the compound of the Fort. Apart from the inscriptions seen by the Portuguese and the Dutch and the writings of the Kalveddu (which takes the origin of the temple as far as the pre-Vijaya period—1600 B.C.) the first reference to the temple is by the Hindu psalmist, . Sambandam, who lived in the seventh century. A temple of immense proportions dedicated to Siva was said to have existed thence. This was before the rise of the Chola civiliza¬ tion. The inscription seen at Tiriyaya, twenty-nine miles to the north of Trincomalie, are also helpful in this study. There stands a hill 210 ft. above sea-level and known to the Tamils as Kandasamiraalai. This is the hill of God Skanda and near this hill are scattered the debris of an ancient Buddhist monastery. On the slopes of the hill are some rock caves. Brahmi inscriptions, covering an area of 20 feet by 5 feet of the rock surface, are seen in eleven lines of writing. These writings have been made available to the pub¬ lic by Dr. Paranavitana in the Epigraphia Zeylanica Vol. IV, page 151-160. The script, states Dr, Paranavitana, resembles TRINCOMALIE BRONZES 189 the PaHavB Grantha of about the seventh centur}’’ and it con- tjutts a few Sanskrit inscriptions of this period. Sanskrit in- Btr^MKiDs at Kuccaveli, six miles south of Tiriyay, were trans¬ lated by Dr. Paranavitana. The inscriptions reveal the Pallava mfiuenee in the development of the Sinhalese alphabet in Ceykjn during the sixth and seventh centuries. The political histcry of Ceylon in the seventh century was profoundly in¬ fluenced by the Pallavas as seen from the account of Mana- va mni a (668-703) which is published in the Mahavansa. It is thus conclusive that there was then cultural intercourse between the two countries, though we have no recorded de¬ tails. Indications of these available inscriptions point to the influence of South India under Parameswara Varuam during the latter half of the seventh century. The documents refer to the skill of merchants in navigatuig the sea, and engaging themselves in the bartering of goods, besides possessing a variety of goods laden in sea-faring vessels of diverse sorts. The Pallavas, a South Indian race, who flourished bet¬ ween the fourth and the ninth century, were noted for their architecture in granite and their sea-faring propensities. They were famous for their trading capabilities and travelled by sea to Java and Indo-China. Therefore, the conclusion that Trin- comalie was an intermediate port can be definitely established. The Pallavas were mainly Buddhists, but some were Hindus. The Hindu section worshipped Siva at the Konesar Temple and showered their wealth in their zeal and religious emotion. The Buddhist section on the other hand enclosed the relics of the Buddha at Giri Kanda Chaitiya- at Teriaye a few miles north. On the arrival of the Portuguese, the Buddhists and Hindus practised their religious rituals side by side. Constan¬ tine de Sa used the words “ Manica Raj Bau ”, the Empesror of Lancava. The words liave a Singhalese rather than a Tamil tone. The statues of Vishnu and Luximi excavated' inside the' Fort near the site of the original tank in 1944 show Pallava sculpture. The pillai's available for inspection today are defi¬ nitely of Pallava style. Tradition, oral and written, states that the Konesar Temple had a thousand pillared haU and a batliing tank. This tank can be discerned on- descending into the well by the side of the present Tennis Court inside Fort Frederick. The tales of Sarabasivam in Tamil utilised for a 190 TAMIL CULTURE) serial story in English by Isaac Thambiah, give details of the temple ceremonies during the time when the Portuguese were preparing to loot and destroy the temple. Eleven brass lamps were lit on New Year Day in 1624, when a Fifth Column form attack was engineered by the Portuguese. Emissaries and soldiers dressed as Hindu priests entered the colossal temple during New Year Day ceremonies in the year 1624. The pro¬ cessional statues of Siva and Par\’ati, in a chariot, (perhaps, the one which j^ou see now), came down the hill on its way to the town. The temple was deserted by the crowd who flocked to the town to see the chariot. Portuguese pirates started their plunder. All the available gold, brass, copper, silks and jewels were looted. The priests and serfs, who re¬ mained in the temple premises, were mercilessly slaughtered. Pandemonium resulted. Some priests escaped, carrying with them whatever images and temple ornaments they could save. The seven articles under survey may have either been thrown into the sea or carried down the hill for a distance of 500 yards and buried for safety. The theory of burial is more likely be¬ cause, when the workmen discovered these statues of stand¬ ing and seated Siva and standing Parvati, they were buried with the base upwards and face and head downwards. If these articles were thrown into the sea and diafted towards the shore, the statues would have embedded themselves with the base down and head upwards. A site plan of the temple was dis¬ covered in July, 1952, after an intense search, at the National Library at Lisbon. This is the work of Robert Assende and shows three temples at this summit. These three temifles have been described by Rodrigo de Sa, the son of Constantino de Sa. An English translation is available in the R.A.S. Journal of 1889 and the translation runs as follows :— “ On the first rise to the summit of the rock was a pagoda, another at mid ascent, and the most famous of them all on the highest eminence, w’hich was looked upon and worshipped with great superstition by crowds of wondering pilgrims, and for this reason was more cele¬ brated then for the building itself and the beauties of its architecture.” Rodrigo de Sa himself never visited Ceylon and there¬ fore this information must have been conveyed to him by eye >;>X: Inscription on Fort Frederick TRINCOMALIE BRONZES 191 witnesses. The destruction of the Konesar Temple was the biggest loot of one of the richest temples in South East Asia. Gold, pearls, precious stones and silks collected for more than fliousand five hundred years were robbed within a few hours. But the Axe of Siva and the Deer of Deception fell on the head of Constantine de Sa. The map by Resende of the town of Trincomalie may have been drawn in 1620 before Constan¬ tino de Sa arrived in the town. St. Stephen's Church built by the Portuguese and the Konesar Temple still survives. This proves the belief that the Catholic clergy at this time strongly r^udiated the conduct of the Portuguese soldiers and sailors. The Church warned the Portuguese against destruction and plunder. Fr. QuejToz laments in his book “ The Temporal and ^iritual Conquest of Ceylon " the morals and the behaviour of the Portuguese militia. But the advice of the Catholic Church was unheeded by Constantino de Sa. De Sa gave orders for the destruction and loot of the iomple. The stern hands of Siva fell on de Sa's career who was then the Viceroy Designate of Portuguese India. The Hindu artist portrayed Siva as a stern task master. There are seen the Battle Axe in one hand and the deer of deception in the other. Mercy is shown to those who crave for mercy and act righteously and prudence is advised when it is necessary in life. The law of cause and effect must be worked out. The fifth column me¬ thods adopted by the Portuguese for destruction and loot were practised immediately by the Sinhalese and Tamils. Hindus and Buddhists joined hands to avenge the destruction of Kone¬ sar Temple. Those who escaped slaughter at the hands of Constantino de Sa’s army,, joined his force and acted as fifth columnists within the Portuguese militia. Within six years of the destruction of Konesar Temple, de Sa and his army were enticed to enter the jungles around Badulla under the pretext of conquering the Kandyan Kingdom.. De Sa’s Cey- kmese fifth columnists turned on every Portugese soldier and slaughtered the entire army to a man. The number thus slaughtered including Constantine de Sa was estimated at 2900. It is true that the philosophers do not condemn nor pronounce judgment on things by their results, but only by the causes and beginnings, because the former are due IP TAMIL CULTURje to fortune, or rather to Providence, which governs and disposes all things according to Its Will; but the latter are formed by man's own reason, and begun according to the care he takes as to the best means to bring about success.” (Journal of the \ oL XI 1889-90. 1894 page ^). Thus wi’ites his son, Rodrigo de Sa. as an apologia for his father’s indiscretions. The red-eyed rcwtuguese domination of Ceylon began to totter after the destruction of the Konesar Temple and the regime gave way to the cat’s eyed DuCch. As long as the Dutch were in possession of Trincomalie, no ceremonial of any kind was permitted to take place at Swami Rock. When the British displaced the Dutdi in 1795 the cat’s eyed people disappeared and the smoke-eyed people became the masters of Trincomalie. From the writings of Gunner Alexander, a British Soldier of the Roj-al ArtRery in 1803, stationed at Trincomalie, it is evident that the Hindus were permitted to perform the religious ceremonies at Swami Rock although their temple was razed to the ground. The British never interfered with the religious rituals although the British gun emplacements were only a few yards away from the site of worship. Sir Emerson Tennent with his characteris¬ tic genius for observation and description writes forty years later :— “ lu the earlier portion of their career in Ceylon the Portuguese showed the utmost indifference to the posses¬ sion of Trincomalie ; but after the appearance of the Dutdi on the coast and the conclusion of an alliance bet¬ ween them and the Emperor of Kandy, Constantino de Sa, in 1622 alarmed at the possibility of these dangerous rivals forming establishments in the Island, took posses¬ sion of the two ports of Batticaloa and Trincomalie, and ruthlessly demolished the “ Temple of a Thousand Columns”, in order to employ its material in fortifying the heights in which It stood. Some of the idols were rescued from this desecration, and conveyed to the Pagoda of Tamblegam ; but fragments of carved stone-work and slab bearing inscriptions in ancient character, are still to be discerned in the walls of the Fort, and on the platform |or the guns. teiNCOMALIE BRONZES idd The scene of this sacrilege is stiH held in the pro- foundest veneration by the Hindus. Once in each year, a procession, attended by crowds of devotees, who bring offerings of fruits and flowers, repairs, at sunset, to a spot where the rock projects above the ocean—^a series of cere¬ monies is performed, including the mysterious breaking of a cocoanut against the cliff ; and the officiating Brahmin concludes his invocation by elevating a brazen censer above his head filled with inflamable materials, the light of which, as it bums, is reflected far over the sea.”— (Tennents’ Ceylon II p. 484-485). In 1940—^nearly a century later—^Lt. Col. C. P. Thomas of the Royal Artilery, Commandant of Fort Frederick, states in his book on Trincomalie. published bv the “ Times of Cey¬ lon”:—_ “ The stoiy of Trincomalie begins as far back in the dim ages that much of it is lost, and what remains is in the form of i)oetry and legends. It is not surprising, therefore, that some of them are hard to believe, but like all great stories the world over they are founded on facts. There is a legend here-abouts that a European soldier defiled by his presence the tenipte on the Rock. It is said that the soldier can be sedn by the faithful, who still hold their ceremonies on Swarai Rock. He can be seen in the ruins of the old temple down under the sea when the Priest, sacrificing holds the torch over the edge of the pre¬ cipice at dusk.” Spiritualists, European and Asian, who visit Fort Frede¬ rick, explain this phenomenon easily. The European soldier’s spirit is that of ^nstantino de Sa mourning the destiny of the Portugu^ Empire. The bronzes which were e.xcavated in 1950 were taken in procession to every town and village in Ceylon. A million people came to see them, some through faith and many through curiosity. Rs. 35,000 was collected towards re-build¬ ing tlie 3500 year-old temple. The contributions came in one cent and five cent pieces from the poorest and lowliest. They pame ip thousands to look at ^Siva, who had disappeared for . . TAMIL CULTURE! three hundred and twenty-five years and re-appeared accord¬ ing to a prophecy when the smoke-eyed people returned the Island to their rightful owners. Ceylon was granted in¬ dependence in 1947 and the statues appeared in 1950. In Feb¬ ruary, 1952, the island-wide tour of Siva was coming to an end and a hastily built shrine inside Fort Frederick at the sum¬ mit of Swami Rock was ready to house the statues. The commandant of the Fort and the British Garrison were ready to welcome the pilgrims, when suddenly a gloom was cast over Fort Frederick. King George VI passed away peacefully in his sleep and when the statues were enshrined on the auspi¬ cious date, 23, February, 1952, there was no Kjng in the Island of Ceylon. “ And there shall be no king in the Island of Ceylon who shall rebuild it anew.’—thus this very sentence of the prophecy was fulfilled. It may be a coincidence or it may be ordained. This depends on the! person who interprets these words and examines this prophecy. Prophecies foretold in other parts of the world have a strange similaritij^ to the Trincomalie inscriptions. The art of prophecy cannot be en¬ tirely ruled out as meaningless. It is a phenomenon that science cannot explam. in From authorities quoted the following conclusions may be formulated:— 1. The bronzes excavated belong to the Konesar Temple at Swami Rock. 2. The probable explanation is that they have been buried by the priests during the massacre and loot of the temple on Hindu New Year Day of 1624. 3. The approximate age of the temple—^from the study of Tamil, Portuguese, Dutch and British investiga¬ tors—is 3541 years. 4. It can be inferred that some sort of civilised religion existed in- Ceylon before the birth of Buddha and the arrival of the Buddhist missionaries in the Island. 6. The standing Siva (Chandrasekera) is one of the oldest examples of the earliest Chola metal casting iTRINGJOMAliE BRONZES 195 in the world belonging to probably early tenth cen¬ tury period A.D. The seated Siva and the seated female figure, the standing Parvati and Ganapathi, are examples of the latest Chola and Vijayanagar art of the fifteenth century. The Trisulam is of the Pallava style and is the oldest example existent, of this type, perhaps, belonging to the early tenth cen¬ tury. The age of the lamp top and the figure of the bird cannot be determined. There is definite Vijaya¬ nagar influence in the sculpture of the seated Siva and Parvati. The artists have been influenced by the sculpture of Buddhist art in Ceylon. The possibility that these bronzes were cast in Ceylon cannot be ruled out. 6. The jewellery in the fifteenth century bronzes has set a standard for the modem jewellery worn by the people of Ceylon. 7. Every race in the world, ever since the Egyptians, has contributed its views on God in the field of art. The Konesar Temple being one of the oldest sites of wordbip in the world, contemporary with the Mohen- jodaro Civilization has been the source of many forms of religious ritual.. Definite historical! evidence points to that of the Pallavas date from the 4th century. These bronzes were probably installed by the Cholas who worshipped God Siva in the early tenth century. The trident is definitely very early Cholian in type ' with Pallava influence and belongs to the early tenth century. The temple with different period bronzes was expanded by the Pandyans and later by the merch¬ ants who traded between India, Java and China. Trincomalie, at the advent of the Portuguese, had a local Chieftain who owed allegiance to the King of Kandy and who was a Hindu by religion. He was captured by Constantino de Sa and sent to Goa. The Trincomalie finds have not yet revealed the metal art of Siva Nadarajah—the cosmic wheel of life—• portraying the drum of creation, the joy of life and movement, the pang of destruction, the triumph of 196 I'AMIL CULTURE the righteous and the defeat of evil. A search for this is still being conducted. The Polonnaruwa finds have given an example of it. The intense search in Trin- comalie is bound to reveal this bronze. This one piece casting is universally acclaimed as a master¬ piece of metal art the world had produced. As obsei-ved by Ananda Coomarasamy “the Na- tarajah tj-pe is one of the great creations of Indian art, a perfect visual image of Becoming, an adequate complement and contrast to the Buddha type of Pure Being. The movement’ of the dancing figure is so ad¬ mirably balanced that while it fills all space, it seems nevertheless to be at rest, in the sense that a spin¬ ning top or a gyrostat is at rest.” According to the prophecy, the red-eye, the cat’s eye and smoke-eyed people have made their contri¬ bution. A new Konesar Temple of the twentieth century artistic genius is rising from its ashes to in¬ spire the people of Ceylon again to contribute their share to human welfare and civilization. THE KALVEDDTJ (From Yalapana Vaipawa Malai by C. Brito 1879) Translated by Brito from Tamil ■written by MaUvaganam ia 1739. Kalveddu literally means an inscription upon a rock. It is now applied to all records of remarkable events whether carved on stone or written on less durable substance. There is one relating to the temple of Isvaran of Trincomalie which is unquestionably a work of great antiquity, but it bears evident marks of having received additions from time to time up to a very recent dates. The following is a brief summary of its contents. “This work is composed partly in poetry and partly in prose by the poet KaVi-rasa-varothyan. It relates how Rama Deva, the son of Manu-nithikanda-Cholan of the solar race, visited Trincomalie, and after him hiis son Kulak-kodd^n came t'KlNCOMALlE BRONZES 19^ and repaired the temple and its towers, built the terraced halfe, and made the sin-dispelling well. For the continuance of the service of Isvaran he brought 51 families from Karai and Marungkar in Chola; and invited Thani-yunnappupalan of the lunar race (a Vanniyan from ’Madura) and appointed him king over the new colony. These he finished on Monday the 10th of Idapam in the year of Kali-yukam 512. And four years afterward he built the never failing tank and filled it with the water of the Mahavali ganga sufiicient to irrigate a paddy¬ sowing-extent of 17,000 amunams”. Kulnkkoddan lays dovm the duties of the temple and assigns a portion to each of the 51 families. His injunction to the Vanniyan is given thus : ‘‘Take life for life, for less heinous offences, imprison¬ ment, stocks and lashes. If dancing girls commit an offence, exact a penalty of conoanuts ; in the case of other wome^, them, or make them carry loads of sand according to rank. Forsake not the law of Manu. Anger is sin. Your neighbour’s wife is your mother. Follow truth, eschew falsehood. ‘Do no cyil, help the poor, do not give way to pride. Beside the tax of the lands which I have planted and given to the people, I assign the customs-due also to the temple,” KULAKKODDAN’S PROPHECY “A time will come in the distant future when the services of the temple will be neglected. But Gajabahu'from Anuraja- puram will dedicate more lands to the temple and restore its services to their original glory. After a long interval, the ser¬ vices will be transferred to Kalanimalai owing to the incur¬ sions of the Parangkis. The Parangkis will be overcome by the Hollander. The leonine solar dynasty of Ceylon will then be dismissed. The Vadukan (Tamil) will reign over all Cey¬ lon, but the Hollanders will snatch a small portion of his ter¬ ritory from him, A new power will overthrow the Hollanders and befriend the Vadukar, and; the two friendly powers will restore tlie worship of the temple. After this, will come Sing- kam to govern the whole Ceylon. [Here follows a description Qf the various works which Kulakkoddan executed.] 198 TAMIL CULTURE DEATH OF KULAKKODDAN After the most solemn warning to the people to keep up the services of the temple, he went into the holy of holies and loos absorbed into the deity. Whether this is a prophecy or a shrewd guess the events foretold have happened. The last three kings of Kandy were Tamils. The power referred to in the prophecy, the English have granted independ¬ ence to Ceylon and the Lion Flag is flying to-day. The following authorities have been consulted for this paper:— 1. Natioinal Museum Lisbon—^Descriptive Maps and Charts of India. Robert Berreto de Resende—^year of publication not known. 2. The Temporal and Spiritual Conquest of Ceylon Vol. I, 11, III by Fr. Fernao de Queyroz, published by Government Printer Ceylon. 1930. 3. Ceylon by Sir Emerson Tennent, 1860. 4 . Journal R.A.S.C.B.—1890 page 527-535. 5. Memoirs of the Colombo Museiun Series A No. 1 Bronzes of Ceylon by Ananda Coomarasamy. 6. Bulletin of the Madras Government Museum by F. A. Grave¬ ly, D.Sc., T. N. Ramachandran M.A., 1932 Government Press, Madras. 7. Epigraphia 2^ylanica—^Vol. II 1928—1933. Vol. rV 1934—1941. 8. The History of Trincomalie by Lt.-Col. J. P. Thomas R.A., (pub¬ lished by the "Times of Ceylon”) 1940. 9. Three Antique Bronze Statues of Tara from Ceylon by P. E. P. Deraniyagala —Spolia Zeylanica 26 pt. 2—1951. 10. Indian Art—Edited by Sir Richard Winsted. 11. Indian Metal Sculpture—^by Chintemani Kar. TAMILIANA-NEWS & NOTES MEDIUM OF INSTRUCTION (Here is one view on the medium of instruction at Uni¬ versity level). What should be the medium of instruction in the Univer¬ sity o:f Madras and its Colleges? This is the subject-matter of many a heated discussion among college teachers. Those in favour of English point out:— that a thorough knowledge of English is important as a “ window " towards the world outside India ; that it is more important to study English than Tamil, bemuse Tamilians “ know Tamil anyhow ”; that there are not enough textbooks in Tamil; that Tamil lacks certain technical terms; that Tamil is a language that has not kept pace with the development of science, etc., so that many things simply cannot be expressed in Tamil at alL' Those in favour of Tamil say:— that Tamil is the mother-tongue of the majority of the people within the area of the University of Madras and that the mother-tongue should always have the first place, before any other language ; I that Tamil is a highly developed language, in which everything can be expressed; when necessary, new technical terms can be invented, or international terms be “ borrowed ” ,* that in certain aspects Tamil has not kept pace with modern developnaent, it is exactly because English has been the medium of instruction; English has been allowed to stifle Tamil; the only remedy is to introduce Tamil as the medium of instruction : that enough books can be translated into Tamil in a short time; 200 TAMIL CULTURE that the introduction of Tamil as the mecUim of in¬ struction would inspire the writing of original text¬ books in Tamil. Some of the arguments on both sides are good, but some are not so good. Let me give the view-points of a “ nori-Eng- lish-speaking ” foreigner. To me it is self-evident that the mother-tongue should be the natural medium of expression. There must be something definitely wrong with the self-respect of a nation where many educated people express themselves better in a foreign lan¬ guage than in their own mother-tongue. The mother-tongue is one of a people’s most precious possessions. It is a mistake that we “ know our mother-tongue any¬ how Every educated person should cultivate and develop his mother-tongue through eager and hard study and practice. The Engl^h, the French, etc., do not neglect their language. That great master of French’prose, Voltaire, once said about French : “ C * est une chienne de langue ; je ne 1’ apprendrai jamais (It is a very difficult language ; I shall never learn it.) A civilized language must be capable of expressing any¬ thing. If Tamil is not, it is a sign that it is half dead, and that it is not a minute too early to revive it; not so much to revive the ancient Tamil learning as to put life into the mo¬ dem language and make it develop. There is no harm in incorporating.a few international techni¬ cal terms in Tamil, if necessary. Only there is no reason to use the English form, which sounds definitely strange to the Tamil context. The origin of most technical term is Greek or Latin. Why not use transliteration of the original word, with Tai^ endings etc. ? I felt quite happy some weeks ago, when in a church I heard the pastor speak about Lfl^C?uj/r(^/fi English be undertaken. The novels and ^lort stories of eminent mo¬ dem writers like Kalki (otherwise known as B. Krishnamoorthy), and Mayavi uaars/ia) the series of Ikx^ by K. V. Jegannathan serving as an exposition to Sangam CHassics; the literary works of Dr. M. Varadarajan and the poetical works of Namakkal Ramalingam Pillai. Kavimani Thesikavinayakampillai, Yo^ Shudhananda Bharathiar and Bharitidasan are worth translation. Last. Lessons on Tamil in English be published in your quarterly enabling Western students and other non-Tamil students to learn Tamil easily. Also I humbly and earnestly ask you to publish in your Quarterly Review one request:— Ihe University of London has not approved' Tamil as a Classical Language for purposes of examination. It is unfortunate that the s cho lars and well-wishers of Tamil do not take interest in this import¬ ant problem. I, therefore, request the scholars and well-wishers of Tamil to answer the challenge to our Classical Language. V Point Pedro, Ceylon. V. K. Sivaprakasam. WHERE READERS DISAGREE -Your latest number (Vol. II No. 2) is the most interesting issue you have so far published. S. R. Your latest issue your previous issues. (Vol. II No. 2) did not have as much matter as S. J. NOSTALGIA You cannot imagine how much I long for the arts of India, and would give anything to have a glimpse of a Pallava sculpture or a Chola bronze. Toronto, C^ada. Kay Ambrose. VOL. It NO. ^ & 4s S£:prr£:MB£R losd TAMIL CULTURE A Quarterly Revtew dedicated to the study, of Tandliana •Slatedmen and ^dioiardli ip THE EDITOR T his yh&b we have had occasion to remember two great personalities who were the embodiments of Tamil Cul¬ ture. One died in South India four months ago at the age of sixty -one leaving behind a sense of loss and regret that will ■take many years to diminish. The other died in Ceylon — twenty years ago, and the Tamils in Ceylon are not yet re¬ conciled to the loss they have sustained in his death. The late Sir R. K. Shanmukham Chettiar, and the late Sir Ponnambajam Arunachalam the centenary of whose birth a grateful people celebrate this year, were both statesmen- scholars, both parliamentarians, both patriots and the finest fruits of the ever ancient and ever new culture that is the most precious heritage of the Tamil speaking peoples. Both had by birth, by education, and by circumstance abundant opportunity to serve the cause of the Tamfls and to promote their learning and their cultural heritage, and both used their opportunities so well that today they deserve to be the lu¬ minous examples that "will alter the attitudes of this lethargic and unimpressionable generation. Both considered the causes they represented greater than their own personal interests. Both played their parts in a world context not usually the privilege of those who speak the Tamil tongue. And their understanding of the fundamentals of Tamil Culture was such that both of them, far from being communal, offered their very best to the country and to the common national cause. 222 TAMtL CtTLTTiRE The late Dr. R. K. Shamnukham'CSietty, or R. K. S. as he was bo affectionately referred to by high and low in the Tamil country, devoted himself unstintedly to the cause of Tamil Culture. Tamil Nad has cause to remember him for many brilliant achievements and for a life dedicated to causes dear to his people. As member of the Madras Legislative Council, as a member of the Central Legislative Assembly, as Secretary of the Swarajya pmty, as Dewan of Cochin, as &st Finance Minister of the Republic of India^ he so distinguished hunself by his ability as a parliamentarian, speaker and de¬ bater that he was the pride of the Tamil South. In his visits to the United Kingdom, the United States, Canada, Australia and other countries as member of India’s special delegations and missions, he was at the same time an ambassador of Tamil Culture, He gave such leadership and he was so ^monymous with everything Tamil that the news of his death threw every lover of Tamil Culture into constemnation, for the south had lost its most powerful representative. There was no branch of Tamil learning or no aspect of the life of the Tamil peoples in which he was not interested. He sought to encourage Tamil studies not only in the univer¬ sities of the South, but also in the traditional Tamil manner by a patronage of individual poets, writers and journalists. Even during his last days, he was engaged in a prayerful study of the Periyapuranam in the company of the veteran scholar and commentator, C. K, Subramaniya Mudaliyar. He was aware that the Tamil Revival required a renais- wee in creative writing, in sound scholarship and in the Fine Arts if it was to be of lasting benefit to the inheritors of Tamijl Culture. He waa not only a patron of* literary enter¬ prise but hunself showed the way of a new, ea^ and fresh interpretation to the classics with his annotated edition of the SUappadikaram. One of his greatest desires towards the fulfilment of which he took steps as soon as he accepted the Vice-Chancellorship of. the Annamalai University was to see a critical edition of Kamba Ramayanam.^ He identified himself Vith the Tamil Isai Movement from its very inception, and Statesmen and scholarship 223 J-? i- .. his patronage of the Tamil Arts inspired enthusiasm and co¬ operation among all sections and communities. He was a gr^t lover of his native city, renowned in Tamil ^ history and Tamil literature, Coimbatore, the present status and dignity of which are not a little due to his civic sense and his local patriotism. Above all as a man, he was known for his interest in all communities and persons of every caste and creed, for his fairness, for his tolerance, and for the serene and unruffled equanimity he brought to bear on all controversial questions. Tamil Nad has bred few men in our generation that deserved the praise and tribute of our people as Dr. Shan- mukham Chetty. It has been said that he was the only minister, who like the ideal ministers outlined in our gnomic verses, could stand up to, advise or admonish the uncrowned king that is the present Prime Minister of India. It cannot be regretted enough that men and man-made circumstances did not permit him to serve longer in the interests of the Republic of India. He was the one who with the advent of a Tamil State would have been its undisputed leader. His pre¬ mature demise is tragic for Tamil Nad. ♦ ♦ ♦ , Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam was one of those few refined scholars of this century to whom it has been given to sound the depths of Tamil wisdom and enjoy ihe heights of beauty attained by Tamil literature and the Tamil Fine Arts. With the background of his Western education and with the aid of this knowledge of Greek, Latin, and Sanskrit, Tiot to mention English and French, Sir Arunachalam had the en¬ viable advantage of appraising the value and place of Tamil Culture in the context of World Culture. His Tamil learning was not in a little measure responsible for the deep-seated Jove he had for the progress and prosperity of Ceylon and the Tamil speaking peoples of Ceylon. While his brilliant career as a statesman and patriot is familiar to the i>eople of Ceylon, they are not. so familiar with the aspect of his life that represents his scholarship and his devotion to Tftmil studies, Many of his speeches reveal a mind steeped taImil culture in the traditional Tamil lore, and the classicism of his lang¬ uage and the brevity, precision and unction characteristic of his style, were not a little due to his familiarity with Tamil poets. As President of the Royal Asiatic Society (Ceylon Branch) and as President of the Ceylon University Associa¬ tion, he contributed greatly to the cultural life of the island and to creating interest in Tamiliana. There is no better evidence of his scholarship, of his vast erudition and of his interest in his mother tongue than the voliune from his pen modestly entitled ** Studies and Translations, Philosophical and Religious*', (The Colombo Apothecaries Co. Ltd. 1937). The studies unfold a variety of topics but in each one of them the reader will note a thorough and critical examination of the subject matter. Whether he speaks of Eastern ideals in education or finds Hellenic me- niories in the purity of line and the perfection of proportion in the Siva temple of Polonaruwa or traces the history of the worship of Muruka in Ceylon, Sir. P. Arunachalam is endowed with an erudition and poise that even professional scholars may envy. His translations of poems from the Purananuru, of Nakkirar, of Manikka Vachakar, Tayumanavar, are classi- ca) renderings of poems that influenced his life and fired his imagination. Fot the benefit of readers vdio may not have an occasion to read Sir P. Arunachalam’s book, we give below a few para¬ graphs of his commentary on the second poem of Purananuru, while apologising on behalf of our printers who regret that just now .they are unable to reproduce passages in the original Greek. The poem is a panegyric addressed to the munificent Cera king, Utiyancheralatan Who is said to have fed the armies of the Pandavas and Kauravas of the Mahabharatha war. “ It is interesting to compare the poem " says Sir Aruna¬ chalam, “with similar odes of a nearly contemporary Latin poet, Horace, who, in the opinion of Quintilian, “ almost alone of lyrists is worthy to be read ”, and w}iose odes, more than STATESMEN AND SCHOLARSHIP 225 any other of his writings, display, as a later critic haa said, the charm of " exquisite aptness of language and a styje per¬ fect for fulness of suggestion, combined with brevity and grace.” Take, e.g., the panegyrics addressed to the Emperor Augustus (Odes 14 and 15 of Book IV). Compare OMUtAruAcu LftmfiA tuiraiwr mniuiS Qur(W}p “ Warrior-king of the good land of wealth ever new in whose western sea of the white-headed ocean the sun bom in thy sea laves,” with Latinum nomen et Italae . Crevere vires famaque et imperi Porrecta majestas ad ortus Solis ab Hesperio cubili. “ The glory of Latinum and the might of Italy grew and the renown and majesty of the empire was extended to the rising of the sun from his chamber in the west.” “Wealthever new,” an allusion to the wealth yielded by the sea (pearls, fish, salt, &c.) and by commerce with foreign nations whose vessels frequented the king’s ports. “ The ‘ white ’ headed ocean ” flashes on the mind some such scene as described in the Iliad (IV, 422 et seq.). “ As when on the echoing beach the sea-wave lifteth up itself in close array before the driving of the! west wind, out on the deep does it first raise its head, and then breaketh upon the land and belloweth loud and goeth widi arching crest about the promontories and speweth the foaming brine afar.” ** ^•aaB 0 &iru L/rsQ woiuvOjtrQ “ WrOth with the FivO (heroes) of the horses of tossing mane ”, suggests hprsemen in battle with a vividness combining that of Homer’s— i’AMIL CULTURiS ^^l^peedeth at the gallop across the plain exulting, and holdeth his head on high and his mane is tossed about his shoulders ” (/kad VI, 510), with Horace’s Impiger hostium Vexare turmas et frementem Mittere equum medios per ignes. " Swift to overthrow the enemy’s squadrons nnd drive the neighing charger through the midst of the fires.” The “large-eyed does” with their “wee-headed fawns” slumbering peacefully on the mountains by the li^t and warmth of the hermit’s fires — exquisitely beautiful as a picture — are suggestive of the confidence and security with which the king’s subjects live under his rule. The Tamil poet, moreover, strikes a higher spiritual note than Horace. While the Roman dwells on the glories of Augustus gained in the battle field and by the extension, of his empire, and on his achievements as civil administrator and guardian of the public peace and morals, the other poet, touch¬ ing on these, passes on to nobler graces of character, forgiveness of injuries and steadfastness in the pursuit of high ideals.’* « « ♦ « Every commemoration of such illustrious embodiments of Tamil Culture cannot but remind us of the pitiful state of Tamil leadership of lack of leadership that we experience to¬ day. Though students and scholars ought to develop an attitude of disinterestedness in politics yet the course of culture is so bound up with political conditions and trends tiiat even a quar¬ terly jotirnal such as ours cannot but regret the x>oor leadership that is so marked in Tamildom. In the political, educational, economic and social fields, the Tamils seem to show a remark¬ able aptitude to be camp-followers and opportunists.. Om stu¬ dents show a painful disregard for excelling in studies ; and ex¬ hibit a want of initiative and courage, two compelling qualities necessary for progress. Statesmanship and scholarship that formed a delightful combination in the two distinguished Tamils about whom we have written seem conspicuously ab¬ sent in most of those who aspire t^ leadership among the ^ATESMEN AND SCitOLARSfflP ^27 Tamils. Our leaders should be endowed with the vision that is the result of travel and a study of history, with the ex¬ perience that is the gift of a knowledge of men and books, with the outlook that is the result of learning and wisdom. Leadership and mediocrity seem to have joined hands to the great detriment of Tamil culture. It is necessary at this juncture of our history that our statesmen be scholars as well for it is then that they will realise the greatness of their c allin g and the role they are expected to play in passing on to the next generation the ac¬ cumulation of our past cultural achievements. The world of the present does go on changing, the culture our time progresses; yet the role played in this evolution by what was accompli^ed through generations which have gone before, is severely under-estimated. Unless our (lead&s are aware of the ‘heritage that is theirs and the heritage of which) they are the custodians, they will hardly play fair by the people they represent. In Sir Shanmukam Chetty and in Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam they have inspiring examples. May we continue to have such statesmen-scholars. Exoriare aliquis. ^our ^ulidcrlplton for 1954 "Tamil Culture*’ is being published in the interests of everything Tamil. It is not lucrative business. The subscription is kept at the low figure of Rupees Five per year. You can help us by renewing your subscription for 1964 immediately. The 1954 January number (Volume III, No. I) will be sent only to those who shall have renewed their subscriptions"~ before the end of December 1953. Please renew your subscription immediately; else no copy will be printed for you in 1954. Send Rupees Five to either of these addresses ' The Colombo Book Centre, Colombo, Ceylon. The Tamil Literature Society, Tuticorin, South India. cjCiterature in From the 16th to the IBth Century Rt. Rev. Dr. EDMUND PEIRIS, o.m.i. I'N 1505, eight years after Vasco da Gama had doubled the A Cape of Good Hope, a Portuguese fleet undw a young nobleman, called Lourenco de Almeida, the son of the first Viceroy of India, cast anchor in the roadstead of Colombo. With the permission of the King of Kotte, then the Western Emgdom of Ceylon, he built near the harbour a trading place or factory and, leaving a few soldiers there, departed to India. In 1518, the Portuguese returned to Colombo, and, this time, they erected a fortress. A Franciscan Friar looked after the spiritual interests of this little colony. Six years later they abandoned the fort, on account of the opposition of the in¬ habitants; some soldiers however went with their chaplain to live with the friendly king of Kotte. This Friar and a priest, sent by the king of Portugal to minister to the Portuguese who still lived in Colombo, began to speak to the people about Christianity and made the first converts. Rut organized missionary work did not start until 1543, when four Fran¬ ciscans under Friar Joao de Villa de Conde came to Ceylon, on the invitation of the Sinhalese King. Such were the be¬ ginnings of Christianity on the western coast of Ceylon, where the Sinhalese predominate. There is, however, evidence to show that Franciscan missionaries had carried the Gospel message to the northern districts of the Island as early as 1530. Here again, the movement towards CSiristianity did not begin till 1543. The The Rt. Rev. Dr. Edmiuid Peiris, ojcj., litenuy critic historian, ia Bishop of Chilaw, Geylon,' ^0 TAMIL CULTURE people of the island of Mannar embraced Christianity under the inSuence of St. Fi’aiicis Xavier and proved their constancy by-laying down their lives for the Faith. Their blood spoke and the inhabitants of the Jaffna peninsula listened to the message of Christ. The people of the North of Ceylon are Tamils and belong, both racially and culturally, to .the great Dravidian block of South India. Christianity found them adherents of an ancient religious system, sprung from the soil, and deeply rooted in the allegiance of millions, enriched with a’literature venerable and vast and well developed, observed in a minute daily ritual and hallowed by every form of art. The missionary, who came among such a people had to know their language not only to converse with them but also to announce and explain and defend the doctrines of Christi¬ anity. It is easy enough nowadays for a new comer to learn the languages of a missionary country ; but in those pioneer days there were no books and he had to learn by the slow and painful direct method. He had also to discover or invent suitable terms to express accurately the ideas, often intricate, of Christian philosophy and theology. Then, there was the problem of harnessing for the service of the Church all that was best and noblest in the existing cultm-e. Among the missionaries, however, there W’ere not a few whose culture and spirit of critical study and scientific research, enabled them to master the vernaculars. The first European missionary in Ceylon to grasp the intricacies of Tamil grammar was Fr. Anrrique Anrriques, s.j., sometimes called Henry Henrjlquez. He was born in 1520, entered the Society of Jesus on the 8th of October 1545 and set out for India in 1546. He began the study of Tamil on the recommendation of St. Francis Xavier and the encourage¬ ment of St. Ignatius Loyola. From 1661 to 1564, he was in Mannar, and, in 1566 became the head, of the Tamil Univer¬ sity set up at Punnaikayal, w'here he had as assistant Brother Pero Luis, a Brahmin convert of his, the-first Indian to be received into the Society of Jesus. This Brother had been TAMIL CATHOLIC UTERATURE IN CEYLON 231 with him for a time at Mannar, helping him in his literary wwk. In the midst of his missionaiy labours, Fr. Anrriquez wrote a Tamil Grammar and Vocabulary for the use of Mis- sionaiies and translated into Tamil a Method for Confession, a Life of Saints and the Christian Doctrine of Marcos Jorge adding to it a method of instruction by Question and answer. A copy in Tamil of his “Vitae Christ! Domini, Beatissimae Virgims et aliorum Sanctorum ”, sent to Rome in 1602, is now in the Bibliotheca Vaticana. (rf. The Jesuits in Ceylon by Fr, S. G. Perera, s.j., pp. 18,19,156,157; Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies, London, Vol. 3, PL I, p..l44). To print his works, a Spanish Jesuit Lay Brother, called Joao Gon¬ salves, set up at Cochin in 1577 a printing press, which was later perfected by Fr. Joao de Faria, a distinguished name in Indo-Portuguese architecture, (rf. Missionary Pioneers and Indian iMngvages by Dahlmann, SJ., p. 7). In a letter written from Mannar on the 19th of December 1561, Ft. Anrriquez speaks of an attempt made by him to provide his converts with canticles, composed by a Tamil Christian in Colombo under the inspiration of Friar Joao de Villa de Conde. “ In Ceylon,” he says, “ there is a Malabar (i.c., Tamil) singer, a Christian, with whom a Franciscan Friar, named Friar Joao de Vila de Conde, has some dealings with regard to a prose catechism in the manner of canticles, which they are wont to learn in schools, and also other Can¬ ticles, in praise of GOD and of the Blessed Virgin Mary, w'hich they are accustomed to sing like what our orphans sing. It is some time since this singer had composed them, and knowing that Pearl Fishery is taking place here, he sent to the Pattangatins and the chief men what he had composed and for which he had already been rewarded by the said Friar Joao. The Christians were very pleased to hear of such a Catechism and Canticles, which are now being sung through¬ out this place, and they fixed 50 cruzados (gold coins). More¬ over, some young men with good voices, who learnt these canticles sing them in certain parts ■ where the Christians assemble ., . The said Friar Joao himself wrote to me to see 232 TAMIL CULTURE whether there were errors and whether they could be printed, for which reason, I think there are errors in the canticles which I cannot find, because of the obscure Malabar, which I do not understand nor is commonly spwken ; and, as there was ^dth the said Friar Joao a Priest of the country who knew Latin well and something of the making of canticles, I wrote to ask him to come here, so that we mi^t amend them together. The Malabar Father wrote to me that, if I sent him a mes¬ sage to this effect, he would see about the Catechism and that, after the corrections, it would be excellent and should be printed.” But there is no further information available on this interesting work. ■We are, however, more fortunate with regard to two other Tamil poetical works of the Portugu^ period j one is the Ondnap-Pallu Q^ef^uudr(^) and the other Santiogu Mdior Ammdnai uurQujir^ ^thinirBssr). They are in print, although the copies are somewhat rare. The Santiogu Mdior Ammdnai is perhaps -the oldest CatKolic vCTnacular literary work extant in Ceylon. It .was composed in 1647 by *' the learned Pedro of the race of the Aryas ”, who had been converted to Christianity by Fr. Joao Carvalho, S.J., and baptised in the Church of Sfe. Peter and Paul at TeUipalai, in the Jaffna peninsula. The purpose of the poem is to celebrate the famous ^ine of St. James the Great at Kilali. All this is stated in the Preface to the poem, written by a pupil of the author. In the body of the poem the author gives his sources and a glimpse of the fame of the shrine in his time. The relevant passage is worth reproducing here, especially as a specimen of the poet's craft. uireArif,^ uir^/rsar QojGorQ tQ(i^/pu uirwirtj njtorpfSirS' Qeujj/Lo QgueirQth QufiCStJKi-ssm ^fSuursa’ sirfituirseir ^vJtQfB^eoiriB spjnaaripjp Jtfpu Lfpf^turQeSsir fisir^fSlaj iFirpjpQQpiir QesCju^^ffr, TAMIL CATHOLIC LITERATURE IN CEYLON 233 tuiTL^u^iQuiSd v/S ihSesiUi^ JSTtii u«^iu er^^iR^tnsajirs sB&riiiSuj UT^uLJS'esx tM^di us^^&ifLJ u&r a^Qg/ gB//A Sif^dStSQ& QsTuiurf^iu Q/b QfOri OojLL^/s^^jit^Bireua'aaf fSUiiSd^ ^anutjs^ enmjs^ fldceiireiijjp^^p^ O^uf. ^(syFeQss eurpeurs^jE (ofisjpuh ^earpp peuth Qa^iuOsuS^ui j jn Qldiu • 0^£j (Ssiri^ Qa^esriBsed^iBOs euir^n'S^ f^ajLtp eBiB(^ Qj^piTT ^ens^iLfpjpis Q^iLupp(^ •** ••• ••• ••• ••« ^ibss seSatp Qrtutjp jpcsfi^pQesr ^uiUttrSb^. The tranidation: " Gentle readers, the descendants of the Parathar liying in Pandik-karai have composed the story of the worshipful Santiago in the viruttam metre. And many other learned people have also written important notices on the same subject. Having made a study of all these works, I am relating this story for the sake of the public at large in a manner that will be easily understood. Santiago who mount¬ ed on a bounding steed and wearing a glorious coat of armour, protects us his wor^ippers, works mdeed innumerable mira¬ cles for the comfort of all those who go to honour him in the excellent church reverently built for him by the faith of the members of the * Companha de Jesus' at Elali in the Pachi- laipaly Pattu of illustrious Jaffna. Oores of people are coming here on account of the wonders wrought in this place. I have endeavoured to recount this choice story to satisfy the desire of those who hopefully flock to this place.” (rf. Ceylon Antiquary and lAterary Register, vol. 3, yt. Hi, pp. 187-192). The work is divided into 65 sections each headed by one or more viruttam, a species of quatrain in various forms. The work was in manuscript until 1894, when it was printed for the first time at the “ Atchuveli Gnaua-prakasa Pr^ ”, Jaffna. The text, without any comment or critical notes, was printed again in 1930. 234 TAMIL CULTURE The Gndnap-pallu belongs to the same period. Rev. Fr. S.'Gnana Prakasar, o.m.i., gives the following .description of this poem. “ The author’s name is not known. The date of the composition, however, is made out to be between 1644 and 1650 or a little later. For the author says he composed the poem with the help and at the instance of the Jesuit Father Sebastiao Fonseca, who is known from other sources to have been in Ceylon between 1644 and 1650. (rf. Catalogxts Ope- rariorum S. J. Qui in Ceylana .. .by Fr. L. B.ease, SJ., p. 21). Pallu or Ulatipdddu {e-Lp^^uiriLQ) is one of the 96 conven¬ tional kinds of literary composition in Tamil called Piraban- dam. It is a species of pastoral in two sorts of verse, the dntu or l 3 n-ic songs and viruttam (e9(T^^^ih) or quatrains. It has to comprise some 40 items which are detailed in Beschi’s Tonnul iii, 283. In Gndnap-pallu or ‘spiritual pastoral* we have (1) Invocation to GOD, (2) Enter Pallan, representing Jesus Christ, and the older and younger PaUis, representing Jerusalem and Rome respectively, (3) Eulogy of Jerusalem and of Rome, (4) Fertility of the two lands eulogised, (5) the praises of the Triune GOD and of the Incarnate Word, (6) Prayer for rain, (7) Description of clouds and of rain . . ., (8) The song of the kail or Indian cuckoo, (9) Enter the Pro¬ prietor of the^elds — GOD, the Father, (10) The Proprietor hnds fault with the Pallis, (11) Enter the Pallan, (12) In¬ quiry into the cultivation and calling to accoimt, (13) The older Palli complains, (14) The Pallan replies, (15) The Pallan accuses the older Palli, (16) She is put in stocks, (17) Her lament, (18) She is liberated, (19) The ploughing of the field, (20) The oxen fall on the Pallan and bruise him, (21) He is helped to arise by the PaUis, who lament him over his suffer¬ ings, (22) The planting of paddy, (23) The harvesting, (24) Heaping up the sheaves, (25) Dispute between the tw'o Pallis finally settled by the Proprietor.. The poem is brimful of in¬ terest to the lover of Tamil, as it is couched in elegant clas¬ sical language, and abounds in i)oetical fancies. The only printed edition is of 1904, but full of errors "and misprints. 16 mo, pp. 50.” TAMCL CATHOLIC LtTfiRATURlS IN CEYLON 23S This work may be considered the earliest specimen of Tamil Catholic dramatic poetry we possess, although there is a record of a Catholic drama in Tamil acted at TtAmmali*. in 1612, tile subject of which was the Creation of the World and the Incarnation of Christ. (Letter of Emm. Barradas, SJ., 15 Dec. 1613). In spite of the wars and strifes that agitated the Ja6na peninsula during the days of the Portuguese and notwith¬ standing the meagre information available* at present about the literary activities of those pioneering days, it is clear that an effort was made by clergymen and laymen alike to pro¬ duce a Tamil Catholic literature. In India, it was the perioh when Ft. Robert de Nobili and his brother Jesuits, Frs. Em¬ manuel Martinez and Anthony de Proenza wrote Catholic works in elegant T ami l and even had them printed. Their noble example had its followers in Ceylon, and would per¬ haps have had its rivals too, but for the abrupt ending of all missionary work on the conquest of Jaffna by the Dutch in 1658. That same year on the 19th September, the new rulers issued a proclamation forbidding, on pain of death, the har¬ bouring or concealing of Catholic priests : all acts of Catholic worship were declared to be crimes ; Catholics were compelled to baptize, marry and bury, according to the rites of the Ehitch Reformed Church and to send their children to the proselytizing schools set up by the Dutch. The Catholics were thus deprived of their priests and all spiritual aid. This state of affairs lasted about four decades when GOD inspired a holy Priest, the Venerable Father Joseph Vaz, to come of his own accord to the rescue of the Catholics of Ceylon. He arrived in Jaffna in 1687 and worked alone for nine years, when the Congregation of the Oratory of Goa, which he had himself founded, sent him fellow workers. Their combined effort saved the Church in Ceylon from utter destruction. At the time Father Vaz arrived in Ceylon all'traces of works written in Tamil by the Portuguese missionaries had almost vanished ; there were no books giving a settled form TAMIL CtiLTUKE m of prayers or catechism, while such books were badly needed, as the Priests were not able to stay long enough in any single place to give adequate instruction. Fr. Vaz had, therefore, himself composed in Tamil with great labour a catechism of the Christian doctrine, a manual of prayers and litanies, and translated the meditations of the Way of the Gross, first writ¬ ten by him in Konkani at Goa. They were afterwards re¬ vised by IV. Gonsalvez, whom Fr. Vaz had commissioned to provide the Catholics in Ceylon with books of instruction and edification. (Orof ortan Mission p. 74 ; Vida by Do Rego, 2nd, edit. V, 67, n. 14). • When the Bishop of Cochin, under whose jurisdiction Ceylon then was, came to hear that a new Tamil version of such common prayers as the Our Father, the Angelical Salu¬ tation and the Creed, was in use among the Catholics, he dis¬ approved it on the score that his sanction had not been ob¬ tained previously and that it was improper to discard the ver¬ sion which already prevailed in South India. Fr. Gonsalvez’ " defence was that the Indian version was defective. But his OrdinaryVas not satisfied with this explanation. Therefore, on the 12th of February,1735, Fr. Gonsalvez wrote to his Bishop, in all humility and submission, begging pardon for his fault and requesting him to impose on the offender “a rigorous penance ”. The people, however, persisted in using the new version. The whole episode is found in a number of letters, now in the State archives of Goa. (rf. Yen. Fr. Joseph Vaz, Vol. I, Series 3, July 1942, pp. 11-16). In view of the revision of these prayers recently undertaken by a board of Catholic writers in, the Tamil Nad, Fr. Gonsalvez’ version of the Hail Mary, will be of much interest. It is taken from a manuscript of his Christiydni Alayam. Lt^iajBwu infiQsj ^asfKStu /Cjt, ueO^Qoj ^9ir ^^AsuuiLj^eua'irQui. TAMIL CATHOLIC LiTfiRATtJRH IN CEVLON ^7 ujFKSaj O^euLar/pirCej un-fQsetnrear erA 6 io«« 0 ir«>«w) mcditations on her Seven Dolours, composed in 1787 and Novena of Meditations and Prayers on the Holy Rosary, csdled Sebamdlai Mddavin Navandl (Q^uunriaa Both works were published in Jaffna, under the editorship of Fr. Gnana Prakasar. Tiviya Pdlanin Nava Tina Urtcavam (^^eStu urecaRar jea/^esr a./pa^euii') ^ nine da 3 n 5 ' prepa¬ ration for Christmas, and Tanitta Vdttrumdkkalvdaiya salld- pavakanin Nibandnnam or “ elevations on the Mysteries of religion are also from the pen of Fr. Pacheco. Of these two, the first has besn published and is very popular ; but the second is yet in manuscript. Simon Casie Chitty attributes the follow¬ ing works to Fr. Pacheco : A life of St. Francis Xavier and a book on the Six Divine Attributes (Journal of the Royal Amtie Society (C.B.), No. 4, p. 80 ; No, 5, p. 185). TAMIL CATHOLIC LITERATURE IN CEYLON 243 The example of Fr. Pacheco inspired another Oratorian, Ft. Sebastian Pereira, to devote himself to the apostolate of the pen. He translated, among other works, the Imitation of Christ. Blit as he arrived in Ceylon only in 1818, his lite¬ rary activities do not belong to the period under review. There is an Ammdnai in honour of St. Nicholas, said to have been composed in the days of Pedro Santo, a Goan Priest ” ,* but of him we have no information at all. It was, however, printed in Jaffna about 45 years ago. In 1757, one Francis Pillai Pulaver wrote a set of verses, which, Fr. Gnana Praka- sar, has described as “a conventional poem celebrating the different stages of the Infancy of Our Saviour.” This, too, was printed in Jaffna in 1904. Tamil Catholic literature in Ceylon, from its inception came under the influence of such eminent scholars as Frs. Robert de Nobili and Constantine Beschi, of the Society of Jesus. During the Dutch persecution, the two literary men, who dominated in the Ceylon missions, were Frs. Gonsalvez and Pacheco. They wrote not only doctrinal and devotional books, but also controversial tracts and treatises. Such works were very necessary at the time, because'of the determined effort of the Protestants to discredit the doctrines of the Church, with a view to arresting its steady progress. For instance, in 1753, the Dutch Government Press in Colombo issued a work known as Sattiyattin Jeyam, (the Triumph of Truth) by Philip de Mello, scholar and preacher. It was a bitter attack on Catholic doctrine, served up in very good Tamil. The Catholic reply was a book called Sattiya Viroda Sankarum (the Annihilation of the Enemies of Truth), attri¬ buted to Fr. Pacheco by Simon Casie Chitty. (op. cit. No. 5, p. 185). As the Catholics of those days had not the luxury of a printing press, they circulated handwritten copies of it. The literary activity of the Clergy .was encouraged and shared by the laity as well. The ).6th, 17th and 18th centuries were a period of literary pioneers, notvices and consummate crafts¬ men. No study of Tamil Catholic literature can be complete without a correct appreciation of their literary productions. ^ 'TAMIL CtfLTTO'R But_tell it not in Galih ! — mucsh of their labour of love is yet in manuBcript or in incunabulaand, even of that^ a good part would have perished but for the enterprise of the late Fr. Gnana Prakasar. It is fervently hoped that the literary movement of which Tamil ’Culture is the sign and symbol, will bend its energies to edit and publish the Catholic Tamil works of the pioneers, at least as a token of appreciation of the services of the greatest Tamil Catholic scholar of our age. .A NEGLECTED PERIOD OF SQUTH INDIAN HISTORY P. J. THOMAS, M. A., B. LITT., D. PHIL. (OXON.) I T IS generally admitted that there was in the south of India a flourishing Dravidian civilisation before Aryans ; or their pastoral culture came mt?o the north. When, early in this centuiy, Professor P. Sundram PiUai, claimed that the beginnings of Indian History have fo be traced on the banks of the Vaigai and the Caveri, it received almost unanimous support from historians. But politics can dominate every¬ thing else; great empires rose in the north, and largely be¬ cause of geographical position, dominated the south also. This tradition which started with the Maurayas in the third century B. C., and which has continued to our own days, had however some forcible interruptions, although brief, during which the South, largely by its economic strength, consolidated itself under Dravidian Rulers, and carried its political in¬ fluence into the north, as far as the Himalayas. This paper deals with one such interruption, which occurred during the .first two centuries of the Christian Era. It South India, south of Tirupati, then called Tami- lagam, that came into great prominence, 1700 years ago.(^) In Tamilagam were three chief kingdoms {Muvara- eer), Chera, Chola and Pandya. Each of these attained suzerainty over the other two {Mummudi) at various times, but during the period under notice, it was the t^u^n of the Cheras, who had their capital at Musiri (Muziris of the ■ Dr. P. J. Thomas, formerly of the Universities of Ceylon and Madras was till recently Economic Adviser to the Government of India. I The rise of the Andhras about this time is also in point, j 5 S46 I’AMlL CtJLl’URE Romans), also called Vanchi and Karur. That was Indians principal port then, and here was centred India’s foreign trade. Two of the Chera kings of the time, namely Imaya- varamban-Cheraladan, and Chenkuttavan, are reported to have invaded the Gangetic plain and defeated Aryan kings and Yavana settlers. The former assumed his ambitious title by dominating the country as far as the H.maJayas (i-c. made the Himalayas his boundary). Abundant archaelogical data are yet lacking in support of this claim. But, the fact of these invasions is, perhaps better attested than the reputed con¬ quests of Samudragupta, the sO-called Indian Napoleon, in the 4th century A. D. Yet the exploits of South India have not been incorporated in the history of India. Perhaps this is due to the lethargy of the southerners, but the prejudice of the northerners has also played some part in this. Historical Sources It may be that the sources for the history of the south are scrappy, but this period (1st to 3rd century, A. D.) is illuminated by many contemporary Tamil and Greek sources of rare value. In Pliny’s Natural History (c. 50 A.D.), Periplus Maris Aerithrae (c. 70 A.D.), and in Ptolemy’s Geography (c. 150 A. D.), we have detailed accounts of the Tamil king¬ doms, and we know from these works that Rome’s Eastern trade was centred in Chera, Chola and Pandya ports, because most of the goods required came from that part of the country. But these Greek writings throw little light on the political condition of the country. This void, however, is filled by important Tamil works of the ^ ‘me, which were written in or around Kerela, which w’as then at the helm of Tamilakam. Poidittuppathu, Chilappadikaram, Manimekalai, Akananuru, Purananuru — these classical Tamil works are not now fami¬ liar to Kerala people, but three of thejn were written by leading poets of Kerala, when Tamil was its language, and they deal largely with the exploits of the Cheraman kings of the time. The first work above named eulogist ten Reading Chera kings. Chilappadikaram was written by the scholarly brother (Ilango-Adigal) of the greatest Cliera king of the WHEN THE DHA\TDIAN SOUTH LED INDIA 247 age, Chenkuttavan, who also held hegemony over all Tamila- kara, as is generally admitted. Thus, what may be called the Augustan Age of Tamil Literature synchronised with the period during which the Tamils dominated the political life as well as the trade of the country. Although such important' historical sources, internal and external, are available for this early period of South Indian history, those have not been properly worked out, and this magnificent period of South Indian history still remains obscure. For one thing, the great epic Chilappadikaram, although available in English in the excellent work by Professor V. R, R. Dikshitar, has not been given its due place in Indian History. A reconstruction of the history of this period on proper lines is a great need. In the present paper, it is proposed to deal chiefly with trade and navigation, and also with the state of religion and culture. Early Trade Prom very ancient times. South India had tradei with China and Indonesia,in the east, and Arabia, Abyssinia, Egypt,' Greece and Rome in the west. Spices, precious stones, ivory and sandalwood were much in demand in those countries. This trade goeis back to the Chaldaeans (3000 B. C.) and Phoenicians (1000 B. C.). Later, Arabs, Jews and Somalis took active part in this trade. Eventually it fell intb the hands of Romans, and under them it flourished most. TTiis trade with the West formerly went on, partly by t3ie Persian Gulf and the Euphrates valley, and partly by the Red Sea route. The latter ultimately became the principal route. Sailing ships took this cargo from Muziris or from Barygaza (Broach), to Myos Hormus on the Red Sea, and from there caravans took it to Alexandria on the Mediterranean Sea. Early Roman emperors, especially Augustus, valued this trade very much, and gave it every encouragement. 248 TAMIL CULTURE* Discovery of Monsoon Winds About the year 45 A.D., the trade through this route was revolutionized, as it were, by the discovery of the monsoon winds, by a navigator called Hippalus- This discovery made it possible for sailing vessels to cut across the Arabian Sea straigh t from Red Sea mouth to Muziris on the Malabar Coast. Thus was avoided the perilous coastal journey by the Arabian and the Persian coasts, which mariners dreaded. Perhaps the Phoenician and Arab mariners had known and used this route, but it was kept a closed secret by them. The result of this discovery was to make Kerala, the west¬ ern Tamil kingdom, the gi eatest centre of trade, not only of India, but of the whole eastern world. Muziris thus became a port of enviable position in all India, in all the world. The supremacy of Muziris was due, not only to the advantage of the Monsoon winds, but also to the fact that the articles of largest demand in the Roman Empire and China were the produce of Kerala or nearby. Not only beryl from Coimbatore but spikenard from Ganges, and Dacca muslins seem to have come to West Coast ports, mostly borne by bullocks or buf¬ faloes through the overland routes. In other words, a large entrepot trade was carried on in these days at Muziris. In the matter of trade, at any rate, all roads then led to Muziris. Pepper Fleets from Malabar The chief article which brought Roman traders to Kerala was pepper. Fashionable Rome after her triumph over enemies, wanted all kinds of oriental luxuries—^muslins, pearls and spices. And after the conquest of Carthage and other rich lands, there was plenty of gold in Rome to pay for these. The article that loomed largest in bulk and value was pepper ; this was the staple commodity of Roman trade, and formed the great bulk of the cargo of Roman ships. Further, all the pepper available to world trade at the time came from Malabar, Pepper was from ancient times an important culinary spice in Europe and wps used to season food and preserve WHEN THE DRA\TDIAN SOUTH LED INDIA 240 meat. It was also an unavoidable ingredient of medicines, and was prescribed by Hippocrates (who calls it the “Indian remedy”) and by Galen, Pliny, Celsus and other Greek writers who deal with medicine. In Rome, the use of pepper seems to have become very popular from the time of Augustus, and according to Pliny (XII, 14), its price was 'as high as 15 denarii (about Rs. 7) per pound. Even higher prices were quoted. The prices in India must have been much lower and the profits realized were as high as 100 per cent according to Pliny. After the discovery of the monsoons and the conse¬ quent facilitation of transport the price of pepper fell but this made its demand elastic and such vast quantities had to be imported that about the year 192 A.D., special warehouses called horrea piperatoria had to be erected near the Sacra-Via. It was ground in pepper mills (molae piperatoria), or mortars, and sold in paper packets in Campus Martius and other market places. The pots or dishes (often of silver) in which pepper was brought to the table were called ‘ piperatoria.* Many Roman writers, especially Pliny, attacked the at¬ rocious tastes of those who needed pepper to whet their appe¬ tite, “It is quite surprising,” wrote Pliny, “that the use pepper has come so much into fashion, seeing that it is sometimes their substance and sometimes their appearance that has at¬ tracted our ■ notice ; whereas pepper has nothing in it that can plead as a recommendation to either fruit or berry, its only desirable quality being a certain pungency and yet it is for this that we import it all the way from India. Who was the first to make trial of it as an article of food ? And who, I wonder, was the man who was not content to prepare for himself by hunger only or satisfying of a greedy appetite.*’ (XII, 14.) In spite of such strictures, the import trade in fjcppcr grew immensely, and Roman merchants made vast profits, at the cost of the poor pepper growers here. It may be that gold and specie, worth over 1’5 crores annually, was sent to India and China. But, Rome got in return a commodity of several times that value in world trade. The importance of pepper 250 TAMIL CULTURE as a trade sta-ple then can be seen from the fact that in 408 A. D., when Alaric the Goth laid siege to Rome, the terms he offered for raising the siege included the immediate payment of 3000 pounds of pepper along with other similar valuables, • Muziris and Barake The chief centre of this trade was Muziris, In the first century A.D., this port grew to great dimensions. Itsi glory is recounted in Tamil as well as Roman writings of the time. Pliny calls it "primum emporium Indoi,” the first port of India. According to contemporary Tamil works mentioned above, Muziris was .an extremely busy place with a harbour crowded with ships and craft of all kinds, with large warehouses, and bazaars adjoining it, and with stately palaces and places of worship in the interior. QuifliuirpjpJ Qeue mf^i esijr aseotax tueueard- eQSsnUiT em^asecih Qu/r^Q(Q)Q xjiSlQujirQ QuttJ(^ih fuearm Qs(^ {Ahananuru, 149.) The great bulk of the cargo taken from there was pepper ; cinnamon leaf, beryl, pearls, ivory, silk-cloth, diamonds and tortoise-shell make up the rest. Imports were mostly gold and silver coin ; some wine, glass, metals like copper, tin and lead, were also imported. Not least important among the imports were singing boys and pretty maidens for the harem of the kings here. To guard this valuable trade, two Roman cohorts are said to have been stationed at Muziris. Another important port, especially for pepper trade, was Barake (Purakad), which was at the mouth of river Baris (Pampayar). It was nearer to, and more accessible from, the chief pepper growing area in the interior, namely the forests at the upper reaches of Pampa river. Pepper from that area was taken by country boats to Nelcynda (Nakkida near Neranom), and from there it was taken in large boats to Barake. When Pliny wrote, Nelcynda and Barake had ap- WHEN THE DRAViDiAN SOUTH LED INHIA 2S1 parently a large share in pepper trade,, chiefly because the coastal area north of Muziris was invested by pirates. But in Ptolemy (c. 150 A.D.), we find Muziris in full control of pepper trade, evidently because piracy had been suppressed in the mean time ; we are also told that Nelcynda and Barake had ceased to be legal marts, and Muziris was .the only authorised mart. According to the earliar writers, Nelcynda and Barake were in the Pandya Kingdom, but these had ceased to be the case, apparently because the Chera kings had gpf back the southern territory from Pandyas. This agrees re¬ markably with the narative of Chera history in the 1st and 2nd centuries, A. D., as found in the Tamil works quoted above. On the East Coast also there were several ports. Next only to Muziris was Puhar (Kauveri-pum-pattinam), the Chola metropolis. Korkai (Tirunelvely) was also an important port in the Pandya territory. And there were others like Poduca (Puducherry) and Kayal. A Great Age of Navigation The commerce of South Indian porta with Alexandriiu reached great heights, especially during the years 45—160 A. D. With growing prosperity in Rome, the demand for not only pepper but other spices and luxury goods rose to unknown proportions. To satisfy the craving of Roman women, Indian peacocks, parrots, monkeys and other pets were also taken, and Indian elephants were required for royal processions in Rome. The size of ships and their number had to be increased, to meet such growing needs. As such large imports had to be paid for in gold or specie, authorities in Rome had to face serious currency problems. Aft^r 218 A.D., copper coins had to be used to pay for imports. With the increase in goods traflBc, ships had also to cany numerous pass^gers to India. Some ships were equipped for carrying hundreds of passengers. Not all of them were mer¬ chants ; there were also builders and architects needed by South Indian kings. There came also women ; afet century ^AMtU-CULTtmE m Greek letto: of a woman called * Indika’ is preserved in papy> nis. According to Warmington die was el(!her the Xndian wife of a Greek merchant resident in India, or daughter bom to an Egyptian Greek while resident here. (Commerce between Roman Empire and India, pp. 67-8.) There are also references, in Tamil books, to Yavana men and women resident in India. Sorne of them were in the employ of kings to guard their palaces or grace their courts. Such large numbers of people from the Red Sea had never come to India before ; nor after 200 A.D., till about the middle of the 19th century. The con¬ temporary work, Periplns, it is said, was written as a guide¬ book to help these numerous foreigners in South India. A Glorioui Period of South Indian History The importance in South Indian history of the period under review can only be realized when we remember that from the very beginning of history down to 1869 A. D., when the Suez Canal was opened, communication from the Mediter¬ ranean shores to India had never been so easy nor quick, as during this period. The Red Sea route was known and used before 45 A. D., but most ships pursued the perilous and pro¬ longed coastal route touching Makran, as few except Somalis and Arabs had known the secret of the Mosnoon winds. Therefore the traffic was meagre. Nor did the colossal trade and navigation ^tivity sketched above last long. The decline started in the reign of Marcus Aurelius (161-80 A. D.) was hastened by the cruel massacre carried out by Caracalla in Alexandria (212 A.D.). The demand for oriental luxuries gradually declined in Rome, and the traffic in these articles pressed from Egyptian Greeks to Arabs and Axumites. Finally with the Islamic expansion into Egypt, Palestine, and Syria, about the middle of the seventh century, the access of the Mediterranean peoples to the Arabian Sea was blocked for a long time, t.e. until Suez Canal was opened (1868). In the result, the Portuguese, Dutch, British and other traders had to sail by the prolonged route round Africa to reach India. Clive and Warren Hastings had to take this route, ^is protracted journey took over twelve months^ as against WHEN THE DRAVIDIAN SOUTH LED INDIA 263 the three months involved in the journey from Almcandria through Red Sea in Roman times. The Arabian Sea was crossed in 40 days, after 45 A. D. Thus the period 45 to 212 A. D., is reaUy unique in the long history of navigation, as also in South Indian history as a whole. It was a period when the Tamil kingdoms figured most prominently in Indian and World history. A Flourishing Civilization Judging from Chilappadikaram and other contemporary Tamil ,Works, South India was then a most prosperous part of India, of the world, and its civilization was of a high order. Particularly noteworthy is the state of the fine arts like dancing, then widely practised by men as well as women in South India . In fact, this was unique in all India. City life had advanced to magnificent proportions. Cities like Muziris and Fuhar (Caveri-pum-pattinam) were in a most flourishing state, with magnificent thtmoughfares and busy bazzars and with separate quarters set apart for different sections of people. Many merchants had amassed wealth and th^ lived in large houses, some of which were seven storeys high. For their en¬ joyment there were theatres and dancing-halls. The evening ga,thering8 of pleasure-seekers at the seaside in Puhar, des^ crzbed .in Chilappadikaram, remind one of Lido in Venice, rather than of an 3 rthing elsewhere in India. There were schools, and learning was greatly valued. Even women became famous as poets. Women occupied a high place in society and did not at all form an inferior sex; they moved about freely. There were different castes, but hardly any caste exclusiveness. Var- nasrama had not become as hard as it later became, especially in Kerala. Nor are these descriptions too fanciful; they are confirmed by independent sources and by foreign accounts. It does not appear that any other part of India, of Asia, was in such prosperous condition at that time. Only Rome and Alexandria had anything better to show, then, in the whole world. State of Religion The Tamil works referred to above disclose a commend¬ able state of religious toleration prevailing in the Tamil TAMIL CULTURE 254 kingdoms at the time. Vedic Hinduism had come with the Brahmins who apparently had already settled here, but their influence was very limited at the time. The common people worshipped Kali and Murugan, following the Dravidian tradi¬ tion. But Buddhism and Jainism were becoming popular with the intellectual classes, even in high society. And there were all over the country Buddhist viharas and Jain chaityas, frequented by devotees of both sexes. Ilengo-Adigal, brother of king Chenkuttavan, was a devout Buddhist, while the king himself practised Hinduism. The court-poet, Chathanar, was also a Buddhist. Nevertheless, all the three worked harmo¬ niously. With the rise of Saiva Siddhanda zealots, like Manikkavacagar, Hinduism took a rather militant turn, and caste exclusiveness began to lift its head. This led to the decline of Buddhism and Jainism. Nor was the environment sketched above unfavourable for the influx of foreign religions ^e Christianity. The success of the Apostle Thomas in South India must be partly due to this unique situation. ’ Conclusion It is a great pity that the world knows so little of this magnificent South Indian civilization, and of the masterly" epics and other unique writings which give such beautiful accounts of it. It is clear that South Indian universities and scholars have a bounden duty in this matter, and there is urgent need for making a thorough study of the litwature and art of the age, and for making them widely knowil here and outside. The people that built magnificent temples like Madura and wrote such splendid epics like Chilappadikaram deserve to be ever honoured, and everywhere. ^liiruuaiiuvur* 6 Cliotce-^c Ok oice^fonn an d leme B. NATARAJAN, m.a., d.litt. P VER SINCE the great English sav^t Dr. G. U. Pope revealed to the western world the treasures of Thiruk- kural Uirough his epoch-making translation, a number of critical studies have been attempted, relating the teachings of Thiruvalluvar to those of the Budc^a, the Christ and other seers and prophets of immortal fame. Yet in a sense the work of Thiruvalluvar is different from them all. With them how they lived as well as what they taught made up the sum total of their beqdest to humanity. Their actions were as important in influencing the lives and destinies of nations as their say¬ ings and preachings. About Valluvar we have no such! authen¬ tic record of life. Such biography as has ■ come down to us is the " concoction of some fertile Pandit-brain,” as the late Mr. M. S. Purnalingam Pillai pointed out, probably helped by some Vakisar’s account written about three centuries ago, but published for the first time in 1904: There is, therefore, nothing to show conclusively that Valluvar either dazed the contemporary generation or deflected the course of lives of their progeny by any act of arresting attention. He perform¬ ed no miracles. Even the extant imaginative biography has not anything to mention approaching to a Royal Renunciation, » a Supreme Crucifixion. Nor do'es Valluvar appear to have been a preacher of note, or a philosopher of metaphysical and subtle argumentation. He built no school, gathered no dis¬ ciples: His life appears to have run its even tenor, absorbed in scholarly pursuits of encyclopaedic dimensions, alternating with quiet discharge of daily domestic duties. Pr, B. y^atarajan'l^ Bepnomip Adviser to the Government o£ Madras, TAMIL CULTmE Perhaps the duties were not so very domestic and quiet as are liraditionally associated with a literary savant of hit type. There is evidence to believe that the sage was in all probability caught fpr a time in the whirlpool iand tumult of active politics and trying palace intrigues of the Pandyan Kingdom. That must have been in the active years of'his life; and then in retirement, like a later day literary lumi¬ nary, — Seikizhar of Periya Puranam fame^ — must have sat down to collect the mellowed thoughts and ripe experien¬ ces of a stormy life to write an immortal dassic—^a classic not of adventure, romance, heroism or divinity such as was at¬ tempted by a Homer, a Milton, a Kamban or a Shakespeare — but a classic of the art of living (porul) through giving (Aram) and loving (Inborn). A daring venture indeed, to essay a classic on the art of living-through-giving-and-loving; and that in pellucid poetry; and ever more the wonder grows when we see the poet chboa* ing the diort unvaried metrical couplet for the exposition of a vast range and an infinite variety of life's truths and experi¬ ences. It was a deliberate dioice, a self-imposed handicap, a wholly unnecessary piece of creative sadism, as it were — this choice of a rigid aust^e metrical form for a theme which calls for the most diverse and deft manipulation of all forms available in the repertory of poetical composition. The eeejTs and the prophets have had to use the compa¬ ratively native technique of the parable and the fable, to succeed; while, the poets always stretched their canvas wide and long to permit of an intenninable combination of effects. But here comes a Tamilian who offers to hold up a tiny little mirror to life and reflect on it all that it contained, and nay more, all that it should contain too. He succeeds, and succc^ most amazingly. The reflection he catcheis is no pale shadow, but a rich techni-coloured reproduction of rap¬ ture and delight. Could it be that the contemporaneous scholars con^nded that it is form that sets the tone to poetry THIRUVALLOTAR’S choice-form and theme 257 and that Valluvar like a Walt Whitman disproved them all by showing that a good vintage can taste just* as sweets, whatever the cup you put it in ? In. any case, the experiment and the success are unique ; they have few parallels in the world of letters. Perhaps it had no concern with the little triumphs of poetasters forms. Obviously there was more in tbe choice of form than meets the eye of poetical convenience. The poet was creating a work of art; but that work was to be a unique work of art; art that was purposive and beautiful, didactic and creative at once ; art that should have the universality of appeal to the elect and the masses alike ; that combined the delicacy of life and strength of eternity. And such, in fact is Thinikkural; poetry in ethics and ethics in poetry. Periiaps there was even a greater consideration. • Vishnu- Tarman, the author of the Panchatantra said :— Since verbal science has no final end Since life is short, and obstacles impend. Let central facts be picked and firmly fixed As swans extract the milk with water mixed. But the author of Panchatantra only smd it: he did not wholly succeed in it. He had to spin such a maze of fables with all the denizens of the Zoo into it, that the longer he spun, the more obscure became central facts; rather than extract the milk, often the young mind seemed tfo retain the water. The form was over-wrought, and the purpose often miscarried. If life is short and verbal science has no dnd, then picked truth is to be told in simple but elegant words, direct yet pleasing diction, and in a form which helps truth get “firmly fixed”; in other words,’in a form which permita of easy memorisation, essential to a pre-Caxton world llhat de¬ pended largely on word of mouth for transmission of know¬ ledge. This appears to have been an aU-important considera¬ tion with Valluvar, and presumably accounts also for the 253 TAMIL CULTURE mechanical assignment of ten couplers for every chapter^ and the seeming repetition of ideas within the same chapter. But there certainly is no repetition, of words ; if anything, there are skilful echoes: and in the sphere of ideas, the discerning critic can well defeat the nuances, and shades of thought. When I began the study of Thirukkural years ago, I used to wonder at what appeared then as a strangOi piece of inconsistency in the poet’s handling of themes. For instance, if he was discussing Destiny, he would say Destiny was all- powerful and naught availeth against it. “ What is there that is mightier than Destiny ? Plan we might, however well, it will ever forestall us.” But when he comes to discuss the virtues of exertion or effort he would say, “Strive strenuously, strive strenuously And you can snap your fingers at Destiny." • • ^ Students of the Kural well know that this trick of ^e poet is being repeated in chapter after chapter. Does he expect us not to have read the earlier chapters, or not to read the later ones ? However, I had to wait for a good many years until I could find an answer to this poet’s riddle. That hap> pened when I was reading Thoreau’s essay on Carlyle. Then I landed on a passage which seemed to give me the answer to the doubts embedded in my mind regarding what I considered aaVaUuvar's inconsistency. Sa 3 rs Thoreau, “ No truth, we £hink,. was ever expressed but with this sort of emphasis, that for the time th^e seemed to be no other.” Yes; to Valluvar for the time he wrote his particular chapter of truth, there seemed to be no othen That •is but as it should be; for if truth is one and indivisible, there cannot be degrees and shades in it. Evciry facefc has to be true, if the whole is to be true. THIRUVALLWaR’S choice-form and theme 26§ Choke oj Theme So much for VaUuvm’s choice of technique. I shall close this, wi£h a short examination of the poet’s choice of thejme. •Why did the poet, of all the themes on heaven, earth and hell too (some poets have revelled and excelled in themes of hell), pitch on the theme of the art of Uving-tihrough-loving- and-giving ? I shall turn to a rhetorical passage In the book of a contemporary historian for a clue. In his book on " The Use of History,” Prof* A. L. Rowse says: “ Underlying all the flux and change of history, the mu¬ tually contradictory claims of the religious, the parochial squabbles of the sects for our allegiance or our cash, the in¬ disputable tendency of individual egoisms to assert itself as universal-undemeath all change of circumstance and condi¬ tion there is a continuum to which all standards may be re¬ lated for their validity ; the nature of man qua man. It gives substances a real basis to our moral judgments, however conditioned by time, so that j^e. may as historians condemn Nero for a bad man and accltum Jesus Christ as a good man.” It is this “ continuum -to which all standards may be related icjf their validity” that Thiruvalluvar was seeking to discover and lay down in his Eural. Such a continuum, a valid standard of standards, has to transcend caste and creed, times and climes. It has to be universal and immutable. True, it would require to be interpreted for every period and rethought out for every generation, as all ethic^ values emerge from and rest upon the positive experience of man. No wonder, therefore, that Valluvar did not at¬ tempt to build a themy of morals from metaphysics as was then the fashion in India and continued to be so cen¬ turies after. He would have been wrong to have deduced a theory of morals from metaphysics. As Prof. Stebbings says in the book ” Ideals and Illusions,” ” It is an illusion to find the value of our lives here and now in a life to come; it 260 TAMtL CULTtTRE is an illusion to suppose that nothing is worthwhile for me unless I live for ever ; it is an illusion to suppose that there is no uncompensated loss, no sacrifice that is without requital, no grief that is unassuaged. But it is also no illusion but an uncontested fact that here and now we know that hatred, cruelty, intolerance and indifference to human misery are evil; that love,kindliness, tolerance, forgiveness and truth are good; so unquestionably good that we do not need God or Heaven to assure us of their worth.” Valluvar did believe in a God and in a Heaven, but he did not require them for props to his ethical system. That has an existence all of its own — as the valid standard of continuum, mounted on the positive experience of man in history. Rev. H. a. POPLEY T N the present phase of India's development as a free * nation great emphasis is-being rightly placed upon ‘Social Ethics' and upon the need for the application to present-day conditions of the ethical values and principlles found in ancient Indian polity. The conception of ‘ Dharma/ which is the fundamental truth of Indian Ethics, is concerned not merely with the ethical principles of the individual in his jjersonal life, but also with the whole range of ethical theory for the citizen in his relationships with the State and ydth society. j The same thing is true of the idea of ‘ Aram/ the Tamil ^uivalent of the Sanskrit ‘Dharma:’ This is clearly shown in the ‘Tirukkural/ the ethical source book of „ the Tanril peoples, and the second section of this work, called ‘ Porutpal’ deals .very thoroughly with the principles of Soci^ Ethics. Says Sri C. Rajagopalachariar in his introduction to his translation of this section, “ These seventy chapters (i.e. chs. 39-108) lay down, with characteristic terseness, the principles •that should govern the conduct of wise and good men in the affairs of the world.” So it behoves us to study them in the§e daj^ in order to see what this Tamil sage has to tell us of the principles that should find expression in the life of our State and the society of our people in these days when the goverii- ment and'work of the State is entirely in our own hands. - The first section of the ‘Tirukkural,” which is called ‘ lUaraviy^,’ (chs 5^-38) and may be translated ‘ Ethica of the Kev. H. A. Popley is well-known as a translator and* interpreter of the . Kural. 1 TAMIL CULTURE ^62 Domestic State* deals especially with the principles that should govern the life and conduct of the individuals in their personal lives and in their families, though there is in this section also much which has application to the ethics of the citizen of a State. In this article, however, we shall deal es¬ pecially with social ethics as they are set forth in the second section of the * Tirukkural.’ Like the ethical teaching of the Bible and other such great books of * dharma,’ the ethical teaching of the ‘ Tiruk- kural’ is applicable to present-day conditions and it is sur¬ prising to find how relevant much of it is with the needs of. .citizenship in free India today. This is partly diie to the fact that Tiruvalluvar was no sectarian in religion but was one who had taken the best from the various religions which he had come intJo contact with and had woven them all into a beautiful and many-coloured fabric of ethical teaching, in the same way that he wove yarns of different colour into the saris and dhotis that he made. Most commentators consider that he had some know¬ ledge of the Artha Sastra of Chanakya (Kautilya) and this is possible as Kanchi, the capital of the Pallava kingdom from the second to the fourth century, was the birthplace of Ciianakya and he was the chief mini s ter of Chandragupta, the Maurya Emperor, from 321 B. C. It is not likely that Tiruvalluvar knew Sanskrit, and one must therefore believe that a Brahmin of Kanchi who knew the Artha Sastra had explained a great deal of it to the poet. There are two matters in which the ‘ Kural * definitely departs from the Artha Sa^tfa. One of these is that the end justifies the means. The ‘ Kural ’ never gives and support to this Nazi thesis. The Artha Sastra, however, justifies crooked politics for the good of the king¬ dom. Further, the Artha /Sastra also regards the king as divine and as wielding divine power.. The furthest that the TIRTJKKURAL goes is to say that the ‘ king who rules justly and guards his realm shall be considered as a god to men.’ (39 :8) So the divine name is given to a king becau^ of his SOCIAL ETHICS IN THE TIRUKKURAL 26$ qualities and not because of bis position. Sri Rajagopal- achariar in his'tranriation of the verse above eives the fol¬ lowing: “It is only if the king acts according to the law'and protects his people that he will be regarded truly as the Lord's deputy.” Parimelalagar in his “urai” gives the following as the meaning of this stanza. ' though he was bom as a man, by his deeds he is considered as a god to men.' - ♦ We have to remember that Tiruvalluvar did not know the democratic state as it exists today. While there is ample evidence that in the Tamil kingdoms there were truly self- governing villages with a real democratic constitution, the over-all state was not democratic and the head of the etate was a king who was a real ruler, assisted by his’ counsellors. But even though this was true we can understand from Tinivalluvar's teaming much about the.duties and qualities of leadership in a democratic state, and &lso learn a good' deal about the citizen and his responsibilities. Thus, in studying the teaching of the TIRUKKURAL on Social Ethics we shall consider the stanzas on kingship as applicable to the ideal of leadership in modern days in a democratic state. In some cases the stanza refers to the state as such rather than to the individual leader. First of all we shall consider the teaching of chapter 39, the first chapter of this section on the State. This chapter is ^ed ^mpitiriLQ in Tamil, which is usually translated as ‘ kingly excellence,' but which Sri Rajagopalachariar takes to mean ‘ the prosperous state', thus, emphasising the totality of its rulers and citizens, rather than the one person set at the head of the state. The first stanza of this chapter gives the six essentials, for a prosperous state, according to the trans¬ lation of Sri Rajagopalachariar, as follows : ‘an adequate army, an industrious people, ample food resources, wise and alert ministers of state, alliance with foreign powers and de¬ pendable fortifications,' This is a free translation of a terse ^64 TAMIL CtJLTtJIlE and succinct verse and is quite justified if we think of the state rather than of the ruler of the state. 'The stanza is aa follows: c^tUvJirSst (S9:1) . The next two stanzas give the qualities of leadership that are necessary if the state is to be rightly guided. The first of these is as follows : jy(^ Courage, charity, wit and grit ^— these four utifaifincr. the kingly nature make. ^tBstr€S)Ui seoeQ ^wuQjiD^. (39:3) •* Alertness, wisdom and decisiveness—these three should ne'er be lacking in rulers of the world.* These are all qualities which we expect from our leaders in a democratic state, and unless men and women of such qualities come to leadership in the Indian states our country cannot be expected to progress. It is clear from these two stanzas how modern Tiruvalluvar is in his .conception of leadership in a well-organised state. The next stanza sums all these up in a clear and convincing fashion : ^/DeSr ^(i^aasirfBeoeoes^eti t5iD«8r UiiresTQpaat—iu^ .Sfjr». (39 t 4) * From Dharma's path ne'er swerving, adharma to remove, With courage sure, to keep one's honour bright is kingship true.* Then Tiruvalluvar goes on to speak of the duties and res- ponsibiliti^'of leadership. ^ttjppe^ui fFL-L-g^th strpfB^w stpjt 9ui090^ (39 : 9) SOCIAL ETHICS IN THE TIRUKKURAL 265 ‘He is a king, who is able to arrange for the production of'Wealth, the conservation of resources, the defence of the state and the right distribution of wealth.’ These are the aims of our leaders in the state today and the leader who is able to effect these is sure to win the support of tshe people. Further in a democratic regime, the leader must be one who is easily accessible to all the citizens and who ia not given to harsh language., utsiresre^eiOui (39 i 6) A country which has such leaders will be acclaimed by all other countries as a great country. A leader must also be able to give with kindliness and to protect those who follow him. Such a leader will be able to gain a wide influence and that not only in his own country. Then follows the stanza which compares the king who acts justly to a god. From this it is clear that the leader of the state must act according to the law and see that the people are protected from the. various ills that may come upon them. The next stanza is rather a striking one and dioWs the range of the vision of Tiruvalluvar. It says that the leader of the state who is able to listen calmly to the criticisms of his ministers and people will become more than a state leader, he will become a world leader... Gandhiji well illustrated this truth. Q^eSeio^uu^' Q^irdo '' a;sSles>si fi-eO0. (39 : 9) Rajaji translates this as follows : ■ ‘The world will rest under the umhreUa of the king who has the quality of listening to the bitter advice of his ministers.’- The-last stanza of this chapter sums up the whole matter and says tlhat four things are required in the supreme leader. I'AAilL CULTtiEU Qsrmu, QfiaQsirvo ^t^(»aJirihui»f — jsTm^ih Kjes>L^ajtrf^ih Qeup/sa-i Qxir&B (^9 110) * He is the light of kings who has these four things Bepeficenoe, benevolence, rectitude and care for his people/ • • t Thus in this chapter we have clearly brought to our minds the qualities and capacities that should go with leader¬ ship in a state. These are especially necessary in a modem democratic state and it is the duty of the citizens to see that they elect to Parliament only those who possess these qualities' ^d capacities and so will be able to guide the state arijghti. ♦ ••ii • * • . In the next place we have to find out what Tiruvalluvar has to say about-the qualities of citizenship and how far €hey are applicable to the needs of this day. It is remarkable that immediately after this .chapter on the ideal leader or * the progressive state * as Rajaji calls it, there should come a chapter which emphasises the value of education in a state. This chapter and the next on Tgnorance’ show how greatly in those early days in the Tamil Nad, education was valued and how necessary this huinble weaver considered it to be for all the citizens of a state if the state was to progress. = The responsibility of those who are educated to pass on to others the education they have received is clearly brou^t out by the metaphor of the well: Q^iriLi—Bssr^^jga wearp ^ (40:0) ‘ Water will flow from a well in the sand in proportion to the depth it is dug, and knowledge will similarly flow from a man in proportion to his learning.’ In another stanza he shows the value of education es¬ pecially for those who travel, incidentally^ making it clear that in' those days the Tamils were great travellers. SOCIAL Jrrmcs in 'the TIRUKKURAL 267 firLjrmrso aarj'irttg'SOf. crcSr c90aMV* ■ esAsor/g tuTjff . (40 s 7) * All lwd5 to learned men belong, all towns we home; • How then can men remain unlearned till their dying day?* He values learning even more than wealth and says ; (7iresrQp mirf^ ^jsumsoju^ qrpih (4i •* 2) X^ppQiA xiras, Qur(t^arg-^, ^ppQm juppui usiom. (44 t 4) TAMIL CULTURE 2^ * Avarice;*’impropCT pride and sensual, pleasure. 'Are serious faults in a king.’ ‘ Guard against such faults as a great matter ; For such faults are a deadly enemy.’ The TIRUKKURAL teaches that leadem should act with energy if the state is to flourish and the people also ^ould copy this and show the same energy. This, is shown very olearly in chapter 60. We are reminded of the emphasis that the Union and State ministers are placing today on the need for hard work by all the people if the state is to go forward. (L/T eresruuQetJ^i^thf ^Qo^ececirir ^j6S)L.aj^€Sii-.ujQjrB; mpjin • t) * Tis energy alone makes wealth worthwhile ; Who lack it own not even what they have.’ ^ ermpaeoeitreuirk i stsdssui cas^^esiL-Ujira'.' . (SQ t 3) * They who have not enduring energy will never trouble themselves, saying “ We have lost our wealth.”’ The ills that follow idleness both in the family and in ihe state are clearly shown in grim pictures. (^if. (j^ppui Qu(^^ mtf. toiTfArL^ (SI • ‘Family greatness will be destroyed and faults will in¬ crease in those who give way to laziness and who* do not • labour with dignity. OsQ'^ririr (6t : 8) ‘Tardiness, forgetfulness, sloth and sleep — These four are pleasure boats of ruin gr im * .. . . - ^There is an important chapter on ‘ Ri^teous rule,’ called QffmQxrrmmui (ch,;55)'.and|in the first, stanza of this ^aptcr important factors that go tomake up such a righteous / •. •« SOCIAL ETfflCS IN THE TIRUKKURAL 269' rule are set forth. They hre said to be firs^ the careful exami¬ nation of all crimes against the state ; then second, the show¬ ing of no undue favour to any ; third, acting impartially at aU times; and fourth, the awarding of punishment in ac¬ cord with justice. Again and again the need of acting with full justice is stressed. iSesrp^ Laeirmeu^ Qsire^. (55:3) ‘ The autliority of the state lies in the firm support of the laws of the wise and of the virtuous life.’ QsBirQeOir^sr Quiu£^ui eSSsnuffei^ Qpiri(^ (55:5) * Even the elements will give their blessing to a state where justice rules.’ Qaieo^n^i Qeumfi m^esreu^ (55 : 6) * A state does not win -victory tJhrough military might, But throu^ nghteousness.’ The negative side of this truth is put before us in the next chapter on ‘ Unjust rule.’ (ifeop Qairtif. LL^esreuesT stjaairQ^insf. euiresrih QuiueC (56:9) ‘If the king acts unjustly rain wdll be unseasonable, And the heavens will withhold their showers.’ * There is a separate chapter on the State its^, which TiruvaUuvar calls ‘ prQ ’ (ch. 74.). As Sri R^jagopalachariar says in his book, “ This is something more than the land. It includes the inhabitants of the land and its resources. The requisites for a good state are industrious producers, good and learned ^en to form- the intellectual class and high- minded men of wealth. Thus labour, knowledge and wealth are'the elements that make a prosperous state.” ^esren’r (74:1) 270 TAMIL CUI.TURE Parimelalagar makes the second of these 'the virtuous' instead of ‘ the intellectuals' and that is probably the correct interpretation. So the three essential elements of a good State will be: production by labour, virtuous leaders, and mer¬ chants who produce wealth. Tlie following stanza reminds us of the ideal of the welfare state to which we are aiming today. uffloL/w iSesJitLiUi (Sa^jTir^ajMeu^ psirQ. (7^'^) ' The ideal state is one in which there is no unappeased hunger, no incurable diseases, no destructive enemies.' Thus freedom from hunger, freedom from discMe, and freedom from external aggression are the marks of the ideal state, There are also three other freedoms essential to an ideal state. It must be free from petty divisions, from internal evils and from destructive savages (74 :6), The ornaments of a good state are said to be the following five : freedom from disease, econonuc security, good produce, general happiness and peace. a . sSBsirtS^tjiif with These are very modem and presuppose a foundation of education as was emphasised in a previous chapter. In a later chapter on the importance of wealth'-to the state it is clearly stated that unless snch wealth is acquired by right means it is not to be desired. j^Qj^SartrQth titrjriru Qur(j^ara'isth tf9)toiri i^jr9r$SuA - 'Let kings avoid the Seeking of. wealth which has not come with grace and. loye/. (ye:e) SOCIAL ETHICS IN THE TIRUKKURAL 271 The chapter on * Citizenship * or as it ‘ ia caUed hy Tinivalluvar, (ch. 103) is a very impdrtant one for the rig^t conception of the duty of the citizens.,'As Rajaji says it means ‘how to develop the community.* Tlie very first stanza of this chapter shows the need for every individual in the state to render service to the community. Q^iu tnsjurQaifir Qu0aiUiySdr i9Qts>L.iu^id (103:1) ' Th^ is no higher greatness for the individual than being ever ready to render service t6 the comunity.’ This is amplified in the next stanza. ^areOSlxni^ui «rui(Is Qxir6irLti QsusshrQ usu/r. Poursuivez rudement et frappez moUement, si vous desirez I’interruption d’une longue prosperity M. Ariel (562) Verified ^Iruvacaaam^ a Siudu im ■! of i ¥[anicUauacagar and i\umL ajzLcuai/acagar an G. VANMIKANATHAN. [ Whsn the writer of this article was introduced to Rumi last, year, he found an amazing similarity of experience and expression between the Tiruvacagam of Manickavacagar and RumVs poems. The eternal verities of a Mystic’s life stood revealed with a clearness ivhicli the separate the study of either the Tiruvocagam or Rumi could not produce. Rumi elaborated end elucidated and authoritatively confirmed nu¬ merous vassages tn the Tirucacagam in a manner which the various availcble commentaries in Tamil on ouf Saints uxirk had not done — ct Icsf, to the writer of this article. When *.hs editor of Tamil Culture ” asked the writer for on article, he eagerly grasped the chance to share with a large group of readers the joy and enlightment he had gained by his comparative study of the two mystics.1 T OVERS OF THE TIRUVASAGAM have always yeam- JL/ ed for an elaborate and comprehensive commentary or Bashyam on the work. They point to the voluminous and learned commentaries on the Nalaira-p-Prabandam and grieve that the ^ guardians of the Shaivite religion have not done similar service to the Tiruvacagam. "When the writer of this article received ^ix years ago a copy of a commentary on a hundred .vera^' of the Tiruvacagam, he was told a story by the friend who sent him the book as a gift. The friend wrote that nearly twenty- five years ago he was present in Karaikal at a lecture arranged in connection with the Mamhala-t-tirunal. T^e author *G. Vamnikanathan is Und^-Secretary to the Government of India and a keen student of Tiruuacagam. 284 TAMIL CULTURE (twenty-five years later) of the iwDmmentary was a speaker at the meeting ; the president was a learned Swamigal. Our author had quoted in the course of his lecture certain verses from the Tiruvacagam, and had explained their meaning to the audience. The president referred in his closing speech to the explanations given by the speaker and, declared that they were utterly incorrect. The speaker was and is held in high esteem by Tamil scholars and common people. The audience was, therefore, deeply hurt and demanded that, if it were so, the Swamigal, should himself explain the verses and ^ow how the speaker was wrong. The Swamigal, it is said, swept a disdainful eye over the audience and declared that none among them was fit .to receive the secrets of the verses. The Swamigal was probably right, but he stated only half the side of, the matter. It is also not everyon^ who can reveal the mysteries of the Tiruvacagam. Till the second quarter of this century, none dared to write a commentary thereto. The ^te Dr. Swaminatha Iyer has related how the great Tamil scholar Thiagaraja Qiettiar of Woriur threatened on one occasion to jump into the Cauvery if a friend who had been pressing him to write a commentary to the Thiru- vacagam would not cease his importunities. The Swamigal was right and Chettiar was also right. For, Rumi* says, “Nay, I wiU not tell, for thou art still unripe’ thou are in thy springtime, thou has not seen the summer'. 1 JALALUL-DIN KUMI, the greatest mystical poet of Persia, was born in Khorasan in 1207. When he was twelve years old his family had to flee before tlie advancing Mongol hordes and settled in Turkey. After his marriage and the death of his father, said to be an eminent theologian and a great teacher and preacher, he took to the mystical life, to which the remainder of his chys were devoted. He died iri 1273. His literary output was large. All the quotations - from Ruhii in this article are taken from “ Rumi—Poet And Mystic, Selections from his writings translated fro.m the Persian with In- trody^Uon and Notes by Reynold A. Nicholson ” published by George Allen &-Unwin Ltd., London/Price 8 sh. 6 d.- We are indebted to the publishers for their gracious periniSsibn to quote from the book. \’ERITIES .... MANICKAVACAGAR AND RUMI 286 ** This world is as the tree: .we are like the half- ripened fruit ttpon it. The unripe fruits cling fast to the. hough, bepause they are not fit for the palace ;• ♦ * * Better that the secret of the Friend should he dis¬ guised * do thou harken to it as implied in the ocmtents of the tale. ** Better that the lovers’ secret should he told (alle¬ gorically) in the talk of others.* ♦ * * “ But when they have ripened and become sweet and delicknis the Holy Spirit will tell these uxith^ out me as the medium. " Nay, thou wilt tell it to thy own ear — neither I nor another, O thou who art one with me ■— Just as, when thou fattest asleep, thou goest from the presence of thyself into the presence of thyself. " And hearest from thyself that which is told thee secretly by someone in a dream.* Even to the elect, the mysteries of gnosis can only be communicated .... through a screen of S 3 unbolism ”, says Prof. Nicholson in a foot note. Mere lear ning ^ on .the other hand, however vast and deep, will not by itself make a Pundit a spiritual Guru, — an interpreter of the mysteries of gnosis. Of what avail, indeed, is knowledge, If they (the scholars) adore not the blest feet of the Pure Knower f Prof. Nicholson has given tiUes of great insight to the several ijoems, just as some unknown ancient editor has done for the Tiruvacagam. This extract is from “ Ripeness is all.” •' from. RUMI — THE DOCTRINE OF RESERVE. * jrom RUm —RIPENESS IS ALL. 10 286 TAMIL CULTURE said Tiruvalluvar. Manickavacagar had such learning in his mind when he sang, I survived the multiple sea called learning”^ Qiumguih usCmi—£i Rumi confirms the inadequacy of mere learning in words re¬ miniscent of Tiruvalluvar and Manickavacagar. He sings, “ The spiritual man’s knowledge bears him dojt; the sensual man’s knowledge is a burden. ‘‘God hath said, Like an ass laden with bookst heavy is the knowledge that is not inspired by Him.’ and exhorts the aspirant in these ringing words :— “ go, seek the thing named. The mxxM is in the sky, not in the water. “ Would you rise beyond name and letter make yourself pure, “ And behold in your own heart all the knowledge of the prophets, without book, without learning, without preceptor’” THE SEEKER BECOMES THE SOUGHT “Never, in sooth, does the lover seek without being sought by his beloved “ When the lightning of love had shot into ibis heart Know that there is love in that heart. B The writer of tins article has preferred to translate in his own words, the several passages of the Tiruvacagam quoted' in this article. He is fully conscious of his temerity and does so with trepidation. "Where the quotations are from Rev. G. XJ. Pope’s translation^ due acknowledgement is made. 8 from mmi—IMMEDIATE KNOWLEDGE. VERITIES .... MANICKAVACAGAR AND RUMI 287 “ When love of God viaxes in thy heart, beyond any doubt God hath love for thee”^ Runu avers in these words that Manickavacagar had re¬ peatedly declared several centuries earlier. Thus and thus Manickavacagar bears testimony to this reversal of roles, the Sought becoming the pursuing Seeker. " Have I indeed performed ascetic deeds, d-va-ya-na-ma gained to chaunt ! Civan, the mighty Lord, as honey and as rare ambrosia sweet, Himself He came, entered my soul — to me His Slave gave grace.* IBirQaiQiuir^^(^ eretruQu^pm t Qfitgfiu QjeaarQp^iriLi^ ^9uQu(^Uiirdr fisQar aifi Q^Bv^oretrih QeFiLi^rtv. That Thou, indeed, are the four-fold Vedas’ L&rd, I realise, and I, the lowliest of all, A very cur, this too I see; yet Lord, since I say,* to Thee a lover I’ve become’, theref<}re. Thou took’st me for Thine own. Devotees, are there not, besides me, A Vile wretch f Isn’t this verily Thy grace f .^ujjsir^ meoptueugiith ^Qtu ojirpeo lUTeuiff^ist aaoL-uJi^^ prtdKSesrdr .^^pSscufih QpiraSs ssarQ prp(SeiT jEirguesrsQsirir erdsiQutxr .|^a9(?arssr .^^oiirso ^eitrQ QsssBmt—ariii J^u^irrpinh §)oi8fiQuj ^eadSl Qs^tbAtl-siu Quu/Smaa, jSarQu(^iiUi luduQp ? Seekers such as these are called the Mystics. Rumi calls them the Pirs. “ The Pirs ” says Rumi, ’ from Bxmi—UNIVERSAL LOVE. ® TIRU—^Pope’s translation. 288 TAMIL CULTURE " are they whose spirits were in the Sea of Divine Munificence before the world existed. ** They lived ages before the creation of the body.; they harvested the wheat before it was sown. Before the form uhxs moulded, they had received the spirit ; before theeea was made, they had strung the pearl. “ The spirit has beheld the wine in the grape, the spirit has beheld entity in non-entity — " The finite was infinite, the minted gold before the existence of the miner * * * • ^ THE MYSTIC IS A TRI-KALA-GNANl The Mystic, •— the Pir is a tri-kala gnani. As the organs of Divine oonsdousness" says Prof. Nieholson, quot¬ ing from Jiii in a foot note, " He knows the entire content of past, present and future existence, how, everything camd to be and is now coming and shdll at last oome to be: all this he knows both synthetically and analytically Manickavacagar bears testimony to this when he sings, t " Grass was I, shrub was I, worm, tree. Full many a kind of beast, bird, snake, Stone, man and demon. *Midst Thy hosts I served. The form of mighty A^ras, ascetics, gods I bore. Within these imvidbile and mobile forms of life In every species bom, weary Fve grown, great Lord ! Truly, seeing Thy golden feet this day, I *ve gained release.’* ** Li^eo/rSu ^Ljriuu Lf(i^sucrttj wxiLirS ueO eSl(T^suitrSu upesxuiuirtuu uirihuirSs ^^eOiriu msSifiiriruju Qutuiriu ssessriiiaeirirdt aieo jtijrsFjrirQ (tfApSaiirtrdifi (a/seujririuA. ■ ® pom RUMI—THE SAINT’S VISION OF ETERNITY. 10 TIRU—Pope’s translatioii. VERITIES .... MANICKAVACAGAR AND RUMI 289 Q^eceOT jS^jD§)^ fliretijr jnmr erAeiiru iSpuLfw QpA srihQu(^t^ir«it QmiuQiu ajtir Qur^esru^^ eSQpQpmt Nearly seven centuries later, and from a country hun¬ dreds of miles away^ and in a foreign tongue, Rujni eonfirms this declaration of Manickavacagar in more than on© poem. One, which Praof. Nicholson calls, THE ASCENDING SOUL, amazes the reader with its verbatim similarity to Manicka- vacagar’S song. ^Let Rumi speak : " I died as mineral and became a plant, I died as plant and rose to animal, I died as animal and I was Man. Why should I fear ? When tvas I less by dying ? Yet once more T shall die as MaUj to soar With angels blest ; but even from angelhood I must pass on :
{aje0a/ir «s6Jf (Su9l QutSlesrn', »pn Qtogir g)/ f2> Q^ireo uprSl u^/Stesrir; Qu(^a&fih eQir^Qui ujrih (?Q/^ai0us <9^ir^ijbiraQQ/ s^ir^^jria sirtLisf.esro'; o^majeair^iEGiT tt^iaaQeir jifeaiceu^irs sjrp/iSI LaSsOfi^esrir. The truth of these experiences of Manickavacagar are borne witness to by Rumi in these words :— “ These cwo-and-seventy sects will remain till the Re¬ surrection : the heretics talk and arguments will not fail. “ The number of locks upon a treasure are the proof of its high value. " The long wi7idihgs of the way, its mountain passes, and the brigands infesting it, announce the greatneM of the traveller's god. 12 TIRU—^Pope’s translation except lines marlced with an asterisk, which arc in part of full altered. VERITIES .... MANICKAVACAGAR AND RUMI 291 Every false doctrine resemhles a mountain-pass, a pre¬ cipice, and a brigand. " The blind reliyious are in a dilemma, for the champions on either side stand firm: each party is delighted with its own path "” THE MYSTIC’S TALISMAN The peril is great, but the novitiate has an infallible talis¬ man against aU dangers. "Love alone," declares Rumi, "can ^nd their quarrel. Love alone comes to the rescue when you cry for help against their arguments." Our earlier Pilgrim on the perilous highway escaped the ‘ brigands ’ with the aid of the same Talisman. In words which read like a perfect ‘Grammar’ of Love, Manickavacagar re¬ lates what true dauntless Pilgrims, the galaxy of Lovers of God, do in such a peril. ^uuirCaUi e^eSliur 6 ses 3 TL— Qlitso^ ^oS/Su^ih uiru^ub ujrsSiLfth . jse^eSl&su^iugtf .g^ein9p uirwir j>f^T abide.” The poem reveals how much import^ce Manickavacagar at¬ tached to this petition. The tiruvasagam is divided into ‘patigams’, liter^y ‘Tens’. VERITIES • • 4 • MANICEAVACAGAR AND RUMI 293 “ She, tny Lady dwells within Thy core ; in my Lady*s heart you dwell: Ij Thee both do (indeed) dwell within this slaw, to me, Thy bandsman. Grant the grace amidst Thy devotees To dwell, .. That my hegrVs intent he fulfilled” s-mi—iutreir jB(Sl6Q(^a{^u), ^mu-iuireir jBQa^ar ^ a.«5r jtfu^irir §)(^d(j^i}i jfi^Sstru i^Siuirtu ., .CTcJr aiemessTih (yyareSdsiQp. Sat-sang, the company of the Good Companions is a vital need of the Mystic. For, “ the Way to Good ”, as Rumi says, “is full of trouble and baJe.”^® “ On this road men^s souls are tried by terror, as a sieve is used for sifting bran. “If you go by yourself, I 0rant that you may matiage to escape the wolf ; but you wiU feel no spiritual alacrity. “The ass,.notwithstanding its grossness, is encouraged and strengthened, O Dervish, by comrades of its awn kind. “How many more goadings and cudgellings does it suffer when it crosses the desert without company I “ It says to you implicitly, “ Take good heed / Don*t travel alone unless you are an ass ! ” “ * LOVE IN ABSENCE An overwhelming consciousness of unworthiness and a sinking dread of being forsaken mingle with a lament at being separated from the Lord and a yearning heart-adie for union ^ yrom RUMI—Do not travel alone. __ jtfi^Qfudr ^0uupiries)eo, ^v^QiutiT 11 294 TAMIL CULTURE with the Beloved, and form the warp and woof of the tapes¬ try of the Tiruvacagam. They are the strands of the web of life of a Mystic. A whole series of fifty poems of the Tiruvacagam entreat the Lord in heart-wringing words, ‘ Forsake me Not eQ&sT ereir Guir^eou.ojira' iSpT ? ^eoL-UJ/rw j>fiif.^ir(oiu&ar^ ^dssr idifisr uirsQ^ ^SffoSdpar; (^>8s^6u^ Uiecir iSifijs ptrm (ifnLis^Qeceir, ; ■ ^SsartuaT u/rai&sr i^0ihLf xeO u>esr(Q Qa^eSI uSeiresr Qp^p/SlQttjQesr I What other sinners are there like irQeiir I Wearied am I, a cur: I cannot any longer abide here O Fetter-free ! Thy facet’s lustre to gaze at and smile’s gleam to see, 0 Sire, b^hol4,1 eagerly yearned. VERITIES .... MANICKAVACAGAR AND RUMI 295 Rumi reveals to us the esoteric meaning of this eternal hunent which pervades the Tiruvacagam. ' ' Rumi sings:— ** How should not I mourn, like night, without His day and the faVoicr of His day-dluming countenance ? " / am in loy» with grief and pain for the sake of pleasing my peerless King. " I complain of the Soul of my soul, but in truth I am not complaining: I am only telling. “ My heart says it is tormented by Him, and I have long been laughing at its poor pretence.** THE BODY THAT LE^S TO RUIN AND THE BODY THAT LEADS TO BLISS Poor pretence it may be, when the heart says it is tor¬ mented by Him, but it does not seem to be so wh^ Manicka- vacagar reviles his body. When he bemoans like this,_“ En¬ dure, I cannot, this bodily existence '* f/siBsQQaidr sinu or "this body that would not be uprooted, I have not felled *’ p/SQeofir) or thus. " I camiot bear this, but no way of ridding this body do I see ” {QuTjpiaQecdr, or merely thus, "I die not" (S}fiiQQoidr) he seems earnestness itseK. While the uninitiated reader grows sorely perplexed at this suicidal longing, Manickavacagar confounds him with a strange paradoxical utterance. He says ; * *'Hail to the Resplendent Being that did away with the body which spells ruin. Hail to Him that created the body which yields ecstacy.** Qrajjs §)«w Oti/r^cir Q^iufffsirui (Surpfi. ** /rom RUMI—^Love in Absence. 296 TAMIL CULTURE Rumi comes to our help and enlightens us thus :— “ The spiritual way. ruins the body and, having ruined it, restores it t# irgrr .^scDs ^jfiajs Qstup ^/em QuT(^^ ^«aw QstuQprw QuTpfSI, In amazingly identical concept and expression Rumi ex¬ pounds the same mystic truth thus :— “ Thy truth is concealed in falsehood, like the taste of butter in buttermilk. “ Thy falsehc’od is this perishable body ; thy truth is the lordly spirit. During many years the buttermilk remains in view, while the butter has vanished as if nought, “ Till God send a Messenger, a Chosen Servant, to shake the buttermilk in the chum — To shake it with method and skill, and teach me that my true self was hidden. “The buttermilk is old: Keep it, do not let it go till ^/bu extract the butter from it. “Turn it deftly to and fro, that it may give up its secret/’ This spiritual churning turns the body which spells ruin into a body which melts in ecstaty. In this state, tnrni RUMI—Spiritual Churning. 298 TAMIL CULTLTIE The body prickles and quivers, its hands clasped over tKe^ head and adore Thy fragrance-laden Feet, tears well up, the heart melts, and The unreal is spumed. eQ^ir s-esr eSeojr ^/r 0<»6ar esis^ir/dsr ^emea^ir ^^ihi9 Qeu^ihiS sjeSreirui, Quriu ^rar ^eStir^^ . Spurning the unreal. Thee I praise, and never shall 1 falter or cease with repeated songs of victory to Hail Thee ! Quroj ^rdsT ^eQirpgii itjm^ssruQuirpiS, ^iusfiu Qujr/prbI Qiuesr^ pi ih esi,s^irear QjsQip eSKSt—or .-— FEELING AND THINKING In this state, the Mystic has no patience with ordinary talk. If ever he speaks, it would only be to repeatedly pro¬ nounce thus :— 0 Lord, Father, Sire, My Supreme Master ! ” Qu&ib(iyih FF^Qesr erpesi^ Qu^j^t^rQesr cresrQ/o^niSpj (Su^ij (Su^ If, perchance, the Mystics are ever inveigled into an idle argument, they realise their lapse almost instantly and resume their sole pursuit — the praise of the Lord. Manickavacagar declares this allegorically through a conversation between certain girls who go about collecting their friends on thefir way to the tradit.^onal early morning bath in the month of Margazi (Decernber-January) and a friend still tarrying in her bed. The Giuls :— O thou of radiant vearl-like smile, is*t not now dawn t ** .> The Lazy One :— Have all the sweet-voiced (x/me, like parrots, many- hued ” VERITIES .... MANICKAVACAGAR AND RUMI 209 The Girls :■— “ We shall count, and true tally, report (to you), mean¬ while in sleep close not thine eye; let not thy time in vain he sept.” The Girls continuing after realising thb^i lapse :— Heaven’s Unique Elixir, Veda’s Quintessence, Eyes’ Delight, We’d rather sing^ CSeu^ eQ(^u Qur^Ssiri ^en r^pt s QeiSlujtrdmu urrtifJs j k^ l areirih pjenQjBs^ jSeirjxias ujinhuiriL(ai—irih ^(Siu aijh O^aAretfAls (^eapuSl9d ^uSKSecQeo/r Qjrihuireuiriu. Rumi relates an anecdote which quaintly underscores this same one-pointedness of the Mystic. “Someone struck Zayd a hard blow from behind. He was about to retaliate, “When his assailant cried, ‘Let me ask you a question first, answer it, then strike me. “ I struck the nape of your neck, and there was the sound of a slap. Now I ask you in a friendly way — " Was the sound caused by my hand or by your neck, O pride of the noble 1 ’ “ Zayd said, ‘ The pain I am suffering leaves me no time to reflect on this problem. “ Ponder it yourself: he who feels the pain cannot think of things like this,” " from RUMI—Feeling and Thinking. 300 TAMIL CULTURE THE MYSTIC’S HIGHWAY — THE SPEEDIEST Many are the pilgrims to God and diverse are the routes that they take, but the Mystic’s highway is the speediest and the surest one. His goal rushes forward to him more speedily than lightning. “The Lord sings Manickavacagar, “ eludes many earnest seekers, who strive to reach him through rites, or Vedic lore, or Yogic contemplation, and “even those (ascetics) who bidding their senses five de¬ part to regions far, seek unknown mountain heights, and with body stripped of all but the bare breath perform rare austerities^* But “ to me ” he sings in ecstaoy, “ Today, right nou\ in condescending grace He delivered Himself’* ... Q^essr eauSlGa Qs^eceSQjs^ ^(^eaesijr Q^ir^ih (SurruJfi ^ippesiski siriL^ujea ^mQpesrs QsaB eup^f^p^ssresr Quirp^. “The Mystic**, Rumi declares, “ascends to the 'Throne in a moment; the ascetic needs a month for one day’s journey. ^’Although for the ascetic, one day is of great value, yet how should this one day be equal to Gity thouscnid years 7 “ In the life of the adept, every day is fifty thousand of the years of this world. “ Love hath five hundred wings, and every wing reaches from the mpyrean to beneath the earth. “ The timorous ascetic runs on foot, the lovers of God fly more quickly than lightning.” VEUITII^S .... MANICKAVACAGA& ANt) RtJMl 30l I AM GOD In that monient, when the Lord, in condescending grace delivers Himself to the Mystic, he is filled with God — he is God. i That rare moment is for ever captured in the outburst of Rapture with which Manickavacagar concludes the Tim-anda- p-paguthi. “J know not what to say. Blessed be Thou ! Is this proper f Ah me ! a mere cur, I cannot sustain this. W'hat Thee to me has done, I cannot ojmprehend. Ah ! I am dead. To me. Thy slave. What Thou in grace hast bestowed, I know not; with mere slipping, am not satiate, (Greedily) swallowing, I cannot take it in. The rich cool sea of milk in flowing billows swells Like the new-moon mid-ocean tide and fills my soul to overflowing. ' It beggars description — in each hair-root of my body. Nectar sweet, to collect, He ordained. Taking abode in this my frame, Each fibre of this wretch’s fleshy body. Through honey-filled wondrous ambrosial channels < He irrigated right to the very cavities of the bones. As if with (my) melting heart he fashioned a form. An ecstacy bubbling body He created for me. (Thus) when in me, Mercy’s pure honey he mixed. He made me, in His grace, surpassing Nectar sweet. Qrir&^su fifSKSojA, tuirifi t i fifKSium jBrCSajar, ^trQsadssr^ QfiifKSajm. ! jt/i^Qojp uurQjreir, «0(I^QttfUi (aCMV. ^aiir^asL.90 sjmarssppjpihu, n culture SO;S euiriQpjs flS(ip/Bih ttaSirix/rio QfSirjpjfl (S^iSlL^i Qvuj^esrfir, QatrisiJStum ssat^^mip (^jruimu Qfiirjp/ib (^rihenu 0c«MB ajeouiji/sevdr -..~...~ ..--- ardreUp euireir «s ^^Qeyr/rG) ujrireu(ip piriQesrw, / am God\” says Rumi, **is an expression of great humility. The man who ^ys, "lam the slave of God ’/affirms two existences, his own and God’s, but he that says ‘ / am God \ has made himself non-existent and has given himself up and says 7 am God ’ i.e., "I am naught, He is all, there is no being but God’s. THIS IS THE EXTREME OF HUMILITY AND SELF ABASEMENT.” •<> 30 jrom RUMI—Deification. SWAIMI -S. GNANA PRAKASAR, o.m.i. I T is an anachronism to call the North Ceylon of the Tamil period by the name of Jaffna. Nor is it correct to say that any Ruler of the North of the Island was king of Jaffna. The name Jaffna, now designating the entire Penin¬ sula, was first given to the new town in Nallur in the 17th century. The kings, whose brief history is to be related in the following pages, reigned first at Sinkai Nagar, a town situated probably on the sea-shore near Point Pedro and then at Nal¬ lur, till their downfall. Their kingdom was known in their own days as that of Ham, a name given also to the whole Island of Ceylon. As this old name is no more in use, and as “Jaffna" has to come to indicate the northern kingdom, we conform to modem usage in calling our ancient rulers the kings of Jaffna. On the history of Jaffna there have been quite a number of Tamil works published recently. They have drawn invari¬ ably from a Tamil Prose work called Yalppana-Vaipava-Malai by one Mylvakanapulavar of Jaffna. This was translated into Englidi by late Mr. Advocate C. Brito (1879). Mudaliar C. Rasanayagam who wrote his “Ancient Jaffna** in English was himseK laid much store by this uncritical work of recent times. For, it was written according to the author’s own statement as late as the year 1736 or thereabouts ; for Mac- cara, at whose instance it was undertaken, was Governor of the Dutch possessions in Ceylon at that time. We have, therefcH^, to take it for what it is worth, and this can be deter¬ mined only by a critical examination of the sources utilized This is a chapter from an unpublished manuscript 304 TAMIL CULTURE by the author. The following is a suminary of an artide con¬ tributed by the present writer to the “ Ceylon Antiquary and Literary -Register.” ^ SOURCES OF THE YALPPANA-VAIPAVA-MALAI . The “Special Preface” whidi is verse tells us that Mayilvakana-pulavar drew from the following older writ¬ ings : (1) Kaylayarmdai (2) Vaiya-padal (3) Para- rasasekaran-ula and (4) Irasa-murai. These works deal with the period of native kings alone. We may well imagine that no records of the troublous times of the Portuguese con¬ quest of Jaffna, followed by days little congenial to the pro¬ duction of Tamil literature, were left in the native tongue for our author 1x> consult. For the history of these times he had to fall back upon oral traditions. Of the little he says of the Dutch period we can attribute only a small fraction to him. As Mr. Brito remarks: “ The bold language in which the policy of the Dutch is described and the prophecies which the work contains relating to the English, musjt be regarded as interpolation of a later date.”* Confining our attention, therefore, to the earlier portion of the Vaipava-malai, v/e find that this can be divided into three distinct sections: 1. The legendary section closing with the story of the yalppadi: (pp. 1-13). 2. The colonisation of Jaffna under Koolankaic-Chak- karavartti (pp. 13-18). 3. List of kings down to Pararasa-sekaran (pp. 18- 26). Of these, section 1 is in all probability based on th© Vuiyor padal Section 2 on the Kailaya-malai, and Section 3 on. the Ira- saparamparai and Pararasa - sekaran - ula. The last two re»- co^s supplying, apparently, the data for the most historical 1. Vi p. 125 & seq. 2. Tb? y. V. M. Translator’s preface. SOURCES FOR ..HISTORY OF JAFIT^A 305 portion of the work'is lost, a truly unfortunate thing. The KaUaya-malae. has been recovered and printed.* A good por¬ tion of the Vaiya-padal has been recently discovered.* There exists also an old prose rendering of it, complete, which will help us to supply the lacunae of the incomplete original. Leaving out, therefore, section 3, on which we can pass no judgment before its sources are, if ever, possibly brought to light, let us proceed to tackle Sections 1 and 2 of the work whidi now occupies our attention. The Vaiya-padal opens with an episode from the Rama- yanam, according to which Vipishanan had been made king of* Ceylon in the room of his brother Rdvanan by no less a personage than Tasarata Raman himseK. A Yalppadi (lutist), who was serving at the court of Vipishanan, clears the jungle of the Northern i)enin8ula, then known as “ Manaltidal,” plants gardens and groves, and, after bringing down a thousand Indian families to people the new land, crosses over to North Madura ^d obtains from king Kulaketu, the maitunan of Tasarata, one of his sons to become the ruler of this colony. This prince had one hand shorter than the other and was therefore known as Vijaya-Koolankaic-Chakkaravartti. This y/as in Kali-yuga 3000 or B, C. 101. Mayilvakana-pulavar has embodied this account in his book. But Vipishnan was a misty character of the remote past and the events connected with the Sinhalese history, 3. By Mr. T. Kayilasapillal of Jaffna in 1905. See also Brito op. cit pp. xliv-xlvi. 4. By Mr. Anidpiragasam of the Central College, Jaffna. The prose version wa? edited by me from MSS with notes in 1921. ' Mr. Brito translates the greater portion of this opuscule in his Y. V. M. pp. xxx-xxxiv) and remarks: “ the above is a work of no authority. It is a .confusion of persons, places dates and events.” Still I hold that it Is out of this confusion that the author of the Y. V. M. has endea¬ voured to build up, the first section of his work. How far he has succeeded in .accomplishing this rare task will be seen in the text. The prose Vaiya has been also quoted by Mr. J. P. Lewis in the first chapter of his Manual of the Vanni but under the name of Kalveddu. 306 TAMIL CULTURE which the pulavar had without doubt, known through the Mahavanso tradition, had to be reckoned with. So he deacter- ously sandwiches these events between the reign of that puranic celebrity (p. 1) and the so-called colonisation under the Yalp- padi (p. 13). Again, the Pulavar had no doubt that Vijaya was a Saivite. For, when that adventurer left India, Bud¬ dhism was not a full fledged faith. It was an easy task for him, therefore, to connect the more ancient Saivite temples of Ceylon with its famous conqueror (p. 3). Likewise, the coming out of the oldest families of Brahmans was naturally bracketed with the origin of these temples (p. 1-2). Again, it was too notorious a fact to be ignored, that the old inhabi¬ tants of Ilam with their speech shaded off into Sinhalese had held Jaffna before the modem Tamil settlers ever set their foot here, and there seems to have been an idea that the former had come from Siam. So, the pulavar adds that Vijaya had brought the Buddhist settlers from “ Siam and other parts of Burma and placed them in different parts of the country.” (p. 2). And when the Yalppadi brought his Tamil settlers he is made to rule over ” the new colonists and the Singhalese natives whom he treated alike.” (p. 13.) ‘ The Vaiyh-padal places the story of Marutap-piravika- valli after the colonisations by Yalppadi and follows it up with the arrival of sixty Vannias in connection with the marriage of Vararasa-sinkan, the man-lion son of Ukkirasinkan by that Chola princess. One of the Vannias, afterwards, stays with Vararasa-sinkan at Kandy, while the rest conquer Adanka- pattu and rule it ujlder the overlordship of Jaffna; they invite the various Indian castes and clans, which we now find settled in Jaffna and- the Vanni, including Tampalakamam and Koddiaram. Eventually, fifty-four of the Vannias are slain in a battle with the Parankis(?) and the remaining five return^ to India but are drowned on their way thither. In the meantime, the wives of all the sixty Vannias, with their swordsman and other attendants, leave India in order to meet 5. We learn this from De Queyroz, Conquista Tomporal csptri- tvaZ de Ccylao, p. 4, He couples B^igal with Sianii SOtJRCES FOR.mSTORY OF JAFFNA M their husbands in Ceylon. Heajring, on the way, of the death of the fifty-four, an equal number of the Vannichis mount the funeral pyre, one goes to Kandy to find her lord, and the remaining five each the Vanni unaware of the trapc end of their husbands, and subsequently become Vannipam (rulers of the Vanni), their new husband being known as Ayutanti.® Into this story is woven an episode of two pirate chiefs Vedi- arasan and Meera. They are defeated by Meeka-man a fisher chief, who was sent to Ceylon, from Madura to obtain Naga- rubies for the anklet of Kannakai (?) and from the Mukkuwa colony of Batticaloa and the Moorish one of Vidattialtivu. Thus far the Vaiya-padal. The writer of that opuscule has put the different legends of his day pell-mell, without any regard to chronology. Mayilvakana-pulavar, on the other hand, had to fit them with the statements of another docu¬ ment which doubtless he had before his eyes. This was Konesar-Kalveddu/ or at any rate the tradition derived from it. Thus we find him following this document with regard to the Vanhias who, according to it, were brought down in con¬ nection with the Konesar temple by Kulak-kodden, another nebulous hero about whom more in the sequel. But before bringing Kulak-koddan and his temple to the notice of his readers, he takes care to safe-guard what to him appears the greater antiquity of the Nakulesar temple by throwing in a word on Kiri-malai and on the legend of a mongoose-faced sage which has grown roirnd that temple. Then, harmonising ,the Vaiya’s statement and that of the Kalveddu with regard 6. Portuguese: ajudante, adjutant. 7. Printed with the Takshina-Kayilgtsa-puranam, about which see note 11. The prose portion of the Kalveddu looks older on the whole than the verse. It is attributed to a certain Kavirasar who appears to contribute a “Special preface” to the Takshina-Kayllasa- puranam. If so, it is as old as this work. Mr. Brito who gives a good su mm a r y, of the Kalveddu in his Y. V- M. (pp. xxxix-xliv), says that it is unquestionably a work of great antiquity, but it bears evident marks of having received additions from time to time up to every recent dates.” Before Mr. Brito Mr. Casie Chitty had given a summary of the Kalveddu in the Government Gazette of 1831. See this re¬ produced in the Ceylon Literary Register 1-63. I’AMfL CUl'tUHS to the Vannias, our author declares that the Vannias invited by Eulak -koddan also received “an accession of fifty-nine” new families from Pandi”. (p. 7). This number “fifty nine” is unquestionably from the Vaiya’padal as the story of Kulak-koddan bringing the Van¬ nias is from the Ealveddu. He then takes up the episode of the pirate chiefs, now metamorphosed into usuman and Sentan (probably to account for the two village names: Usuman- turai and Sentan-kalam), and succeeds in tracing out a cause for chiefs afterwards migrating to Batticaloa and to “the sea-coast far removed from Eiri-malai ” (p. 5.) The circum¬ stances of five Vannias being drowned, sixty Vannichis coming out to meet their husbands with their swordsmen &c., and fifty-four of them committing suicide, reappear in the reign of Sahkily transformed into the following : Forty-nine Van¬ nias come out to join their caste in Ceylon. They are all lost at sea except one Earaippiddy Vannian who reaches Jaffna ; he is stabbed to death and his Vannichi commits suicide ; the sixty swordsmen in their pay are degraded into Nalavas (pp. 34-35). The transmutation of numbers in the two stories, which nevertheless present the same chief events faith¬ fully, is interesting.. As for Marutap-piravika-valli herself, the Vdiya-padal tells us that she. was the daughter of Tisai-ukkira-cholan, fether-in-law or uncle of Koolankaic-chakkaravartti. She and her brother, Sinka-ketu visited Ceylon for the purpose of bathing in the sacred ^ring of Eiri-malai. Here she was cured of a deformity in the face which had resembled that of a horse. From this marvel the country came to be known as Mayidda-puram. They travelled on to Eatir-kamam and on their return journey Marutap-pravika-valli had, by Uk- kirasinkan, a son bom with a tail, who resembled a irinn bon. This is what the Vaiya-padal has. The KaUaya-malai introduces.a slight change. According to it, the daughter of ^?OtJRCES FOR.HISTORY OF JAFFNA 305 a CholEU apparently n a m ed Rasa Rasan bathed in the sea^ turttani of Ceylon to obtain a cure and was encamped with her attendants and a large army. The lion-faced king of Katirai- m alai (Ratirkamam) stealthily carried her away to his hill capital and made her his queen. She gave birth to a beautiful son called Varasinka - maharasa Narasinka - rasan. The queen next gave birth to a daughter. "jWhen' the children grew up they were married to each other. ♦ The' Vaipava-malai version is much more developed. Ukkira-sinkan appears here with a fuller previous history. He is “a prince of the dynasty founded by king Vigaya's brother.” (p. 8) He makes a descent on Ceylon with a numer¬ ous force, conquers one half of it and reigns from Katirai- malai. He has the face of a lion and makes a pilgrimage to Kiri-malai where he encampis in Valvar-kon-pallam, “so named from Valavan (Chola-rasan) who had formerly en¬ camped on the same spot.” (p. 8) At this st^e comes the incident of Tondaiman (no doubt invented by folk-lore etymo¬ logists to account for Tondamanaru) who pays him a virit. ■On this returning to Katirai-malai he passed through the Vanni, receiving the voluntary submission of the Vannias and imposing on them a tribute “which he enjoined should be paid to the temple of Konesar.” (p. 9.) Then comes Marutap- piravika-valli; she encamps b.^ Kumaratti-pallam, bathes in the holy spring under the direction of Nakula-muni, and her cure gives Ma-vidda-puram its name. She builds the Kanda- Bwami temple, for which her father Tasai-ukkira-cholan sends the men and the materials. There is then introduced a detailed story about the Brah¬ man, Pmamanat-tullar, who is miraculously sent from the ' 8. Mr. Brito translates: “a son of great personal beauty but having a taiL” “Y. V. M. P. xlv. The text does not justify this, ceyyo-adi-val-alku means “ the great beauty of the rosy feet” The "Vaiya-padal is solely responsible for the prince’s cumbersome appur¬ tenance. 310 Tamil cultUM opposite shore to officiate in the new temple. This fumidies the author with another opportunity for propounding the popular etymology of Kankesan-turai and for appending some traditions concerning the origin of “ the Kashi and Tillai races of priesthood” (p. 12). Again, Ukkira-sinkan visits Kiri- malai once more presumably hearing of the temple being built by a Chola princess and a circmusiancial account is given of how he possessed himself of Marutap-piravika-vaUi and how, in deference to her wishes, he tarried at Manaltidal until she had completed the sacred edifice, (p. 11) Subse¬ quently he takes her to Katirai-malai and there celebrates the nuptial ceremonies. Soon afterwards he abandons this city and makes Senkadanakari his capital. Here the queen brings forth a son and a daughter. The son who was born with a tail, was named Narasinka-rasa and the daughter Senpaka- vati. Their parents unite them in marriage and crown the son sub-king under the title of Vala sinka-rasa; but on his father's death he ascended the throne with the name of Jaya- vararasa sinkan. (pp. 12-13.) Thus we find that the original story as found in the Vaiya-padal and the little more expanded version of Kayilaya- malai have undergone a great many developments in the Vaipava-malai. What are the somces of these developments ? It is, again, the-Kalveddu in combination with folk-lore- etymology and the popular evolution of ideas which have given the Pulavar his data. The ground-work of the story of the miraculous cure of an Indian princess and the building of a temple by her is found ready-made in the account of Kulak-koddan and the temple of Konesar. A Chola prince called Kulak-koddan (the name simply means one connected with tank and temple) comes to worship at Tiri-Kayilai, i.e. the shrine at Trincomalie. Here another Cholan, Vararama Tevan, has worshipped before him. He builds the temple and its towers, makes the sin-dispelling well, and appoints a line of Vannias to see to the maintenance of the temple and its worship. He invites Brahmans from India officiate in it. Now there comes another character on the SOURCES FOR HISTORY OF JAFFNA 311 sage. Adaka-saviintary* was a Kalinga princess born with a deformity and on that account committed to the waves en- dosed in an ark. The ark was wafted on Ceylon shores and picked up by the king of Unnasakiri. The child was adopted by the kind and in course of time succeeded him as ruler of Ceylon. It was during her reign that Kulak-koddan was busjdng himself with the pious work of restoring the temple. The report of his activities reaches her ears and forthwith she despatches an army to drive him out of the island ; but this only results in a friendly understanding and Kulak-koddan marries her at Unnasakiri. They both retire to Tiri-kayilai where a son named Sinka-kumaran is born. Afterwards they return to Unnasa-kiri and made him king. ; Now it will appear at a glance that the two accounts are not independent of each other. Both are, in fact, substantially the same, if we make allowance for a confusion of names and places. In the one case it is a Chola princess who builds a Ceylon temple*® and espouses a prince of the Kalinga family. In the other it is a Chola prince who builds a Ceylon temple and espouses a princess of the Kalinga family. In both the cases the princess is sent to Ceylon on account of a i>ersonal deformity. But what is a conclusive argument for the identity of both the stories is that both point to the head of a new d5masty in Ceylon practically with the same name, i.c. Vala- sinkan and Sinka-kumaran. On the other hand, there can be no doubt that the story of Kulak-koddan and Adaka-savuntary is earlier than that of 9. The name, the deformity in question, and some other details disclose the fact that this legend has much in common with those of Tadakai in the Ramayanam and Tasatakaip-piraddy in the Tiruilai- yadatpuranam.. The author of the Y. V. M. makes Adaka-Savuntary the queen of Pandu. (p. 6) See how this equation enables him to fix some dates : Pp. 7 and 9. This is clearly a device to make a distinct personage of Marutappiravikavalli whereas she Is actually identical wiUx Adaka-savuntary. 10. Kulak-koddan repaired the temple of. Tambalakamam and the old temple of Kirimalai is called by the Y. V. M. ‘Tiruttampala- Isuran-koiL (p. 3) There is surely som? identity behind tto resem¬ blance of names. 31^ tAMIL CtrLTtyM Ukkira-sinkan and Marutap-piravika-valli, just as the shrine of Konesar is older than that of Nakulesar. We know tha-t' the former temple was of equal celebrity with Tirukketicchurtfm as early as the seventh century A. D.; for Tiru-Gnana-Sam- bantar has sung them both in his Tevaram hymns. But we hear nothing of Kiri-malai till such comparatively recent times as the Vaiya-padal and the Kaydayor-malai represent. As for Marutap - pitavika-valli the Takshina - kayilasa-puranam^' makes no mention of her, not even in the incoherent episode^ of the Kantaruvan or lutist connected with the Ravanan myth, in which Kiri-malai figures as an ordinary tirtam. The Tiruk-konasala-puranam does indeed represent her as visiting Kiri-malai in the course of her peregrinations through the many sacred places of Ceylon. But this work is of our own days*^ and the story is again different in details from that of the Vaipava-malai. Certain it is that both these works have each spun its own yarn from the legend handed down by that most uncritical document ever put on paper — the Vaiya- padal. ' . In all probability the legend of Marutap-piravika-valli originated as folk-lore in connection with a noted shrine of old days. We have a parallel to this in all the ruins of old build¬ ings in Jaffna being popularly attributed to some princess or other. Compare the legend concerning AUi-arasany and 11. First edition printed at Madras, 1887. A second edition which seems to follow older MSS, was printed at Jaffna. 1914. Internal evi¬ dence shows that this work covild not have been written, after the period of the native kings, i.c., after 1620. Its “Special preface” is attributed in the first edition to Arasa-Kesari and in the second to Kavi-virarakavan. If the latter is the blind poet who visited Pararasa- sekaran's court, his time should probably be placed before 1591. TMs is the Pararasa-sekaran nicknamed Rei torto ’who was a friend of letters and who could have composed the verses attributed to the Jaffna king in Kavi-virarakavan’s life. See infra chapter xii. A certain Kavirasar too contributes a “ Special preface ” to the Takshina-Kayilas- puranam. If be is identical with the author of the Konesar Kahreddu (as the editor of the former work thinks) then both t>i«» works belong to the same period. 12. It is clearly an interpolation as the editor remarks see page 13. “Its author Mr. Masilamany Muttukumaru, is a native of Trincomalie where he still lives,” Mr. Brito in his Y. V. M. page xxviii. Sources FOR.history of jaffna 31^ Kumaratty. The circumstance of Marutap-piravika^valli’s miraculous cure is probably to be traced to the influence of the legend of Adalca-savuntary, which itself owned its origin to some ancient floating myth, while her equine face would be naturally suggested by the place name Marvidda-puram.^* But folk-lore went a step further. It would connect this beau¬ tiful legend witih another not less beautiful — that of Yalp- padi. And nothing was easier. The Kulak-koddan tradition was there, ready to furnish all the missing linlfs. That cele¬ brated Chola prince who married a princess of his own coun¬ try miraculously brought to Unnasa-kiri was no other — it was discovered — than the lion-faced Ukkira-sinkan who married Manitap-piravika-:valli at Katira-malai“ and reign¬ ing as the sole monarch of Ceylon bestowed the Northern peninsula on the Yalppadi! I ’ • But who was this Yalppadi ? I find it a clumsy attempt to derive Yalppanam from Yalppadi. If there was a question of Yalppanan as the coloniser of our peninsula ail would be well. Yal-panan is a classical word meaning one whose occu-^- pation and caste-duty is to play on the lute. And a country connected with a Yalppanan can very correctly be called Yalp-i panam.^®. Again, it is contrary to fact to say thai Jaffna was 14. I venture to think that “puram” in this name actually re¬ present “veram” (for vihare) as in Suddi-puram, Suli-puram and Tol-puram. See this discussed by me in the Ceylon Antiquary, II. 292.’ “Mavidda” stands perhaps for Maha-wata or sacred Wata-tree as. suggested by Mr. S. W. Coomaraswamy in his Some place-names in-the Northern Province (TamiL p. 132.). There are many pulams or arable lands in Jaffna known as Mavattai and it is quite conceivable that a Mavattai pulam came to be called Mavattal-puram which would have given a chance to popular etsrmologists to, connect a horse with it. I notice a Vadda-Kallady in Poiyddi (or Bositiya) near Achchelu.’ Poyiddi itself is known as Seedi-puram (for veram) no doubt with reference to a Vlhara which stood on the Atiya. 15. A plausible suggestion has been made by Mr. H. W. Codring- ton C. C. S. in his lecture before the Jaflfna Historical Society (on 12th Feb. 1920) to the effect that Ukkira-sinkan and Jayatunkan might be identified with Magha and Jayabahu (1215-1238). But see Brito’s view in chapter iii infra. 16. See this discussed at length by Mr. Coomaraswamy in opus cit pp. 128-30. 314 - Tamil culture made habiteble and colonised only so late as the epoch assign¬ ed to Koolanic-chakravarti. Mayilvakana-pulavar corrects the Vaiya-padal with regard to the previous inhabitants of Jaffna, but adheres to the legend of the Yalppadi as all native writers have ever since done. He ventures even further in search of the antecedents of his hero and commits an anachro¬ nism by identifying him with the blind poet, Vira-rakavan, who indeed seems to have actually visited the court of a Cey¬ lon king but as late as the sixteenth or the seventeenth cen¬ tury.*''' The mention of the Yalppadi, however, is met, for the first time in native writings, only in the Vaiya-padaU^ The original Takshina-KayUasa-puranam has no reference to ifi. There seems, therefore, to be no doubt that the entire legend was conjured up as an explanation for the place name Yalppa- nam. But unfortunately for the etymologiste who built up such a romantic story on a name Yalppanam is probably in no way connected with either yaZ*® or panan. Learned opinion is now in favour of a Sinhalese origin to the name of the Portuguese town of the 17th century.®® Yapa-ne is a good 17. See note 11 supra. 18. It would seem that the Vaiya was composed during the times of the last Jaffna kings. See the traditions about the writer of this work in Mr. Mootootamby Pillai's Jaffna History 2nd edition p. 49. The Portuguese knew the story of the Yalpanan. For De Queyroz (P. 37), speaks of «the colony of the lord Jaffna which is the name of the first coloniser,” 19. The author of Ancient Jaffna would see the kingdom of Jaffna in a reference to the Veenai flag in Kalingattupparani (1. 8.) But there is no evidence for the lute having ever been on. the standard of the kings of Jaffna. Mr. Brito says somewhere that the sign geminl was the emblem for Jaffna. How he made that out is not clear. The Sarasothi-malai, a work of the 13th century, gives the yal as the auspicious sign of Tundi and makes no mention of Jaffna at all. On toe other hand we know from Sekarasa-sekara-malai and other sources ^t the Bull and Setu^were on the Jaffna flag, and the Jaffna colixage bore the same emblem. 20. the Ceylon Antiquary II 58, 173. Also Mr. Coomaraswamy op. cit. p. 130. SOURCES FOR.History of JAirNA siS ♦ • Sinhalese equivalent for Nallur : “Yapa” means good and ** ne is a common Sinhalese ending for village names. The earliest mention of the name is, in fact, in the Sinhalese.*^ Tamil works of the period of Jaffna kings always speak of Sinkai-nakar as the capital of the North, while later ones call it Nallur. All this shows that the story of the Yalppadi is to be abandoned root and branch. The real historical portion of the VdipctvCL-mdlai begins with Koolankaic-chakkaravartti. On the alleged colonisation of Jaffna once more under him (pp. 14-18) little need be said here. The author has closely followed the KaUaya-malai which represents the local traditions of each village with re¬ gard to its reputable or jTerhaps reputed ancestors. There follows then (pp. 18-27) a list of kin gs (is it com¬ plete ?) with brief chronicles on the reign of eadi and this looks firmer groimd to tread. The author has^ in all probabi¬ lity, bodily lifted ” the Irasamurai into his work, slightly abridging it, perhaps, as he has done in the case of the Kati- laya-malai. But from Pararasa-sekaran^^ onwards he seems to have entirely depended, as already stated, on oral tradition for his information hence his glaring inaccuracies with regard to the kings of the Portuguese period of Ceylon history. The greater portion of the “prophecy” of Supatidda- muni is from Vaiya-padal which ascribes it to the time of Kanakachakkaravarti son of Koolankaic-chakkaravarti! Additions to the “ prophecy ” have been made from time to time down to the coming of our present rulers and we are bidden by the latest interp>olator, to look forward to the ap¬ pearance of king Vala-sinkan, to whom the Piranchu (French) 21. The Selalihini Sanaesaya (stanza 28). Also the KoiUt Sande- 9Bya of the same period (stanza 9.). There is no instance of Yalppa- nam earlier than the 17th century. 22. The author of the Jaffna history says that “the Irasamurai was com p iled a little before the Portuguese conquest of Jaffna.'* (p. 7). But be does not give his authority for it. 316 ^AMiL CtlLTtlRfi and. Ulantesu (Dutch) kiugs will deliver the kingdom of •Lanka which they will have wrested from the Intiresu (OSoglish) man! Having cleared the ground, so to say, of the unhistorical .fancies of a work so long believed by every Tamil writer as authoritative, we shall now prove to compile a history of .the kings of Jaffna from more reliable sources.* • Articles on the same subject ^vill follow— Ed. &^eveiopment V, KANDASWAMY MUDALIYAR I A rchitecture has a history as old as man’s; the first cave-men lived 100,000 or 100,000,000 years ago, as variously commented by anthropologists, carved on bones figures of the reindeer and the four-tusked elephants, which are a marvel to modem draftsmen ; and besides covered the walls of their cave-dwellings with colourful paintings. There¬ fore artistic expressions were inherent in men who first came to live on earth. Then follows a long gap of years until we come' to a period when men came to live in different regions following different occupations, and began to build teniaments suited for their lives. The hunters lived in caves, the sh’cplierds who movs^- ed from place to place to find new pastures for their sheep and cattle leamt to make portable huts, and th^ a^icultprists, who lived in and about their lands, built mud housesdhaiehed with leaves; these three correspond to the three Tamilian divisions, Kurunchi, MuIIai, and Marutham (the hill-land, pasture-land, and agricultural land). When men learnt to bake bricks in the sun or fire, structural brick buildings ap¬ peared. This corresponds with the descriptions of tenaments given in the Tamil Classics Pathu-pattu (then teU songs) of of about 200 B. C. or 500 A. D.‘ There is no external evidence by way of remains of the Tamils of the prehistoric or of historic times earlier than 600 A. D. The excavations carried out by Sir John Mandiall in the year 1921 at Mohenjo-Daro in Sindh and Harappa in the Punjah show a well-defined civilization. Prehistoric India H 318 TAMIL CULTURE also knew of the megalithic period, and dolmens, menhirs and croralects are found throughout the Indian Peninsula'; there is one such dolmen group near about Palani. No definite' conclusions have been reached about the origin of this civili¬ zation as evidenced by these architectural and other remains. They are pre-Aryan ; they may be of Dravidian or of Sumerian origin or a blending of both, which goes back to 2800 B. C. After that, till we come to the Magado period in the North and to the Pallavas in the South there is a loi^ gap. As there are no architectural relics of jis^iuirlra ^®) for the apostles {^u^iuirira^). The tank and the Vagana- mandam may be within or without the temple precincts. The ancient temples were the repositories of the different arts that flourished at the times. Besides the builder and the sculptor who embellished the temples there were also painters; but Tamil painting of the realistic school and of exquisite colouring and rhythmic lines disappeared with Saraboji of Tanjore. The brazier fashioned brass lamps and utensils used in wor^p ; the metal caster made bronze deities and statue lamps; the wood-carver fashioned the mounts (Vahanas) and richly carved the temple car ; the jeweller did the jewel¬ lery and the embroiderer did the colourfully appliqued saddle¬ cloths and face-masks of the temple bull and elephant, and the banners, flags and festoons. Even culinary artists prepared delicious food-offerings. It cannot be gainsaid by a study of South Indian archi¬ tecture that the Buddhist art of Elephants, EUora and Ajanta and earlier Magada art continued to influence the architecture of the Tanuli^, but pre-Pallava and post-Pallava art of the Tamils did not completely surrender itself to the alien in¬ fluence ; and the pre-Pallava tradition was carried out by the Cholas and the Pandians, though with fredi embellish¬ ment. The Chola art reached its zenith in the reign of Rajar Raja Chola and his successor, and the temple at Tanjore and Gangai-konda-cholapuram are supreme examples of the Tami¬ lian art. ^^ucailon In the .indent ^aml( C^untriei ViDVAN, Pandit K. P. RATNAM m.a., b.o.l. CHAPTERin The Significance cmd Conception of Education {copyright reserved) T he ancient Tamils attached great value to the acquisi¬ tion of learning. In almost all the Tamil works that deal with ‘ aram and ‘ porul certain chapters are entirely devoted to the discussing of the importance and significance of education. Of the four sources of pride, education was given the first and the foremost place in Tholkappiyam,® “Number and letters are the eyes of human beings”^ says Thiruvalluvar. He also asserts that only the educated have true eye sight andt the eyes on the face of the uneducated are nothing but sores.® The ancient Tamils held the view that edu¬ cation imparts the necessary insight and broadens the outlook human beings so as to enable them m have a sense of values, which is necessary for a successful life in this world. Therefore they compared education with the eyes of the human beings. Education was also considered a means of intellectual enlightenment. It is am ever burning light that saves men from the darkne® of ignorance.®-'^ It gives the necessary knowledge to understand the problems of the world in their 1. Virtue. 2. Wealth. 3. Tholkappiyam—^meyppaddiyal 9. 4. Thirukkural 392 cf. Chintamani 1602 and Vinayagapuranam 119. 5. Ibid. 393, 5 A. Nannanikkadikai 103 and Aranerichcharam 194. education TAMIL COUNTRIES 325 true perspective. The author of NeethinerivUakkam observes as the educated have learning as their ornament, no other ornament is necessary for them,* ® Nallathanar, goes a step further and says that “ education is an ornament of the next birth too.**' Thiruvalluvar urged the Tamils to acquire learning, by telling them that education acquired in one birth will be useful in all the seven births.® The ancient Tamils were lovers of beauty. Their love of beauty resulted in developing .the fine arts. They realised fully the value of literature, music, dancing and drama. They believed in the harmonious development of min d, body and soul. In order to effect this development they felt that the study and the appreciation of these fine arts were indispens¬ able for a hu man being. So they combined these three fine arts in their language itself and called it MuththamiL® This combination is peculiar only to the Tamil Language. Sence there is no novelty in their concept of education as a thing of beauty. “ Beauty of locks, beauty of circling garments beauty of saffron tint — these don*t make for true beauty.” This is the view expressed in Naladiyar}^ Elatki^ one of the lesser classics says “ Beauty is not in waist, nOr in arm, nor in deportment, nor ip modesty, nor in a shapely neck, numbers and letters are'beauty.**^^ The author of Sit^panchcLTnoolQ/in also subscribes td view,*® One venba in Naladiyar^* declares that a medicine like education is not found in any world. “ Since in this world it yields fruit; since given it grows not less; since it makes men illustrious; since it perishes not as long as its possessors themselves exist; in any world we see not any medicine that, 6 . 12 7. Thirikadukam 52. 8. . Thiruklniral 398. 9. giiueo, jsirt—Sii^ 10. 131. 11. 75. 12. 37, 326 I'AMIL CULTURE like learning, removes the delusions of sense.” Education was also considered as the best of all wealth which could not be destroyed.^*'*- The wealth of worldly possessions is not real and good as learning. Naladiyar describes the qualities of this wealth and concludes that it is the proper legacy that a man can provide for his children. “ It cannot be taken from its place of deposit; it does not perish aiiywhere by fire ; if Eangs of surpassing grandeur, are angry they cannot take in away. (And therefore) What any man should provide for his children as a legacy, is learning ; other things are not real wealth.” Learning gives wisdom, teaches discrimination, helps in the practice of virtue, the acquisition of wealth the enjoy¬ ment of domestic life, the attainment of heaven. Hence it is praised as a help-mate.*^ ^ Educationists and poets went to the extent of calling it the chaste wife as it gives pleasure and comfort.^® Manhnekalai compares it with a boat.^® As the boat helps us to cross the sea, learning helps us to cross safely the rough and uncharted sea of life. The encomiums bestowed on the learned by Tamil poets also throw some light on the signifi.cance and conception of education of the ancient Tamils. The learned w^e considered the ornaments of society. The kings honoured them and treated them with respect and equality. They invited the learned men irrespective of caste and creed, appointed them as members of the council of state.^^ They thought the contact with learned men was nothing but a boon for thera.^® Tamil society neglected the elders of a family and honoiu- ed the educated youngsters that belonged to it.^* ^ Educated people were esteemed as the elders of a family irres- 13 A. Kural 400, Cihthamany 1602. 14. 134. 14 A. Neethinerivilakkam, and Cinthamany 1602, 15. Neethinerivilakkam 3. 16. 111 — 137. 17. Puram 183 18. Perunkathai 3-12. 28 18 A. Naiunanikkadikai 65. EDUCATION . TAMIL COUNTRIES 327 pective of tiieir age. They were more illustrious than the Kings, for the Tnn gs commanded respect only in their own countries, but the educated are honoured wherever th^r go. Learned men belonged to the high caste by virtue of their education even if they were the members of a lower caste. “The excellent regard the salt produced in brackish ground choicer than paddy from fertile soil. It is fitting to place in the first rank the learned — wise though sprimg from the lowest origin,”** says Naladiyar. Acquisition of learning had such a power even to change the mind of a mother in making her to love her learned son more than the other sons.^® The difference beitween literate and illiterate men is so great as to be compared with that of a human being and a beast.-* If the worship of learned men were preferred to learning itself,“ nothing need be said about the reputation and popularity of the learned men of the Tamil Land. Public opinion with regard to the necessity of learning as x)erhaps the only means to prosperous and happy life, was so strong in ancient ThamUakam that the uneducated were held in low esteem. The illiterate were called trees,“ dogs,** doUs,*® brackish land*® and chaff** on account of their igno¬ rance and failure to acquire wisdom. They were condemned as blind men who could not get the benefits of this beautiful world.*® They were not allowed to sit in the assemblies with the learned, nor were they permitted to talk with them.** Their talks were compared to the barkings of dogs.®* “ When 19. 133. 20. Puram 183. 21. Thirukkural 410. 22. Muthnmolikkanchi 1-8. 23. Mooihurai 13. 24. Naladiyar 254. 25. ThiruUcural 407. 26. Ibid 406. 27. Nanmthokai 36. 28. Kural 403. I Naladiyar 254. I^AMIL culture a man who has grown up without learning enters the society of the wise, if he sits still, it is as if a dog sat there, and if he rises to speak, it is as though a dog barked,” says Naladi- yar. ‘The tr^es in the forest are not trees, but those who cannot read a paper when a^ed to do so in an assembly are the real trees.' These are the words of Auvayar. She also blames the mothers who give birth to men who are unable even to copy a manuscript.** Such persons, not only bring shame to their parents, but also to their caste and race. The Tamil sagp Thirumoolar, the famous author of Thirumanthiram advises the people not to look at the un¬ educated man, whose words are al^ not worth hearing.** The wise men did not take seriously the counsel of the un¬ educated even if they were good.** Even wealth in the possession of an illiterate man will land him into trouble.*® “ The wretched person who knows nothing though bom among men is not a man ” is the opinion of the author of Thinkadu- kam. Even the body of an illiterate has no use for him.*® An uneducated cannot realise the existence of God who is always found in the mind of the learned.** All these go a long way to convince us that education was considered indispensable for a human being to live a full life in this world. CHAPTER IV AIMS AND IDEALS OE EDUCATION In the previous chapter we have seen how greatly educa¬ tion was valued and in what high honour the educated were 31. Moothurai 13 32. Thanippadal - Auvaiyar. " QsutAruir s&sojr&tr QatmOanrSm aearura’^ffs matuir QeiQ^jcir&sru Quei/ruireQ. QupQifQar Qup(ji^ iSpTjstnesiau Qup^jQefr LDflQpp ppjpi" 33. Thirumanthiram 134. 34. Kural 404. 35. Ibid 408. 36. Nannianikkadikai 22. .. 37. Tbirumantbiram. EDUCATION TAMIL COUNTRIES 32d held in ancient Tamil countries. We will now make a study of the aims and ideals of that education which was conceived of as the most fundamental activity of the national life by the ancient Tamils. All theories of education are ultunately an expression of social philosophy in action. Spenser said, ^^true education is practicable only to a true phUosopher.” ^ “ The art of educa¬ tion says Eitche, “will never attain complete clearness in itself without philosophy.”^ Dewey has perhaps given the most penetrating definitions of philosophy by saying it is the theory of education in its general phases.* Ancient Tamil education was a reflection of the Tamil outlook on life in this world and the next. It was an expression of its culture and ideals. A civilization stretching throughout the centuries, touched life at many points. Poetry was the mother of philo¬ sophy in India as in Greece, and the Tamil poets played the roll of philosopher cum educator and formulated nimB and ideals of education. According to their views education had not only a cultural and utilitarian end, but also a spiritual end.* Thiruvalluvar, the eminent poet and seer of Tamila- kam says, “of what avail is learning if he who has it, does not worship the feet of the all-knowing one.” * How similar is Froebers “the purpose of education was to expand the life of the individual until it should comprehend its existence through participation in all pervading spiritual activity.”® Thiruvalluvar is also of the opinion that those who received the right type of education and realized the external trutii will end their cycle of birth for ever.^ This, of course, reminds 1. Education. 2. Sixth address. 3. Democracy and Education 366. 4. * ^pu> Quir(^ Siaruui sP jprpuajQsr *_NannooL 10. 5. Kural 2. 6. Educatiod of m^m. 7. Kural 356. 330 I’AMIL CULTURE us of Milton and Loyola * who had their eyes on Heaven and God in describing the aims of education. Herbert Spenser’s assertion, that the aim of education is compleite living was preached by Thiruvalluvar and the other Tamil poets long ago. The Tamil philosophers and poets, even though they believed in rebirth and salvation, never advocated the renunciation of the pleasures of this world entirely. Wealth nor women was to be despised according to the Tamil way of thinking and living. It is the Aryans and esi)ecially the Buddhists and Jains who introduced tihe idea of total renunciation into the thoughts and actions of the Tamils. The Tamils, according to Tholkappiyanar,® recom¬ mended renunciation after enjoying the full joys and pleasures of life. Hence the aim of complete living is not incomplete with the Tamils. One stanza in Nanmanikadikai attracts us by its vivid description of the aim of education. It says, “Education removes ignorance, as a result of which illusions are shattered and true knowledge is gained. This knowledge leads the human beings along the path of truth and enables them to get reputation in this world and salvation in the next.” Acquiring knowledge was undoubtedly one of the aima of education in Thamilakam. This knowledge is not i)otted information. It is the knowledge of the eternal tnith.^* It enables the people who have acquired it, to have apprehen¬ sions of values, which is the important qu^ty that differen¬ tiates human beings from beasts.^* Many a Tamil poet called 8. Ground work of Education — Ross. 9 . " dsriLi^ ertrmp xeni—Qsiril. srdso LDseQetnrQ ^eueirjS ^pthtf/f} srppQuiirQ Stfieuspia Stppp^ uoapp&> 9pppp^ _ Tholkappiyam kalpiyaL 10. Nanmanikkadikai 28. 11 . “ erq^ppfSajp peassstut .- Thaaippadal. 12. Kamba Ramayanam. EDUCATION. TAMIL COUNTRIES 33l this kind of knowledge as " virtue ” itself as Socrates did. “ Acquire wealth in order to give ; learn great works that you may walk in the way of virtue; speak every word with gracious purposesr These are the paths that conduct not to the world of darkness ” says Thirikadukam”, The Tamils also had ideas of “ Nurture and discipline ” in education. Thiruvalluvar emphasizes the importance of sub¬ ject matter and also of training and discipline.^* ' “ If men, leaving works of wisdom, that contain well-weighted instruc¬ tion, unstudied, devote themselves to the recitation of mere worldly literature, they will acquire a store of empty high sounding words but not that wisdom by means of which mental confusion (that treats unreal things as real) is re¬ moved.” “ Education and knowledge are deemed useless if they do not modify the natural development and mould the character of the individual.” Education imparts knowledge, and this knowledge should check the mind from going astray, and lead it along the virtuous path.^' In other words, education should develop character and personality. Thus character training was the supreme aim of education. It was even compared to the mahout'* and the horseman,'® As the mahout trains and controls the elephant, education gives the necessary training for the moulding of good character, which was considered more precious than life itself.**® In order to have a strong and sustained character religious piety was instilled into the minds of the youngsters.**' “Education should,” says Sir Henry Watton, “embrace the timely instilling of conscious principles and seeds of religion.” This dictum was an ^ complished thing in the Tamil land. Not only was morality ■ 13. 90. 14. Kural 391. 15. Naladiyar 140. 16. Kural 834; Nanmanikkadikai 71; Puram 375. 17. Nannool 25 ; Ktiral 396 and 422. 18. Silappadikaram 23, 36 and Manimekalai 18, 166. 19. Kural Parimelalakar urai 422 and Thirikadugam 35. 20 Kural 131. . 21 Aranerichckaram 195. 332 TAMIL CULTURE r the aim of education, but also a good portion of the contents of the texts used in the Tamil countries had a high moral end, and they were full of injunctions to moral rectitude. '“To live for a time close to great minds is the best education” says John Bunchan. "Though themselves un¬ learned, if men live in association with the learned, they ad¬ vance daily in excellent knowledge. The new vessel, by contact with the Padri-flower of old renown and lustre im¬ parts fragrance to the cold water it contains,” ” is the opinion of the Tamils expressed in Naladiyar, The Kurukula systtem of education strengthened the character of the student by making him live with his teachers. The student watched not only the teacher^s intellectual process, but also their moral behaviour. He lived in an atmosphere of learning and wisdom and righteousness. The heroes of great aul&ors too were held up as ideals to be followed in life. The dangers and pit-falls and temptations of life were to be watched for and avoided. The student by following his teacher’s ways of thought shared in the teacher’s achievements, and his mind was form¬ ed by contact with theirs. The teachers of the Tamil land appear to be men of admirable personality. The students were 'drawn to them and they helped to create ideals for the student. These ideals in their turn inspired the student and developed his self discipline which was the foundation of character.^* The idea of a liberal education was also not new to the Thamilakam. The educational set up of the Tamils enabled "men and women to understand the world in which they live and to contribute to the understanding of its prob¬ lems.*^ The education imparted in the Tamil countries was not mere dynamic instructions*® as certain people think. It aimed 22. Naladiyar 139. 23. Nannool 46. 24. Kural 140 Namnanikkadikai 28. ^5. Naladiyar 318 ^EDUCATION TAMIL COUNTRIES 333 at the full development of “ valuable personaUty and spiritual individuality.”^® The aim of social efficiency was, however, not neglected. The history of education of some other coun¬ tries show a tendency to emphasize either the development of personality or social efficiency at different periods of their history. But the Tamils throughout their long history, con¬ sidered these two aspects as having equal value. There was no conflict between these aims. Teaching itself was praised as one of the supreme social services.^^ The educated people were appointed to key positions in the government. They also served society and contributed immensely to its advancement. The hall mark of an educated X)erson was his readiness to serve others and society.*® The characteristics of the socially efficient individual are enumerated by Professor Bagley as (1) Economic efficiency (2) Negative morality (3) Positive morality. There are innumerable references in ^e Tamil works** to those characteristics which are also the characteris¬ tics of an educated man. The ideals of education and life were not separate or antithetical as far as Tamils were con¬ cerned. On the other hand a synthesis of- these two ideals were conceiy^ by them. They called it self-realization. Self- realization was the goal of education and of life too.®* All the efforts of the Tamils in the field of Education were directed to this supreme goal. All the ancient educators of Tamil ^land treated this topic exhaustively and urged the people to strive for it. “ The persons who achieve self-realiza¬ tion will become the object of prayers of otihete,” was the verdict of Tiruvalluvar.®^ To reach this goal the one and only means preached in Thirukkural and other works** on morals is social service. 26. Nannool 25. 27. Iraiyanar Ahapporulurai P. 15. 28. Kural 2S. Thirikadukam 32; Palamoli 55; Aranerichcharam 71. 30. Kural 356. 31. ' Kural 268. 82. Puriun 182. M. AROKIASWAMI, mji., phj). T he place of origin of the Dravidians, who fill so large a place in the history of South India, is yet one of the unexplained fundamentals of South Indian History. So many are the theories concerning this subject that the question has really now become a problem of the history of this land tract. Sir Mward Risley once grouped the Dravidian type with the Australian one ; while Prof. William Crooke grouped it with the S. African type. Dr. Richard Hall, the great Archaeologist of the Middle East, allied the Dravidians to the Sumerians; while Mr. Edgar Thurston allied them to the mediterranean type.. The newest light thrown on this problem is from the pein of Dr. Christoph von Furer-Haimendorf, Professor of Asian Anthropology in the University of London, who speaking at the International Congress of Anthropology and Ethnology held at Vienna in the September of last year (1952) opined that the Dravidians were a race of people closely connected with .the Mediterranean peoples who had entered into South India either from the N.W. of India along the West coast or po^ibly by sea from the West coast of the Peninsula in com¬ paratively recent times as late as the middle of the I miller niumB.C. The April number of the Tamil Culture bears a summary of the paper read by the Professor at the Conference above referred to and there is reason, I dare say, for looking into it more closely .than we usually do with articles appearing in Journals however learned they may be. I be^h with what __ Dr. M. Arokiaswanu is Lecturer in Indian History and Archaeology, yniversity of Madras. THE PROBLEM OF DRAVIDljm ORIGINS 335 I>r. Haimendorf concludes: “1 am not competent to voice an opinion on linguistic matters of a technical nature, but it ap¬ pears to me that the close integration and compactness of the Dravidian language group fits the assumption of a comparar tively recent Dravidian expansion.” The crux of the antiquity usually attached to Dravidians in South India lies in fact here. The argument of the antiquity of Tamil literature is precisely what gives proof of the antiquity of the people who spoke it. It is true the learned doctor says that ” protagonists of the great antiquity of Dravidian speech and culture on Indian soil have based their argument on what they consider the inter- • nal evidence of ancient Tamil literature, “implying thereby that such antiquity cannot be established by such evidence. And yet it ought to be obvious for anyone who deals with lite^ rary evidence in support of chronology that, the only argu¬ ment that can be drawn is from internal evidence of the works themselves; and only too often they give unerring evidence indeed, evidence that ^ more dependable in fact than what is drawn from ethnological or geological data. The great antiquity of Tamil is for example dravm from what its early grammar Tolkdppiyam contains. In the whole range of grammatical literature it is hard to find a book to beat this in exactness and literary punctiliousness; and yet the ■ matter it contains is strangely archaic, if the word may be used for want of a better one. One has only to look into the five¬ fold classification of-land as is given in this work — the pdlai (desert)j mullai {the pastoral), marudam (the &Table) yTieitkal (the littoral) and kurinji (the hilly tract) — to see what an ancient condition of things the work depicts in its pages. Then again one has to turn one’s attention to the citations and the various references to learned works which the author of this grammar makes. These references are in many cases to works that are not extant to-day like the grammar Aindram, which is said to date earlief .than the work of Panini for Sans¬ krit. It is notewothy that even the' work of this Sanskrit grammarian is not mentioned in this grammar of the Tamil sage, Tolkappiyanar. Then there is the evidence of learned writers of anqient times who attest tp the antiquity of this $36 TAMIL CULTtftlfi Tamil grammar. I may'mention in passing one among Hiem — the comment^itor of the very early work Irayanar Ahaporul — in which reference is made to Tolkappiyam as a work of the second SMigham. There is further the evidence of the writer of the Payiram (introduction) of Tolkapplyam itself, the lear¬ ned writer Panamparanar, who refers to the time when ToU kappiyam was released to the learned world as an acceptable work as the period of the Pandyan King, Nilatharuthiruvir- pandyan, to whom the commentator of Silappadikarcm refers as the king of the petriod of an early deluge, when a great tract of territory in the south of Peninsular India was swallowed up by the sea. Writers of modern times generally make Tolkappiyar and .the Sanskrit grammarian Panini contemporaries,' which would posit the VIII century B.C. roughly as the date of this Tamil grammarian. There may not necessarily be any unanimity on .this point in the fixation of an exact period for Tolkappi- yam ; but there cannot be any reasonable doubt as to the an¬ tiquity of this work. Savants in Tamil literature, it must be noted, carry the antiquity of Tamil still earlier since they poat a still earlier sangham of Tamil poets, the first sangham as they call it, in which works like Paripddal (not of the period of the HI sangham), mudundrai, mudukurugu, and Kdlriyavirai were wntten.^ It is not for us to discuss herq the problem of of these colleges of poets, usually designated as the ^ sangham \ Suffice it to say that at least fw a thousand years before Christ the Tamil tongue, the language of the Dravidian, was fully developed. and in full swing. If the period of Tolhappiyam is rougly fixed round 700 B.C., then the age of the mudundrai and .the mudukurugu, evidently works on music, must date » See Goldstucker referred to by Prof. V. R. R. Dikshitar in his “ Pre¬ historic South India ” (Sir Wm. Meyer Lectures, Madras, 1051-52) p. 213. ^e same idea is expressed by various Tamil savants as well. See, for example, Sivagnanamutaivar in his famous lines be- Shwiin g as " vadamoliyai Paniniklcu vagutharuli atharkinai&i thodar- pudaya thenmoliyai ulagamelam tholuthethum kudamunikku vali- yuruth&r koUetrupakar **. — Commentary of Yapparttngdla Viruthi. ^ Co mm e n tary of Irayanar Ahaporul, THE PROBLEM OF DRAVIDIAN .ORIGINS 337 at least 1000 B.C. If such works could be composed in a lan¬ guage so early as that, then evidently the people who spoke it must be a very ewly people indeed on the! soil of South India. Now, Dr. Haimendorf when he dates the influx of the Dravidian into South India being not earlier than 500 B.C. bases himself on tlft evidence furnished by the finds discover¬ ed at Brahmapuri (Mysore), which the Archaeologist Sip •Mortimer Wheeler, dates round 200 B.C. The argument'of Haimendorf is as follows : The Brahmapuri finds indicate a sydden layer of megalithic and iron age coming upon the re¬ lics of a neolithic age, which would imply the sudden incuitdon of a new and highly developed race coming upon the natives of the soil round 200 B.C., to which date the archaeologist, as has been mentioned above, assigns these megalithic finds. It is just possible,. Dr. Haimendorf concludes, that this new race of people are the mysterious Dravidians, who must have en¬ tered South India at that tuue. In support of his contention he of course brings in the peculiar customs, of the Dekkan belt, where even now many aborigines abound : “ The racial map of India still reflects this process. • There are two great areas of progressive mediterranoid populations. One covers the whole of Northern India, while the other extends over Western India and parts of the Deccan. In,between these two areas there is broad belt of more primitive populations, in whose racial make¬ up a Veddoid element predominates. The southern pro-' gressive block would seem to represent the Dravidian ex¬ pansion, and the northern block the Aryan invasions and other racial influences from the Northwest.” The late data assigned here to the Dravidian appearance in Peninsular India need not detain us. Apart from what has been said above, it is to be remembered that the fixing of the date is highly arbitrary^ While the archaeologist fixes it ^ late as 200 B.C., Dr. Haimendorf carries the date earlier by 300 years in view of the well accredited culture of thg Dravi- iCAMIL CULTtmE -338 .dians in Soutt India in 200 B.C. The chronological datum here furnished is not unassailable from any point of view. But what about the other views here expressed by the leSEurned anthropologist ? He makes out at least three assumptions of great significance, viz., that the sudden appearance of the iron •age relics mdicates the Dravidian incursion, that the North of-India was generally a terra incognita for the Dravidian and thirdly the customs and manners of*the Deccan belt of people like the-Marathas indicates the Aryan-Dravidian in- . fluenee and the existence of numerous aborigines in this region even'to this day indicates that neither the Dravidian nor the ■Aryan ever fully reached this area. Whatever may be one’s difference of opinion with regard to the authors of the finds'pf Mohenjo-Daro and Harappa, it is at least accepted now by the generality of scholars that the civilisation of these two places was the civilisation of the Aryans and the Dravidians working in combination ; while experts like Sir John iMarsheJl, the ^eat excavator of these finds, and savants like Rev. H. Heras strongly opine that this was a pure Dravidian civilisa¬ tion. Thre is no doubt whatsoever that the Dravidians had frequently crossed over the Vindhyaa in very early times to the north of India and even beyond to the middle east and Sumeria and even as far as Babylon and Egypt,. .The sudden appearance of the iron age finds in Mysore need not also detain us. Such finds have been seen much ear¬ lier through the efforts of archaeologists like Bruce Foote in many other places in . South India as also outside India in Crete, Greece and many other Western countries. It is just possible that the neolithic man in his search for better facili- lities suddenly came upon iron and its uses and be it noted the age of iron in South India is placed in' the IV millenium B.C.* No one denies the fact that the Deccan belt was the frequent meeting place of the Aryan and the Dravidian, so . that one finds in that area an intermingling of cxiltures; but * See Dr. Guha, The Census of India, 1931, Vol. I, Pt. iii. Also see Mr. P. T. Srinivasa Iyengar, Stone age in'lndia, p..48. * Pilc;shitar; OTi0n and Spread of the Tamils, p. 19, THE PROBLEM OE ERAViDlAN .ORIGINS 339 the exisitence of numerous aboriginal tribes here cannot be pressed too far. Many early tribes like the Kurumbar, Irular and the Todas inhabit parts of South India just as., for ex¬ ample, the Kolams of Hyderabad inhabit the Deccan belt. \ -What is the conclusion to which all this must lead ? In the answer to this question lies the resolution of the great problem of Dravidian origins. The view that the Dravidians once occupied the north of India, whence they were driven out and down into the south by the invading Aryan must now be abandoned. There is no definite evidence of such a migration. On the other hand, to say, as Dr. Haimendorf does, that the Pravidian never saw the north as such in early times is equally untenable. Did he come into the south from the North West or by sea through the West coast is a question born out of imagination. It is unthinkable that South India was uncivi¬ lised and unpopulated save for a few nomads and aborigines till the first half of the first millenium B.C. or much worse till 200 B.C., as the archaeological finds drawn in support of the Professor’s viewpoint would suggest. According to accredited geologists the antiquity of South India goes back to the ear¬ liest geological times, this land tract having been united in the continent called Gondwana extending from Australia through Peninsular India to S. Africa on to S. America, from which the various continents as they are known today became separated owing to the sinking of land tracts in the sea — a belief that is popularly reflected in the story of the deluge that is mentioned in the legends of Babylonia and other couniries. In India this is reiterated in* the Vedic, Epic and Puranic works and the B^avatha Purana in particular speaks of a part of Dravidadesa as having survived the deluge — a belief that is also referred to in the commentary of Adiyarkkimallar to the SilappadikdrAm already mentioned. It seems right to say that the Dravidians were the natives of South India from the ear¬ liest of times and that from this home of theirs they may have gone out into other regions where their influence can be seen to this day, whether it be the port-hole burial monumente which remind one of the mediterranean peoples or the Tamil affinity seen in Brahui in the North West frontier of Pakistan. ^lie ^amli an d3X mppiy^am S. ARUMUGHA MUDALIYAR, m.a., b.o.l., l.t. AMIL POETRY, as in all other languages had its origin A in the basic human tendencies to love and light. These tendencies have remained the same from time immemorifd except for the ways in which they are exhibited, in accordance with thel environment of the different epochs. From very an¬ cient times themes of war and love were composed by poets and some litetary conventions that are to be followed in ex¬ pounding these themes have been crystallised, classified and arranged in their natural concomitants in the earliest extant Tamil grammar, Tolkappiyam. Centuries of literary growth should have taken place before these literary conventions evolved and found place as standard ones in grammars. If ^me of the literary conventions of these themes of jove and war of Akam and Puram as they are styled in Tamil gram¬ mar, the poetry of within (subjective) and the poetry of with¬ out (objective) patterns of poetry —i are standardised even at so early an age as a number of centuries before .the Chris¬ tian Era, it can then very easily be imagined that much of the poetry of these .themes sihould have been composed at least a number of centuries before that work, so that there should have been sufficient passage of time before certain standard theories and conversations could have been evolved. Much Poetry should have been formed a part of Tamil •Literature before rigid conventions could have been evolved. As for instance, before the rigid conventions of the ‘ fiive S. Arumugha Mudaliyar is Professor of Tamil in the Madras Educa¬ tional Service (on leave) and Research Fellow in Tamil, University pf Madras. ANTIQUITY OF TAMIL AND TOLKAPPIYAM 341' Tinais or divisions pf the course of love crystallised in Tolkap- piyam, a large volume of literary activity ou^t to have been in existence in the Tamil country at least in 1000 B. C. if. not earlier. But as ill-luck would have it all the poetry of the first millinium B.C.‘ including those, on which Tolkappiyam and his teacher Agathiyar based their grammars has perished. Luckily, Tolkappiyam has survived the rav£^es of time, pest an d fire and is available to us. The five divisions of the course of love (Akam) call^ ‘^Kurinci” involving ‘punarcci' or imion, ‘palai’ involving ‘pirital’ or separation, ‘muUai’ in¬ volving ‘Iruttal’ (patience in separation), ‘neithal' involv¬ ing ‘irankal’ (wailing) and ‘marutham’ involving ‘udal’ or sulking with all its minutiae have come to be conventionally associated with the five-fold* physiographical regions of the world namely mountains, deserts, jungles, littoral regions and fields tespectively. Of the three ancient dynasties of Tamil kings that ruled the ancient Tamilakam, namely the Geras, Colas and Pandi- yas, the Pandiyas ruled in the very heart of the Tamil coun- .try, that part of country which contained witbin its^ all the above five natural regions of the world and consequently all the five tinais (divisions) of the Tamil poems where all the five kinds of love poetry and kinds of war poetry could have been'composed with naturalness and ease. It is no wonder then that Maturai, the Pandiyan capital, was the centre of the growth and cradle of Tamil Literature. It is no wonder again that .the ‘Sentamil’ the right (idiomatic) Tamil, the counter part of the “ Queen’s English ” was forged out and formed here. These five classes of love poems, war poems and other poems, must have been composed each in its appropriate region and in its own place ; where life was fuUy developed, but before migration of man from one region to another be¬ gan to obliterate the special features and characteristics of each tribe and brought about the deadly monotony of the so- called civilised life. ' : 1 Bistory of the Tamils. P. T. Srinivasa Iyengar - chapters V and xn. * Tolkappiyam Poruladikaram i. Ahattinai lyal 5., ii. Ahattfnai ]yal -14. 17 34!^ - TAMIL CULTURE All this must have started in very ancient days, but all that poetry unfortunately is lost to us. But yejt, we have, these poetic conventions recorded in the ancient extant Tamil grammar Tolkappiyavi, a study of which wRl open the eyes of the critics and the Scholars as to the antiquity of the lan¬ guage itself. An earnest attempt may be made in this paper to assess, the antiquity of this grammatical treatise with a view to de¬ termine through it the antiquity of the language itself. This attempt of fixing the age of this grammar, roughly, and as far as possible by a careful consideration of the available external and internal evidence, will, it is hoped, be a clear milestone in. proving the antiquity of the Tamil language. While we at¬ tempt to fix the age of this work, or for that matter any classi¬ cal work in Tamil, we should bear in mind the following two principles :—(1) The age of any work in Tamil, may be judg¬ ed from its diction, subject matter and the imagery contained in it. (2) The age of any work in Tamil may also be fixed by .the appearance or otherwise of Aryan, puranic and mythologi¬ cal ideas, superstitions and poetic imagery of a hyperbplic. nature. If these features are abundantly found in any work, it may be comparatively later in time. If on .the other hand they are absent, or at least used less, then the work must have been composed comparatively early. Among the various sources, which throw light on the linguistic, political and social conditions of the ancient TamiJ people, Tolkappiyam will easily hold the most important p'lace ; and it is therefore regrettable, that considerable neglect should have fallen upon the great mass of early Dravidian, especially Tamil literature. European and American scho^a attach^ greater importance to the study of Sanskrit, closely allied to their languages, so that the Tamil language and its Literature were kept very much in the back ground and they did not have a chance of arresting the attention of the wee- tern savants, which they so richly deserve. It would be a task worthy of the scholars to raise this Language and its Literal ture in the estimation of the public in and outside India an(i ANTIQUITY OF TAMIL AND TOLKAPPIYAM 343 .show their greatness. These western scholars who were not • in direct touch with the trends of Tamil Literature and who were not, therefore aWe to go into the original texts and docu¬ ments for assessing the evidence and forming a judgement about the value and chronology of any work, are sceptical • about the antiquity of the Tamil language once flourishing in the greater Tamilakam even beyond the seas, and now flour¬ ishing in the modern Tamilakam in the southernmost comer of India Their scepticism becomes all the more forcible in iheir minds especially when they see the absence of fte • name of the Tamil Language in the list of the classical langu¬ ages like Sanskrit, Hebrew, Latin, Greek and Arabic. But the great wonder about the Tamil Language is the fact, that, in spite of its being a modern live and spoken language of • Tndift, of the ancient Dravidian family of languages, it is also as ancient (if not more ancient )a8 any of the classical lan¬ guages of the world. If any credence is to be given to the tra¬ ditional accounts of the three Tamil academies, that are said to have flourished in the distant past, they wijl not only take us to the misty past beyond human memory to pre-historic times, but also open our eyes to the often misunderstood fact of not merely the antiquity of the Tamil language and its Literature, but also to its vastness and its richness. Before attempting to go into the details of the evidence both external and internal, for assessing the antiquity of Tolkappiyam, it will not be out of place to give a short sketch of the contents of the work, so that eveti a reader unacquaint¬ ed with the work may have just an idea of what it deals with. It treats with the grammar of the Tamil Language (lyal • Tamil) literary language (as against the grammar of Music and musical compositions (Isai Tamil) and the grammar of drama (Nadaka Tamil) in three parts namely Eluttati-karam —chapter of eluttu, sounds or letters (orthography), coUati- -karam, chapter on words (Etymology), and Porul atikaram — chapter on matter dealing mainly with the original themes of love and war and standardising their literary conventions. -The third chapter included in itself yappu, (prosody) and ani (Rhetoric) also, which in later days came to be treated each TAMIL CULTURE ^44 separately, and elaborately and formed the fourth' and fifth divisions of Tamil grammar. .Each chapter contains nine sub^' divisions. It is ^gmficant that in the Tamil Lwgu^e.^ahme the grammarians include the third division of PotuI 05 jmat- ter, as part of gran^^, while the grammars of other langu¬ ages stop with orthography, etymology, syntax, prosody, rhe¬ toric, etc. The subject matter of this ancient work is still a sealed book to many Tamil scholars themselves ; and it is in¬ deed very difficult, with its subject matter couched in terse, and pithy epigrams or sutras, to interpret, understand and apply these grammatical rules without the commentaries. There are a number of commentators for this work. Ilam- puranar is the earliest of the commentators, and Senavarayar, Nachinarkkiniyar and Parasiriyar followed him. Kalladar's commentary has not attracted much attention and Deivacci- laiyar also commented on a portion of the work. All these flourished in the mediaeval period of Tamil Literature and among the modern commentators of the 20th century may be mentioned Professor S. S. Barathi, Dr. P. S. S. Sastri and Ve^ataraj^u Re^ldiyar.,, The traditional accounts of the first three Tamil acade¬ mies and their relation to the age of Tolkappiyam may now be given and an attempt made to sift the available evidence from a historical and chronological point of view. According to the commentary on Iraiyanar Kalaviyal^ (which is a gram¬ mar book on the love portion (Akam) of poru^ (matter) of the 2nd century A.D.) the first academy (Talaiccangam) was composed of 549 poets, including Agathiya,. Siva, described as the god of the matted hair who burnt the Tiripura Demons (^iRLfjrQui.'Rji^ «L_6y6«r)^ and Muruga the young war¬ rior son of the fonner who pierced the Krounea mountain and others and lasted for 4440 years. Some of the poems composed by the poets of the academy, which sat in Madurai the ancient sea-sunk capital of the Pan- diyan kingdom, namely Mutu Narai Mutu kuruku, Kalariya > Irayanar Kalaviyal. Bavanandam PiUai 1916. Sutram 1. commentaiy. Page. 6. ■ ANTIQUITY OF TAMIL AND TOLKAPPIYAM 345 "virai, Faripadal etc., are known to us only by their names. The academy lasted during the reigns of 89 kings from king K aici n avaludi to king Kadunkon. Excluding the 549 pro¬ bable resident members, the rest of the tota(l number of 4449 poets were possibly associate members distributed all' over the country. All these took part in the activities of the academy. (K the patron kinj^ seven were themselves poets. The st^- divd g^mmar for this academy wm ..^Joittiyato, ***** . • ^ A resume of this account is also given by Adiyarkku . nallar^ commentator of Silappadikdram a work of the second century A.D. in his commentary on the lines “ Ojet^Oiuirdr Quereunfuh^ /searLfegreo/siriLQ.” and in some other places. After the country was engulfed by the sea, including the capital, the Pandiyan king shifted his capital to the city of Kapatapuram further north, which was also in turn, submerged by a second deluge later. The Second academy® (Idaiccankam) was started here with a strength of 59 residential members including Akattiyar and Tolkappiyar out of the total strength of 3,700 members. The sangam flourished under the patronage of 59 kings from king Vender-Celijran to king Mudattirumaran of whom five were poets themselves ; and lasted for 3,700 years. The stan¬ dard" grammars for this academy were Akattiyam, Tolkappi- yam, Mapuranam, Puta puranam and Isai nunukkam. .Some of the works of this Sangam like Kali, Kuruku, vendali, viyala malai, Akaval etc., are but mere names now. After the sub¬ mergence of the Pandiyan kingdom a second time by another deluge, the capital was again shifted to modem Maturai called .then uttara Maturai (north Maturai) as it was located to the north of the old IVIaturai in the South which was once destroy¬ ed by sea. The kadaiccankam* or the third Academy was founded here with 49 repdential members including Nallantu- * i. Silappadikaram yenirkadai lines — 1-2 Commentary of Adiyark- ' kunallar, ii. Ibid. Kadukankadai L. L. 18-20 itl. Ibid. e.ts>ruuirtSrii. P. 7. Dr. Swaminatha Iyer's 3rd Edition, s Irayanar Kalaviyal. Sutram I. Page 7. Bavanandam Pillai 1016.. * Irayanar Kalaviyal. Sutram 1. Page 7. Bavanssulam Pillai 1016. 346 TAMIL culture vanar aiid Nakkirar and tb© rest of a total of 1850 membera were bka the members of the previous sangams probably as¬ sociates 49 kings patronised this academy from king Mudat- tinimaran to j^g Ukkirapperuvaluti. This is said to have lasted for 1850 years. Almost all the works of this period like Neduntokai, Kuruntokai Narrinai 150 kali, 70 paripadal etc., are fortunately extant and they are codified under the heads Pattuppattu, Ettuttokai and Padinenkilkkanakku. Three among the patron kings were poets themselves. Thus the three academies lasted according to these ac¬ counts altogether 9990 years, (with of course intervals the duration of each of which interval is not indicated) with 8598 poets including a few gods of the Saiva pantheon and 197 Pandiyan kings as their patrons. Because of this incredibly long duration of these academies and the large number of poets including the supernatural patrons, historians are re¬ luctant to give credence to these accounts and consequently to the prehistoric antiquity of the Tamil language. The age of the third academy, the works of which are all extant, has • been fixed by most scholars and historians^ with the second century A. D. as its lower limit. Owing to the fictitious and very long durations given ^ the traditional accounts of the first two academies, scholars and historians are sceptical about their alleged antiquity and i. Kanakasabai Pillai — Tamil 1800 years ago ii. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri—^Pandyan kingdom Ch. II & P. 17 F. N. 1. tii. V. R. Ramachandra Dekshitar — Studies in Tamil Literature and. History. Ch. I PP. 1-45 iv. M. Srinivasa Iyengar — Tamil Studies. PP. 230-63 V. P. T. Srinivasa lyetogar — History of the Tamils. Ch. XVI. • Refer ) . tH. Pandit N. M. Venkatasami nattar ~ Kabilar Ch. I. vii. K. Subramaniya Pillai — Tamil IHakkiya varalaru 3rd edition. Ch. II. P. 28-40. tHii. M. Putha lingam Pillai — Tamil literature. PP. 14 et seq. ix. T. G. Aravamudham'— The Kaveri, Mukharis and the Sangam Age P. 56 et seq. X. V. G, Suriya Narayana $astri — History of the Tamil Liah^age. Ch.Vin. ANTIQUITY Oi’ TAMIL AND TOLKAPMYAM Mt even their very e^tence. Professor M. Seshagiri Sastri in his Sssay on Tamil Literature says about the first two academies that they are “ too mythical and fabulous to be entitled to any credit.” But this I^ofessor’s criticism is oc- casionaUy perverse according to Professor K. A. N. Sastry* with the. rem^k that, “we have here the same tendencies at work which made a number of Buddhas and Jainas out of one historical pro to-type and spread thejn over ages. Some of the names of Pandiyan Kings and poets mentioned in this account are found in epigraphs and authen¬ tic records. This ^ows mixing up of facts and fictions. But the existence of an association of poets modelled on the Bud¬ dhist Sanga for the promotions of Tamil Literature can be easily understood if its referred to an age of strong Buddhist influence.” Some apparent mythological jiersons and ana¬ chronisms as are given below make critics reluctant to accept their veracity. Gods of the Saiva Pantheon like Siva and Muruka as well as Kubera are mentioned as Members of the Sangam being associated with human poets and poetesses without distinction. One and the same member is assigned to different Sangams. For example, Akattiyanar is mentioned as a member of both the first and the second Sangams. Either this must be a wrong information or as is possible in these cases, Akattiyanar of the 2nd sangam may have been a mem¬ ber of the same family or got and not necessarily ihe same person. Again thought the last patron of the second sangam, Miidathirumaran is said to be the patron of the third sangam, it is not unlikely in the sense that he would have become disabled and lame in the course of his changing his capital from Kapata puram, when it was engulfed by the sea, to uttara maturai, that he was Tirumaran and not lame iQpt—) before the deluge and that he was called lame ((yi_) Tiru- maran aiter the deluge. He must have given a new life to this royal academy in the name of Kadaiccangam (^anL-i^- 3 =iEisih) third or last’ Sangam. Yet another instance for this may be cited. Though the occurrence of the poems of Van- 8 yid^ ii abov?. GlJLf ms aid mikiyar,® Kotamanar and Mudinagarayar in the Puranannru^® of Ettuttohai, (supposed to have been codified in the third academy,) while .they were members of the first academy, appears to be an apparent anachromism, it is not altogether unreasonable to iustify the occurrence. It may be pointed out, in justification of this, that all the songs in toto that were collected and codified under various collections in the days of toe third sangam and especially under Purananvru wctc not composed during the days of the third sangam itself. Some stray songs, which had survived toe deluges and fliei ravages of time, pests, and fire were handed over to the third sangam days and were included in this collectoin and some son^ of the poets in question have thus come to be codified in Puranariuru. However, the abnormally lengthy duration of these two ^gams with of course the intervals, the duration of which is not at all indicated, make us suspect the veracity of these accounts. If we give credence to these accounts, then, the commencement of these academies is to be placed some where in 9000 B. C. Though there is a possibility of carrying the heydays of Dravidian culture to the fourth and fifth mil- leniiun B. C. by the archaeological discoveries in Mohend- jadaro and Harappa, still it is in no way easy to establi^ a connection between the Punjab and the South and still more difficult to go to the extent of 9000 B. C. as it is far too an ancient date for academic and university life. To add to this, one is struck by the artificiality of the number of years during which each of these sangams is said to have flourished and the number of poets and residential members sangam years, 4449 poets, residential members 549, patron kings g. 2nd sangam 3700 years, 3700 poets, 59 residential mem¬ bra, patron kings 59. 3rd sangam 1$50 years, 449 poets, 49 residential members and 49 patron kings). The' artificiality * Vide Puraaanuru stanzas 358, 366 & 2 .. anthology of 400 songs composed by members of the 3rd academy and some earlier poets • and forms work. 01 the “Ettuttokot" coUeS^! ' ANTIQUITY OF TAMIL AND TOLKAPPIYAM 349 consists in its symmetry, and the number of years of the duration of each sangam is a multiple of 37 (37X120=4440 ; 37X100=3700 ; 37X50=1850). Again, while the account mentions only 3 pandiyan Jdng-poets of the last sangam, we find nine pandiyan king poets (Royal poets) besides six Cola princes in the third sangam works. But because of the abnormal durations of these academies with uncertain intervals between each we cannot summarily dismiss the existence of these Sangaras themselves as imagi¬ nary and unreal. Though the years of duration may be too long and fabulous, there is no doubt of the existence of these first two Sangams, as we have (1) the whole of Tolkappiyam, a work of the second academy today with us (2) fragments of Agattiyam* a work of the first academy preserved in com¬ mentaries like yapparunkala virutti and (3) stray poems of the members of the first academy preserved in Purananuru** of the third academy in which the king Utiyan Ceralathan who fed the armies that fought in the Mahabaratha war (1400 B.C.) and the rivers that existed in the land submerged by the first and second deluges in the days of the first two academies are mentioned. We find the tradition of feeding the armies of the Mahabaratha war by Utiyan Geralatan, current even in the days of Silappadikaram^^ (2nd century A. D.) (4) we have also the works of the 3rd academy with us fortunately, now. In these circumstances we will have, therefore, to go into the question of the age of Tolkappiyar a member of the * Agathiya sutrams quoted by Sankaranamaccivayar in Nannul virutti in Sutrams 260, 297 and 327, in Tolkappiya cilladikaram by Senavarayar in Sutram 74, Verrumai lyal. and in Nannul commen¬ tary by Mayilai Nathar in Sutrams,;- 130, 258, 259, 272, 290, 294, 299, 322, 326, 332, 339, 341, 354. 377, 381 and 394. Puamanuru (i) stan 2 a 2 of MudiNagarayar (lil stainza 366 of Kotamanar (iii) stanza 358 of Vanmikiyar (to) stanza 9. ^tnirajT, iretnrui QuiriPp Qu(^/^^9=irjpt Qu/rp df'S! QeFffm Qutrestpium u&ituesr — Qeauu^sirinh 2S-ih AJT GfiS, 18 350 TAMIL CULTURE second academy, for the present, by a careful study of the avaijlable evidence. (1) First of all there is the unbroken tradition that cannot be easily brushed aside, that Tolkappiyam was written at the end of the first sangam and was one of the standard authorities on grammar for the Second and Third Sangams. If the fact of its being the standard grammar for .the Second Sangam also then we must look for a time long anterior to the 2nd century A. D. a time when Mathurai (South Mathu- rai) and the Kapatapuram the seats of the first and second academies were not destroyed by diluvian catastrophies. Some centuries must have elapsed between Mudattirumaran forming the third sangam and Tolkappiyar composing his grammar for the Tamil language in the end of the first or beginning of the second sangam. (2) Now, it is a fact well known to Sanskrit scholars and Indologists that Valmiki, the author of the Rdmayana, the Adikavya of Sanskrit was a contemporary of Rama himself whose sons Lava and Kusa he taught and who also arranged for Rama’s hearing the recital of Ramayana by his own sons. Valmiki makes sugriva the mouth piece of a few slokas, which contain the Royal Command for the quest of Sita. In the course of this occurs the mention of the three Tamil kingdoms and the lost city of Kapatapuram as the fortified seat of the Pandiyan court south of the Tambra- parani which Hanuman might come across in his southward journey. He might meet the Tamil grammarian Agattiya too. Now, if the tradition, that Tolkappiyam was presented in the court of Nilamtaru Tiruvir Pandiyan,then it must be before it moved to Kapatapuram. Then we will have to take the age of Tolkappiyam to a time earlier than the kapa¬ tapuram episode of submergence in the sea. If this Kapata¬ puram is mentioned in Ramayana, it must be somewhere at 12 Valmiki Ramayana. Keskinda kanda contos 41-2 ; 42; 42-13. Tolkappiyam — Payiram (preface) L. 9. ANTIQUITY OF TAMIL AND TOLKAPPIYAM 351 least at the time of Rarnayana itself. Valmiki** is beUeVeld to have c<»nposed his epic between ihe 11th and 5th centuries (3) Tolkappiyar was one of the 12 pupils of Agattiyar and he is said to be a member of the 2nd sangam along with his master and Panajnparanar, one of his dassmates wrote the preface to Tolkappiyam. In this preface, the Southern Ku- mari (the river kumari) ^d not the present lands-end named ^Kumari (^e Cape Comorin) in the southern most comer of the Travancore-Cochin state is given as the Southern boun¬ dary.^* This Kumari is evidently the river Kumari that flowed before the deluge and engulfed the Tamil country (known as kumari kandam ; and it is clear that Tolkappiyam was written before the Tamil land was engulfed by sea a second tinae. The Mahaixtmsa mentions that the second deluge was sup¬ posed to have taken place in 504 B. C., as a result of which Singalam perhaps became separated from .the mainland. Be- f(K« this deluge, Kapatapuram the capital city with that part of the country was in existence. E^rt^t Tamil classics too allude to thb deluge. For instance Ilangovadigal in his silap- padikaram refers to it in unmistakable terms.*® Again when the same author*^ gives the northern and southern boundaries of Tamflakam as they were in his days, he refers to the kumari sea and not the kumari river as the southern boundary, the commentator Adiyarkku-nallar while commenting on the term “ Q^iruf-Qiuir^uaretiti ”• (the sea of the lady weiaring brace¬ let) namely kumari sea, pertinently draws our attention to the term Ouea-euu,^ sea, as the southern boundary and not M I. c. V. Vaidya — The riddle of the Ramayana P. 20-51. «. A. B. Keith. The age of the Ramayana J. R. A. S. 1915 -p. 218-228 tit. Schlegal-German Oriental Journal part III P. 379/. It. Monier Williams — Indian Epic poetry London 1863 page 3. «. A. A. Macdonald. — Sanskrit Literature London 1928 page. 307. ** Tolkappiya payiram — ** Vadavenkadam Ten Kumari Ayidai Tamil kuru Nallulakam." LL. 1-3. !• Silappadilcaram, — Venir kadai LX>. 1-2. (ii) IbidKadu-kam Kadai LL. 18-20. (iii) (Mullai) Kalithokai 104. ^7 Silappadikaram, — Venir kadai LLr I”?- (^^) AdiyarJsku naUar*s commentary on the above. S52 TAMIL CULTURli Q^rt^Qiuirsir river in the southern country because by this time kumari river was already engulfed in the sea by the! deluge, in support of which he quotes'* the two Hnesof Ilangovadigal him¬ self. In the course of his commentary, it is interesting and ins¬ tructive too, that, the commentator actually gives the names of the 49 Tamil provinces destroyed by the inundation. Another commentator Perasiriyar who wrote commentaries on portions of porulatikaram of Tolkappiyam says in his commentary that PanaraparMiar the class mate of Tolkappiyar mentioned Ku¬ mari river as the southern boundary of Tamilakam in his _ • preface to Tolkappiyam because he wrote it before the river and its adjoining territories were still existing before the deluge. Kalittokai,'® Irayavar Kalaviyal urai,*® Naccinark- kiniyar and Ilampuranar,^- all with one voice refer to this subsidence. However it is agreed on all hands that Tolkappiyam was presented in the court of Nilamtaru Tiruvir Pandiyan (other wise known as Jayamakirti) of the end of the first academy who was one of its seven partron-kings. In these circums¬ tances Tolkappiyam must have been written long before the 2nd century A. D. which has been fixed as the last days of the 3rd academy. (4) While commenting on the third sutram of Karpiyal in Porulatikaram the conunentator, Niwcin^kkiniyar says that in conformity with the other authors of the first academy in its ila^ stages' Tolkappiyar too made, in his work, married Silappadikaram Venirkatai LX.. 1-2. commentary. Kalithokai — MuUai —' LMQ^enir LDGorai—ed QeueireueS^ * — 104 . ^ seireQiueO e-etna- Ouir^ih uireifrt^aj ptriLeni—s . at—eo QaareAru.^ 21 Qpirei, Quir(^6ir^sa-jrti uCJSs (^infiajirjgi " uSaa-jsiru. Ql-jtQ Qs(3eupp(^ Qfidr”, 22 " xl-bo Qstrar oipar QfidrLf t9p prQth ti.eiireDLDiSei Oppc^ih era&O A.puuiLi—^ 22 Opirea.‘Quir(^^ : sptStued .girputr 3 Ourutfii aiQfis^Ui Qpir^fSlaj iS^esra- gjc/i- ojirji peirn- stresviA ereiru “ — commentary. ANTIQUITY OF TAMIL AND TOLKAPPIYAM 353 wedlock succeed necessarily furtive loye^^d he insisted on the ceremonial marriage, because steadfsistness and loyalty in marrying the one loved ^owly diminished owing to infideUty and desertions. The end of the first sangam evidently mp-a-nH at least some centuries before the Iwt days of the 3rd sangam which are fixed for the middle of the 2nd century A. D. (5) Naccinarkkiniyar 'has again in his commentary^* on the preface of the book stated that Tolkappiyar. wrote this book even before Vyasa codifided the vedas into the existing four. Before they were codified into these four (Rig, yapu, sama and Atharva) they were called Daitriya, Poudiya, Tala- vakara and sama. Veda Vyasa lived probably between 1500- 1000 B. C. (6) Another piece of external evidence to fix the agje of this work at least some centuries earlier to the last days of the 3rd academy iS available in the Payiram again, given by the author’s classmate Panamparanar^’ who says that Tol¬ kappiyar was versed in Aindram the grammar of India which is supposed to have preceded Pandnis vyakamna and held the field then. The grammar of Ind^ is said to be anterior to Panini and there are, it is said, fundamental differences between the two. If Aindram, the grammar of Indra was holding away before Panini’s grammar and if Tolkappiyar, as he is reported, was versed in Aindram school of grammar and evidently not the Panini School of grammar, then Tol- kappiyar must have lived at a date earlier than Panini him¬ self. If he had been acquainted with Panini’s grammar his classmate would have mentioned it, and not Aindram for pur¬ poses of comparative study with the Tamil grammar. Paninis age has been fixed from 5th to the 7th cent. B. C. Professor Dikshitar^* following'Goldstucker opines that Panini must have lived in the 7th or 8th cent. B. C. If Tolkappiyar preceded Panini we have to look for a period anterior to the' 7th century B. C. or somewhere near about it. The grammar of Indra finds "nioL uTtQrtM "ptar(^ ^ mioL uriSrih ” 2« V. R. R. Dikshitar — Pre Historic India Page 213. 354 tAMIL CULTtJKE also reference occasionally in Tamil classical works as for instance in a straj^sutram*^ attributed to Tolkappiyar’s master Agattiyar, quoted by Senavarayar in his commentary on Tol- kappiyam in connection with the vocative case. Ilangovadigal (2nd century A. D.) also in unmistakable terms refers to the existence of this old grammar of Indra in Silappatikaram** Tolkappiyar has not described the Etymology of words and has dismissed that line of enquiry summarily stating ^at the apt reason for the meaning of words will not be apparent from a casual reading of the same (Qunrifiu Quirq^iL sirjressrui sQ^uu^ and this reason alone must lead us to place this granunarian before Panini who has given ^us .the notes of words. (7) Now, this Panini is said to have been the disciple of Varsa who along with TJpa Varsa was the court poet of the famous Chandragupta Maurya (400-300) B. C, and ac¬ cording to the traditional account, Panini, one of the many pupils of Varsa who lagged behind in his studies, as he could not keep pace with his classmates was given by his teaehers ’ wife menial duties to perform. Unable to reconcile himself to his lot, Panini is said to have resorted to the Himalayas and offered penance to Lord Siva, who, pleased with the devotee, appeared before him and taught him the principles of Sans¬ krit grammar which collected and codified in his famous grammar book. Giving credence to the learning of Sanskrit grammar at the feet of Lord Siva, Tamil poets of later days began to attribute the same kind of stoiy.... of learning gram¬ mar^® at the feet of Siva, — to the earlieet Tamil grammarian 2T “ Qpmpaj^ sr^iTQps Geu/bjpies>u), QeuQpesr ^etrihuTtir Quma-jp eOsrjrQiL^pi, i^oieugoitii e-oreir Sfpfdjreir srtliL.ru Qeup^enLD erarpar^ ", 2 S " LfeirtKfliu a^reaearui eSa^enrojir Qsruurdr eS(^^a-ea srii^euri '— (Qeou.: ^rQ streAr ; 98 : 99). (ii) “ suup^p^iT^ 6STtLiif.aj jprtSdr QiDiuuuM-tlj^tupmm eQardimm *r(^tu " Ibid. L. 2»-(a) Tolkappiyam Cmadikariarn Sutram 294, ANl'IQiriTY OF TAMIL ANt) TOLKAPPIYaM 355 Agattiyanar who was Tolkappiyar’s master, since in their c^inions su(^ .tutorship would confer equ^ status and dig¬ nity on the Tamil language as it did on Sanskrit. (8) We may indirectly find a clue to fix Tolkappiyar’s > age by reference to the Vartika and the Maha Bashya on Paninis grammar. Vararuchi or Katyayana (4th cnntury B.‘ C.) wrote his vartika (succinct commentary with) emenda¬ tions and Patanjali (3rd century B. C.) his Mahabashya (ela- tx)rate commentary) on Panini’s grammar. These two were foUowem of Panini and must have written their commentar¬ ies on his grammar, at least some centuries after Panini. Tol- kappiyar, if he lived before Panini, preceded all these people, and must be placed at a period above 500 B. C. (9) Another piece of indirect evidence is also available through Kautliya, the famous hlinister of Chandra Gupta Maurya vrho in his Artha sastra’’ mentions Pandya Kap^ taka.” We may take it to mean pearl from Kapata (i.e.) Kapatapuram the seat of the second academy. Kapatapuram therefore as a place of pearl fisheries must have existed be¬ fore 3rd century B. C. as a flourishing sea-port and capital and it was in this place that Tolkappiyar was supposed to have composed his grammar. On the other hand, Dr. Shama Sastri inteiprets it as ‘that which is obtained in Pandyakavata, a ! mountain known as Malayakoti in the Pandiyan country; asi well as Ganapatti Sastri.’ (10) Apart from these oft quoted allusions in the Sans¬ krit works, there are less doubted and more authentic ma¬ terial of Asoka’s inscriptions and Megasthenes* writings of the 3rd and 4th century B. C. which; refer in unmistakable ** (i) uresS)eS\i Seoiaesarih etc. OpoRajr P0. (u) ^i—Quirffieavu urafiafH(^ Lfri' mm-iit. (i^) (tfi/gei Qjrair — sr(Q&u t^rrairth, »® i. Kautilya - Arthasastra Dr. Shama Sastiy Book II. Chap. 11. exaininatian ol gems that are to be entered in the treasury P. 83. ii. Arthasastra V. Ganapathi Sastiy P. 179. 356 TAMIL CULTURE terms to the Pandiyan capital and the Tamil citizens in eulo¬ gistic language, which exactly fit in with the traditions of the Pandiyan culture and civilisation. The Ceylon chronicle Mahavamsa also tells us that the Magatlha Aeneas®^ (a) who led the first .4ryan colony into Ceylon and founded the Lanka dynasty sought the hands of a Pandiya Princess in the 6th century B. C. as worthy of being his bride. Let us now focuss our attention for a while on some pieces of internal evidence as for instance on the words, style and forms of expression in the work.it^lf. (1) First of all VoZ- kappiyavi undoubtedly shows a fusion of the! Dravidian and Aryan institutions and a distinct trace of the influence of Aryan immigrants and it would naturally lead us to think that it must have been composed at a time when the Aryans had already come to south India and had even introduced their ceremonials and institutions. In fact Tolkappiyar him¬ self is supposed ,to have been one among them according to legend. Without going into his origin, it is possible to say that the colonisation of the South by the Aryans, as it is held, commenced about the 10th century B. C.’^ and it would be reasonable to regard Tolkappiyam as a work composed after two or three centuries of fusion of these two cultures. 2. We find, again, that fewer Sanskrit words are to be found in it than even, in the extant third sangam works. Though in his age, Tamil writers were suflBciently conversant with Sanskrit and though Tolkappiyar is said to be a great scholar in Tamil and Sanskrit, yet at the time of his writing the grammar, not many Sanskrit words were used in spoken Tamil, a few ware used in literary works and fewer still/in standard grammar works and this fact of the absence of many Sanskrit words in the work itself is considered to be proof of its antiquity — its being too far removed in age from the 3rd sangam works for which it was the acknowledged standard grammar. « »>/. (S'. "■ .s*ar ««. Pravjdian, India. T. R. Sesha Iyengar. P. 158 & 17o. ANTIQUITY OF TAMIL AND TOLKAPPIYAM 357 3. It is possible in this connection to offer a definite piece of internal evidence to prove the antiquity of this work and to state.that at least some centuries must have elapsed before the extant Tamil classical works of the third sangain were written, collected and codified. The third sangam had its palmy days long before Christ w^ bom and its evening was in the days of the 2nd century A. D1 The works now generally called ‘ Sangam works' were not all written in a particular period but ..ranged between some centurii^ and they were carefully collected and codified into the existing anthologies. In these anthologies one comes across a host of words which may be considered serious violations of the rules laid down by Tolkappiyar. If Tolkappiyam had been written at a time nearer to these works, then the rules might have been strictly observed in the use of these words and Tolkap¬ piyar himself woud not have made rules outcasting these words enshrined in them. As he should have deduced his principles from the standard literary works held in esteem in his times, he should have made provisions for them in his grammar in accordance with the liiterary tendencies of the times and not traversed the sanction of the great authors of the times. So in aU probability Tolkappiyar made these rules at a time far anterior to the third sangam days and a number of centuries should have passed by before these prescribed words crept slowly and stealthily in the third sangam works, after having lingered long in the background before they were actually introduced in literary works. For,, tdter ah, wor^ are not smuggled into a, language in waggon loads tmd in the teeth of its grammar in a single season. *^Such rules of Tol- Icappiyam loay be mentioned here, whidi prescribe the res¬ trictions for the occurrence of the letters rLf — 29. S3 ^ ^ Ibid. — 31, ^ ^ QBjiru.ei 9 i^ ujsr Qp^9ir^ Ibid. 32. 19 'TAMIL CULTURE ^ 5 $ will combine only with the vowels a, e and o and the letter y(iu) will combine only with a and with nothing else, when they initiate words. If these rules were made about the time of the third sangam works, they should have been strictly observed in them. But we find quite the opposite. The pro¬ hibited words occur in plenty that is, these letters combine with some of the prohibited vowels at the beginning of words. For instance (1) the letter C (though prohibited) combines with a in the beginning of words iLike Camaittu in Silappadikaram, (canpu) in Maturaikanci (1. 172) (calain) in Maturaikkanci (1112) Patirrupattu (84) in Sliap- padikaram (1. Ljeanr in Tirukkural (^eoth upfiS^ Qa^ijojirr), (cantu) in Malaipadu kandam (1. 393). (catukkain) in Tirummurukarruppadai (1. 225) (canti) in the same, (camam) in the same and in Tirukkural etc (2) The fetter (JTIQUITY of TAMIL AND TOLKAPPIYAM 35d mony, and he iM-ands them straight way with alj the for6e .of his orthodox faith in the inviolability of Tolkappiyam rules, could summon to his aid, as of ungrammatical' and bad usage and as Sanskrit corruptions. Though he felt satisfied that he had disposed of all the usages which had crept in third sangam works in this way, the inadequacy of the easy explanation will be patent if we look into some other rules which Tolkappiyar himself has introduced deliberately wel¬ coming possible accretions to the Tamil vocabulary. He has provided for the inclusion of Sanskrit words and idioms chang¬ ing their form of letters to suit Tamil Phonology so that they might not militate against the genius of the Tamil language, even though the Sanskrit forms may appear multilated. So the commentator could not take shelter under his condemning those changes as mere corruption of Aryan forms and could not pretend that Tolkappiyar did not contemplate the assimi¬ lation of Sanskrit words like ^eussrir into Tamil literature. But he could not avoid the difficulty by merely saying that his rules were meant only for pinre Tamil words and would not militate against the use of Aryan words in the Tamil language. Tolkappiyar himself has used Sanskrit words though stint- ingly in his work and has made provision, for bringing’^ Sanskrit words into the Tamil language as far as his times called for. A number of non-Sanskrit new words are also, found in later Sangam works which also do not square with particular rutes of Tolkappiyam. Neither could Ilampuranar pluck up courage enough to repudiate these usages in later poems, that did not accord with Tolkappiyam rules and to brush them aside as ungrammatical usage. So the simple truth is that Tolkappiyam was written long prior to the third sangam works, and the later usages that grew up since the days of Tolkappiyam could .tnot be condemned for want of harmony with his archaisms. Language - -i - (i) 6UL- Q^srpSareS eui— Qeu(^piQpirf§) efQppQptrQ Lfear-Tfip fiij Qea/sp fiesroiBssa^ gienuppar tuvariJirr, Tolkappiyam. COlladl* karam. eccaviyal. 5-®, 366 TAMIL CULTURiEi ilike man is organic and grows, and as long as it preserves its vitality it must continue to grow and change in its incesi^ant ; growth ; for is not change <3ie essence of language as it is of life ? The cradle of the child should not cramp the gro^igg limbs of the baby. . .tfv..V . • ■ V 1 4. Another such instance comes to our notice in Tol- kappiyam which might enable us to a^ign if a much earlier date than the third sangams works. At the time of Tolkappi- yar,®* syllables like lya, lya ; nya, nya; mya, vya, and mva, could occur in the middle of words. This principle of syUaba- tion is not traceble in any of.the works assigned to the third sangam and this rule has become obsolete already at this time and evidently some centuries ought to have gone between these third sangam works and Tolkappiyam. In the Tiruk- kural supposed to be a work of the 1st century A. D. these are not found. The period when such syllables were in vogue ought to be thCTefore some centuries before the Christian Kra. • 5. One more internal evidence may be offered in sup¬ port of the antiquity of the work. Tolkappiyar treats pro¬ sody as a minor section of Porulatikaram dealing with matter, whereas by the third sangam prosody has claimed enough importance as not to be incorporated in Porulatikaram itself, but .to be treated as a separate division of grammar, and separate treatises like Kakaipadiniyam were written on prosody. 6 . Finally it may be pointed out Tolkappiyar directly supports the tradition that there had been numerous literary writings and more than one treatise on grammar befOTe his days. The significant portion of Seyyuliyal’s®® opening Sutram (i) ei, eff&sirdr Qparard- MJ^of^/strarjuu), Tol — EluttTudikafam .(^) erdrs^ti L/dr&flQ/idrara-, tjSasirdr ^ppi) QiLfU Qup pdnrQp — Ibid. 27. tbSyairdar Qprdrjuih Ibid. 28. Tol. Seyyixliyal. 1. . pdieSenfu Lf904ur Qfiuii^dr e.jgiuQussr iuecsS^p eu(^p^6aarpparQjr ** — ANTIQUITY OF TAMIL AND TOLKAPPIYAM 361 may be given as a typical evidence for this view. In it the author stresses that poets of good fame have stated the foregoing as elements of a poeni emphatically and in an analy¬ tical way.” There are innumerable places in the whole range of Tolkappiyam, wherein Tolkappiyar refers to numerous authors and grammatical works in a general way that have preceded him and that have undoubtedly served as models for him. For instance the author has used the terms Lfoiai/H (the poets say) in about 56 places, Ounrf^u (they state) in about 45 places. (they eay) in about 24 places, eraru (has been said) in about 6 places. Q^n-eoeoofthuQQu^ (has been mentioned also) (the learned know) luruu/S LfGOsifT Qlcti^u (those vcrsed in prosody call) jsn-ssrsffa) t^cisuT (Thosc who havo studied grammar declare emphatically) Qs^ran^arr LfsDatk (The poets have told us) tjrpptrr Lf*)Hur^ (The poetS have composed) jpennaq^ Qiar^u Qirrf^u^ (The keen phdologists state) Q itrifi u Ljsitur Qtbrj^u^ (The great philologists state) SltueCL/essri-p dprr Qiu>rtfiu^ (Those who know the nature of language state) Lfsom par(^«arrpp LfeosninQiiiri-^ (The pOCtS keen in intellect) (They don’t exclude) ^areur-r^ (They don’t say) etc. These innumerable examples detailed above_jpredicate the existence of a number of Tamil grammatical worl& fur¬ nishing him with the materials for several parts of his gram¬ mar. Sivagna munivar^ in his ‘ payira virutti ’ says that Tol¬ kappiyar followed the trends of the vast number of works that preceded him in formulating his grammatical theories. The Tamils should have therefore made considerable literary prog¬ ress long before the 7th century B. C. to develop a civilisation and culture reflected in works like Totkap^yam. Theories of grammar are based on the mass of litearture available before a treatise of grammar is written and centuries of culture and civilisation should have gone in turn before they are embedded in the mass of Literature that followed. A great antiquity should therefore characterise a grammatical treatise reflecting this culture and civilisation. ^ .Sivagnana munivar the all round poet, critic, granunarian, .logician, and philosopher and the author of a number of works varied has written an elaborate commentary in the preface of Tolkappiyam called Payira virutti. He belonged to the 18th century. A. D. TAMILIANA-NEWS & NOTES INDIAN LANGUAGES DEVELOPMENT CONFERENCE. AT POONA {Report by Mr. V. /. Suhrahmaniam, Delegate of the Tamil Literary Society, Tuticorin, & The South Zone College Tamil Teach&s* Association, Tirunelveli) “ Tamil Literature is as ancient as any of the other Indian Languages including Sanskrit. Their Thirukkural and Kamba Ramayanam are unique examples. So let not the protago¬ nists of Hindi forget the claims of the Regional Languages,” declared His Excellency Sir Girija Shankar Bajpai, the Gover¬ nor of Bombay, in the concluding session of the Indian Lan¬ guages Development Conference convened in Poona, by the Poona University on the 23rd, 24th and 25th of May 1953. The S. P. College on the northern part of this historic city was the venue of the conference which considered the building up of technical vocabulary, development of the offi¬ cial language of union and the development of the regional languages of India. The inaugural and concluding sessions of the conference were conducted in the gaily decorated Lady Rama Bai Hall. Nearly five hundred delegates attended. The Honourable Minister for Education, Mr, M. V. Krishna Rao represented the Madras State, Prof. R. P, Sethu Pillai the Sri V. I. Subrahmaniam the Tamil latcrary Society, Tuticorin, and the South Zone College Tamil Teachers’ Association, Tirunelveli. The Rt. Hon. M. R. Jaya- har, the Vice-Chancellor of the Poona University, after stress^ ing the importance of the conference drew attention to the in¬ terest shown by the Central and State Governments, the In¬ dian Universities and Cultural Associations by delegating men of great talent to participate in the conference. A warm wel¬ come was accorded to the Delegates. Then he requested 363 TMIILIaNA — NEWS & NOTES Mahamahopadyaya P. V. Kane, the former Vice-Chancellor of the Bombay University to preside over the sessions. The reputed Sanskrit scholar P. V. Kane, discussed in detail the articles of our Constitution regarding languages and brought to light the predominant position occupied by English over the Union Languages. He requested the Delegates to serious¬ ly consider the recommendation of Sir S. Radhakrishnan in the Repwt of Education. Finally he appealed for a dispassion¬ ate consideration of all the proposals. ‘ The gteat ideal, that we have to place before us,’ he observed, * is how to reconcile the claims of National Unity with the diversity of Regional languages and how to successfully evolve a uniformity in the use of Scientific and technical words throughout the length and breadth of this vast continent.’ With this the morning session concluded at 11 aun. to resume in the same place at 3 pjn. To facilitate effective discussion the conference branched off into three sections each under a president. The first sec¬ tion dealing about Technical vocabulary, was presided over by Dr. Suniti Kumar Chatterji. In his address he pleaded for a ‘ go slow policy ’ in the attempt to Sanskritise completely, the technical terminology urged by Dr. Reguvira and requested to adopt the suggestions of the late R. L. Mitra of Bengal. “ In¬ dian Science has the base in Modern Europe and naturally with its Laboratory and all the various aparatus, its technical vocabulary also has come to stay at least to a certain extent. We should try to Indianise by, first, making science an integral part of the mental make up of the Indian citizen. (With that if we have both the English terms and the Indian equivalents, and if we take sufficient care for the study of the mother tongue through its literature, the fullest Indianisation of our scientific and technical vocabulary will come in as a matter of course ” was his concluding remarks in his lengthy address. This was followed by the humorous speech of Masthi Venkatesa Iyengar, the president of the second section to con¬ sider the development of Hindi. “ Since Hindi is the National 364 TAMIL CULTtmE language the other languages spoken are not less national. Equally with Hindi, they are National languages. Hindi is not to replace English. The Regional language will be used in all offices and courts in each region. Hindi will be used only for inter-provincial and centre Vs : provincial communica¬ tions. Persons whose mother tongue is Hindi should select a South Indian Language as a subject for the competitive Exa¬ mination.” Dr.- Ragu Vira, the President of the third section dealing about the development of the Regional languages, spoke in Hindi. From the high pitch of his voice and emo¬ tional gestures he appeared to have violently refuted Dr. S. K. Chatterji’s suggestion ‘ to go slow ’. In the second half of his address, he mainly dealt with the methods of familiarising one lajiguage by the other to preserve the national unity. “ There should be no mutual jealousies. These will benefit no one but the foreigner. Hindi should not encroach on the sphere of the regional languages. As long as English dominates no In¬ dian language can develop. It will continue withering. Hindi must be taught as an optional language to all school going children. No student should be compelled for the study of Hindi as for any foreign tongue. Mono-lingual states will be helpful in the development of the Regional languages. The lurking idea which finds expression in private conversation, -that English will remain for ever must be definitely abandon¬ ed. Emphasis on English must be replaced by emphasis on the mother-tongue. Very little is known in North India about Tamil literature. The Tamil Universities and the Ministry of Education in Tamil Nad or the Tamil Academies should undertake the translations of the Tamil classics into North Indian Languages and from other Indian languages into Tamil.” These are the other important points of his address. With an invitation from the Vice-Chancellor of the Poona Univ^sity to tea, in the beautiful lawns of the University Gardens the evening session concluded. Next day the sectional meetings were conducted in £he Lecture Halls of th S. P. College. Discussions were very lively. Rapporteurs were appointed to take note of the discussions TAMILIANA — NEWS & NOTES •365 and to report to the President of the Conference. Twenty-1 seven papers were submitted for the first section which in¬ cluded those of Prof. C.' P. Sankaran and R. P. Sethu Pillai.' The representative of the Central Government Dr. Humayun- Kabir, took keen interest in this section. After two sittings' four recommendations were made to the president (which are attached below). The second section under Sri M. Venka- tesa Iyengar earnestly considered th suggestions for the Deli- gates. Hon. Minister M. V. Krishna Rao remained through¬ out in this section and represented the views of the Madras State. Six papers were received. Sri C. J. Joshi of Dharwar, pleaded for the utilisation of the Dravidic stems along with Sanskrit ones, in building up the technical vocabulary. The third section considered the development of the Regional lan¬ guage. It was active under the chairmansliip of Dr. Ragu Vira. Fourteen written contributions were received which included the one from the Delegate of the Tamil Literary Society. It was very refreshing to hear a good many Dele¬ gates, particularly those from Bengal speaking high of the cultural antiquity of Tamil Literature. Nine recommenda¬ tions were made by this section. On Monday the 25th of May the concluding session of the conference was conducted again in the Rama Bai Hall. His Excellency Sir Girija Shankar Bajpai was expected to say a few words in this session. Due to an urgent call from the Prime Minister he left for Delhi on the previous day and came late to the conference. In his shrill but commanding tone he stressed the need for viewing things in the light of world de¬ velopments. *To isolate English from the curriculum is to isolate Indians from the world. Should we do it ? Those who desire Hindi do not realize the others point of view. There are languages more cultured and more ancient than Hindi. Tamil literature is as ancient as any other Indian languages include ing Sanskrit. Their Thirukkural and Kamha Ramayanam are unique examples. Sg. let. not the protogonist of Hindi, forget the claims of the Regional language. In view of all these difB- culties let me ask you to proceed slowly and cautiously. We 20 366 TAMIL CULTtiRU shall not be shy of English ” concluded the Governor of Bom¬ bay and left immediately the conference Hall. Before his arrival the conference unanimously passed the following reso¬ lutions. gECTION A (1) All technical terms for all Sciences should be drawn as far as possible from Sanskrit sources. (2) All international Symbols, signs and formulae should be retained for use as they are in use at present. (3) International Scientific terms and expressions should be retained if suitable Indian Equivalents cannot be found. (4) Scientific and technical terms should be uniform throughout the union as far as possible. SECTION B (1) One of the existing obstacles to a ready spread of the official language of the Union is the apprehension tha,t it will encroach on the sphere of regional languages. It should therefore be made clear that the regional languages should each in its area be the language in which all the affairs of the area are conducted and all instruction is imparted. (2) Hindi having been chosen as the official language of the Union, the States in which the other languages of the country are spoken should take steps to spread a knowledge of the official language of the Union among their population. (3) The development of the official language of the Union in accordance with the directives of the Constitution is the common concern of the speakers of all Indian languages. This conference called upon .the imiversities Language and Literary Associations, Academic Institutions and State Gov¬ ernments to take up immediately the study of concrete action on lines indicated by Section 351 of the Constitution. It is hoped and expected that the official language of the Union that will develop as a result of these efforts will conform to the genius of the pareht stock and, therefore, will be easily and paturally acceptable to those whose mother tongue is Hindi TAMILIANA — NEWS & NOTES 367 SECTION C (1) That the Regional Language or the mother^tongue be the first language of our school going children. (2) That provision be made for the teaching of Hindi at Secondary Schools. (3) That provision be made, wherever possible for the teaching of another Indian Language at Secondary Schools. (4) That advanced courses and research in Indian Lan> guages and literature be instituted at all our Universities. (5) That Bureau for translation of literary and scien¬ tific works from one Indian Language into another be insti¬ tuted at State Education Ministries, Universities and Lan¬ guage Societies. (6) That as the first step, grammars, conversation books and bilingual dictionaries of Indian languages be prepared. (7) That every regional language should have one (all literature) Magazine, in which the users of that language should find information about currents in other Indian Lite¬ ratures. (8) That the Central and State Governments should establish Indian Languages Teachers Training centres to serve the needs of schools. (9) That the Central and State Governments should institute prizes, scholarships, grants and funds to encourage writers, societies and universities to take up and accomplish, the items detailed above. The President P. V. Kane insisted that the representa¬ tives of the various Governments should try to carry out the recommendations of this conference. With a vote of thanks proposed by Prof. D. V. Potdkr, the chairman of the organiz¬ ing committee the conference was dissolved. One notable feature of the conference was the sincerity shown by all the Delegates in finding an acceptable solution to the language problem and to put into practice what was arrived at. Many TAMIL CULTURE $68 of the delegates left Poona on that day itself. Those who were linguisticians remained to attend anothr conference on 26th of May convened by the Deccan College with the aid of the Ford Foundation to give a fillip to linguistic studies in India. SCIENTIFIC TERMINOLOGY Poona, May 24. Sri Suniti Kumar Chatterjee, Chairman, West Bengal Legislative Council, today said in the matter of scientific and technical terminology, India, at least for the present, ought to liave a bilingual vocabulary both in English and the mother tongue. Indian science has had its basis modern Europe, and, naturally, with its laboratory and apparatus, its technical vocabulary also has come to stay — at least to a certain ex¬ tent," he added. Sri Chatterjee, who was presiding over a sectional meet¬ ing of the Indian Languages Development Conference dealing with “ the vocabulary of technical terms,” added that English had become a unique vehicle of world Culture at the present day. Indians could always acquire it with greater facility than any other European language. KEEP WAY TO ENGLISH OPEN “ Since in India’s higher scientific life, and interna¬ tional relations English will retain a place which cannot, with¬ in a reasonably near future, be replaced by any Indian lan¬ guage, we should kwp the way to English open by making the study of the sciences through English optional. TAMILIANA — NEWS. & NOTES 369 He referred to the policy of Nagpur University, which has adopted a number of text-books in Marathi and Hindi on Phyacs, Chemistry, Biology, and Botany in which totally new Devanagiri symbols and,-s 3 finbolic representations have been introduced, and said that if such a course was followed in the different language areas in India, it‘ would effectively isolate India's science not only in Hindi, but also in other regional languages. “ This kind of isolationism, he said, " wpuld he disastrous to Indian science. “For whatever we might say and do, in India scientific knowledge is not so well spread among the people, and it is not verj’’ much advanced either. “ For years and yeafs , before an adequate scientific educa¬ tion can spread among the masses, we shall have ,to link up ourselves with the scientific world of other advanced countries in order to ensure our own progress and for this a common set of symbols is one of the primary necessiti^,” he added. Sri Chattbrjee posed the question — should we try to creatp and impose upon all our Indian languages a common scientific vocabulary ? If so, to what extent will that be pos¬ sible or, should we, he asked, have the principle of “laissez- faire ” foi*^ each language, allowing its own writers, who are its true custodians, to follow the native trend in this matter and create for each language its own vocabulary inde¬ pendently? ] ■ He pointed out that it had been generally admitted that for the greater part of India a cultural vocabulary derived from Sanskrit would be a most potent bond of unity, and for this reason a very widespread “ Sanskritisation ” of Hindi was sought to be effected within a decade, or even less than a decade. The use of the mother tongue as the medium of instruction in school and college to the fullest extent possible had also been accepted as a great principle. The conffict bet- 370 TAMIL CULTURE ween Hindi as the Pan-Indian, inter-State language, and the official language of the Union, and the regional languages as had been sought to be mitigated by fostering the greatest amount of unity possibly between Hindi, on the one hand, and the various regional languages, on the other. Such unity could only he achieved through a common scientific and cultural vocabulary, as nearly as possible, for all the languages of the Indian Union, a vocabulary of words derived from Sanskrit. CULTURE INDIVISIBLE “'We should, however, consider the great fact,” he added, “ that human culture at the present day is one and indivisible, and there has been, ever since man began his quest' for the discovery of the unseen, co-operation among different groups of peoples of diverse races and languages. We have also to remember that the present day physical science is a creation of modern Europe, and its greatest exponentfe are the European peoples, particularly the English-speaking peoples. “ It should not be in any way derogatory to our national self respedb to have borrowed, along with European science, some of its words—particularly its English words Presiding over the section which deals with “ the develop¬ ment of Hindi as the common language of India,” Sri M. Venkatesa Ayyangar said Hindi should be called the “ Federal language,” and not “national language,” as the other languages spoken in India were equally “national languages.” While agreeing with the decision of the Government in choosing Hindi to serve as the common language for communi¬ cation between State and State and the States and the Union, he said there, however, had been much misunderstanding in the country of the implications of this choice. One mis¬ apprehension among large sections of the population was tho TaMIlIA]WA — NEWS & i^OTES 371 idea^at in calling i€ the ‘^national language/' a higher status had been given to it than regional languages. A second misapprehension was that Hindi had been selected to take the place that English had under British rule. While this was partly true, Hindi, he said, was not intended to displace English. Just as all living Indian languages were national languages, so Hindi was a regional language. A third misapprehension which should be cleared was that people speaking one of the other regional languages should in future use only Hindi to get into touch with people living in other language areas. A fourth misapprehension was the belief of some Hindi propagandists that Hindi was understood by very nearly all the population of India. STUDY OF HISTORY OF LANGUAGES Poona, Mat 29. A conference of prominent educationists held under the auspices of the Deccan College Post-Graduate and Research Institute, Poona, to-day expressed the opinion that it was necessary that a knowledge of the history of a language should form an integral part of the study pertaining to that language. A resolution passed at the conference re¬ commended that universities should include the scientific study of languages in their curricula for the Bachelor of Arts and Master of Arts degrees and provide for this tfeaching by the creating of departments of linguistics; The conference, which concluded its four-day delibera¬ tions to-day, was called for the purpose of planning of a pro ject for a scientific study of Indian languages and w\^h a view ^72 TAMIL CtJLTUllU to preparing basic vocabularies as a possible solution of the problem of inter-communication among the different regions of India. The conference which was inaugurated by Sir Ralph Turner, Director of the School of Oriental and African studies, London, was attended among others by Dr. S. K. Chatterji, President of the West Bengal Legislative Council, Dr. Ragliu- vira of the International Academy of Indian Culture, Nagpur, Dr. Baburam Saksena, Dr. Vishwanath Prasad, Dr. Murray Fowler and representatives of various universities in India. The conference further recommended that the following fundamental tasks in connection with the immediate needs of Indian linguistics be undertaken : (1) a new linguistic survey of India on a comprehensive and modern lines on an aU-India level; (2) establishment of a bibliography service for linguis¬ tics—specially Indian ; (3) critical editions of important texts in the principal Indian languages; and (4) translation into ' principal Indian languages of the most important standard books on general and Indian linguistics written in foreign languages. Discussing the subject, “ the project for common vocabu¬ laries of the principal Indian languages ”, the conference was of the opinion that the project submitted by the Deccan College was one of great significance to the scientific study of Indian linguistics as well as to its application to practical problems. It, therefore, recommended that the project should be undertaken as early as possible with the co-operation of scholars from all parts of the country. A standing committee consisting of Sir Ralph Turner (Chairman), Dr. Suniti Kumar Chatterjee, Prof. Baburam Saksena, Prof. D. N. Shri Kanthayya and Dr. S. M. Katre (Convener) was constituted to advise the Director of the Deccan College on matters of organisation and direction of work on the project. Among the works that w ill be under¬ taken by the college will be the preparation of descriptive grammars and bilingual dictionaries of regional languages on a uniform basis following scientific methods of phonemic and TAM-ILIANA — NWS & NOTES 373 morphenic analysis and the study of the common vocabulary between Hindi and the regional languages as also of the semantic ch^ges of loan words (from Sanskrit and other ^ sources) in regional centres. The conference also . requested the authorities of the Deccan College to extend the training facilities designed for the special staff to be recruited for the project to other scholars interested in Indian linguistics and recommended that a summer training school be inaugurated at the college pre¬ mises in which Indian and foreign experts could give intensive training in principles and methodology of modern linguistics as applied to Indian languages. BOOKS IN INDIAN LANGUAGES BmiilOGRAPHT TO BE PUBLISHED MaDKAS, JjUNB 17. „ A nauonal bibliography of books, published so far in all Indian Iwguages, on the lines of the British National Biblio¬ graphy, is to be compiled at the National Library of India, Calcutta, according to Sri B. S. Kesavan, President, Indimi Library Association, and Chief Librarian of the National Library. Sri Kesavan, who is touring South India to see that a copy of each book published in the four principal South In¬ dian languages, Tamil, Telugu, Malayalam and Kannada, is automatically sent to the National Library soon after publi¬ cation, conferred with officials of the Madras, and Ttavancore- Cochin Governments in Madras today. He will leave for Bangalore on Thursday. In an interview, Sri Kesavan pointed out that during the last seven years, the Government had made no provision to 21 374 'TAMIL CULTURE ensure that publications in various languages in the States automaticaUy accrued to the Central Library. Before that the British Museum in London, and the India Office were given this prhdlege of selecting whatever books they liked from the publications in the several States as gazetted perio¬ dicals. With the new realignment of States in India the Registration Act of 1867 was to be revised, so that publica¬ tions could automatically be sent first to the State Library, then to the Parliamentary Library, and finally to the National Library. Sri Kesavan praised the Madras Government for its co¬ operation in regard to the carrying out of the provisions of the Act of 1867. MALAYALAM TYPEWRITER Calcutta, June 18. A typewriter in Malayalam will be on sale in India short¬ ly, and its component parts are now on the way from the United States, for assembly in a Calcutta factory. This Malayalam typewriter represents the successful cul¬ mination of 20 years of efforts to design a satisfactory key board in this language. The major technical difficulty of typ¬ ing vowel signs immediately above and below the characters was resolved with the use of dead and offset keys thus elimi¬ nating tedious back-spacing. The typefaces for a prototype Malayalam typewriter were etched by hand in Calcutta. When the prototype proved practical, an art drawing of the characters was made for the final die-making.and type-casting in New York. Typewriters are at present available in Tamil, Hindi, Marathi, Gujerati, Bengali, Gurmukhi, Urudu, and Sinhalese. Development work on Canarese, Oriya and Telugu type¬ writers is at present in progress. TAMILIANA — NEWS & NOTES 375 TAMIL FESTIVAL IN DELHI New Delhi, Aug. 29. President Rajendra Prasad today expressed the* hope that ^ “ the different languages of the country will grow and enrich ' the rich culture of India as a whole.” The President gave an assurance that “ there is no at¬ tempt on the part of anybody to impose Hindi on the south or to suppress any of the other languages of India.” ” On the other hand,” the President said, ” we wish them all prosperity and we wish them to grow and enrich the rich culture of the country as a whole.” The President was inaugurating the three-day sixth Tamil festival here this morning. The Vice-President, Dr. S. Radha- krishnan presided. For a brief moment the Regal Theatre in Connaught Place where the function was held breathed the South Indian atmosphere. While on the one hand the nagaswaram was being played, priests on the other with “ Poorna Kumbham” in their hands chanted the Upanishads in a loud voice ready to receive the President. These "were features in the Capital unknown to the common folk of the North and naturally at¬ tracted a great deal of visitors. Earlier, there was a proces¬ sion from the South Indian School to the Regal Theatre w'ith Vidwan R. Subramaniam and party playing the nagaswaram. The President, on arrival, was welcomed by Dr. K. S. Krishnan, Chairman, Mr. 0. V. Alagesan and other members of the Reception Committee. President’s Appeal Dr. Ra jendra Prasad, while emphasising the need for a common language which would bind the people from all parts of the country together, was sceptical of the success of the movement to have a National Hindi different from the Hindi ^76 TAMIL culture: they all knew. What was really necessary, the President was that the various languages of the country should make their contribution to the Hindi of the present day, and should enrich the language which would ultimately not be a Hindi of the Northerners alone but one created, fostered and nurtiu*- ed by all Indians. The Central Ministers, Mr. T. T. Krishnamachari, Mr. K. C. Reddy, and Mr. Jagjiwan Ram, and Ceylon’s High Commissioner, Mr. C. Coomaraswami, were among the dis¬ tinguished guests present. A large number of delegates fr^ different parts of India attended the festival. Dr. K. S. Krishnan, on behalf of the Reception Commit¬ tee, welcoming the guests, said, “I have much pleasure in extending to all the distinguished delegates and the partici¬ pants in this festival a very warm welcome. We have been particularly fortunate in having with us at the inauguration ceremony our revered President, Dr. Rajendra Prasad, our great philosopher-statesman. Dr. Radhakrishnan, Vice-Presi¬ dent of the RepubSic of India, and His Excellency Mr. Cooma¬ raswami, High Commissioner for Ceylon in India, who is a great lover of Tamil. I am sure that the festival inaugurated under such distinguished auspices, along with so many great poets and scholars participating, will be a great success. (We are indeed very grateful to the many distinguished delegates who have come from different parts of India and Ceylon. “ Festivals jlike the one we are inaugurating today, will, I am sure, greatly help not only in developing the languages, but what will be of lasting benefit, in developing in us a pro¬ per sense of values.” Dr. Prasad’s Address Dr. Rajendra Prasad in his speech said : “ I think it wiljl be best for me to begin with a confession and an apol(^. The confession is that I am completely and utterly ignorant of Tamil and the apology is that I have not been able to learn it. TAMILIANA — NEWS & NOTES 377 That apology is not only on my behalf, but I think I can offer it on behalf of all Northerners of this country. We have been thinking of having a common language for our, country, a language which will be used for our national purposes. We are expecting and hoping that our brothers and sisters in the South will learn that language. Unfortunately I have not noticed any movement in the North for acquainting ourselves vrith the languages of the South. The losers are not the people of the South but the people of the North, and I only hope that they will soon realise the great loss which they are sustaining on account of their not being acquainted with the big lit^a* ture that is enshrined in the languages of the South. Gonteibution to Renaissance Dr. S. Radhakridinan, who presided, hoped that thei deli¬ berations of the Sixth Tamil Festival would give a great im¬ petus to the work of Tamil scientists, scholars and artists, and others and thus contribute also to the renaissance through which our country is passing. “The great charm of our country,” Dr. Radhakrishnan said, “ is its diversity. It is also its main problem. From the beginning of our history our thinkers have tried to adjust and harmonise the different traditions which arose from the many different peoples of our country and make them blend into a happy harmony. Through interchange of men and ideals we were.abjle to achieve a cultural solidarity which transcends the distinctions of languages and races. If you look at the his¬ tory of Tamil literature, of Tamil archaeology, Tamil art, you will discover precious tokens of past ages, great memorials of the march of the human mind in this country. It reflects, so to say, the progress of the resurgent India. The earliest work of the Tamils, as Mr. Avinashilingam said, is the Tholkappi- yam of the fifth century. It refers to Vedic codes whidi are identified with local deities. You find in the rock edicts of Asoka that he sent Buddhist missions not only to Hellenic potentates but also to the Tamil Powers. Early works UJce* Thirukkural and others showed the enormous influence of Jain 37^ TAMIL CULTURE and Buddhist thought on Tamil works. The Chinese travel¬ lers referred to Buddhist shrines and Buddhist stupas. They point out how some of the great works on Buddhism hail from South India. Bodhi Dharma came from Kancheepuram, Buddha Ghosha and Dharm^ala were people from the South, from Tamil Nad. Later on great Acharyas, Smnts—Saivaites and Vaishnavites—these have made a profound contribution to the growth of Indian literature. Their names are well- known throughout this country and even outside. \We cannot say that Islam and Christianity have not left their mark in South India. In other words, the history of Tamils is a re¬ flection of the history of the rest of India passed through different phases, Vedic, Jain. Buddhist, Hindu revivaH and Islam and Christianity”. Fundamental Truths Continuing, Dr. Radhakrishnan said : “ Let us not think that the Tamils are living merely on past inheritance. They have great things of which they can be proud even today. The contribution which they make to politics and administra¬ tion, to science and art, these are very impressive and I will only say that the Tamil Academy will do better by publish¬ ing biographies of eminent Tamilians and also bringing out short series like the Lexicon series which the 'Oxford Press is bringing out. The Tamil Academy is giving a great encour¬ agement to artistes, scholars and others who are interested in the revival of our culture. It is well known that the artistes are the unconscious legislators of mankind. They are the people who help considerably in bringing about a different climate of opinion which is fostered through democracy and which will enable us to live up to the great ideals which are embodied in our Constitution. We cannot help saying that throughout this country while ideals are proclaimed in our scriptures, and are embodied in our Constitution—^they are great—^we do not actually live up to them. The South Indian teachers have emphasised the truth of democracy in the Upa- 'Hiishad as ” Thathwamasi ”. It does not mean that men are equqkin their physical form or psychological attitude, It TAMILIANA — NEWS & NOTES ^70 affirms the claim to equality of every human individual. Deep down in the human soul there must be a road open to all in¬ dividuals to rise to their highest stature. It is that kind of spiritual equality which the Upanishadic statement affirms. You find a great Tamil work saying “ One God and one human community ”, the community of mankind. Similarly another great South Indian teacher, Sri Vedantadesikar, has stated that the only test of civilisation is either you believe in God or you believe in human equality ; if you believe in these two things, you are civilised whatever may be the caste to which you belong. If you do not believe in them, then to whatever caste you belong, you are not civilised. These are the great ideals of human equality and brotherhood affirmed by the Upanishads and by great South Indian teachers. If today social relations are somewhat spoiled in South India, it is due to a lack of appreciation and lack of implementation of these fundamental concepts, which are handed down to us. It is possible, therefore, for our artistes, for our literary men, to produce a different atmosphere altogether and to see to it that the sense of equality is implemented .to a greater extent in South India. Vitality op Tamil Air. C. Coomaraswamy, High Commissioner for Ceylon in India, who spoke next, said: “ It is a great and opportune idea on the part of the Tamil Academy of Madras to hold a Tamil Festival annually for the promotion of Tamil scholar¬ ship and literature including music and fine arts and to hold these festivals in different places. Two years ago this festival was held in my own country and in my homeland of Jaffna, while I was here in Delhi. I think we should congratulate the Delhi Tamil Sangam for arranging to hojld the Festival this time in the metropolis of India and bring home to the people of Northern India the richness and beauty of our language. The Tamil language is said-to be one of the oldest in the world and some even go to the extent of saying that it is the oldest and sweetest in the world. The fact that it has stood the on¬ slaughts of time and survived, retaining its purity, shows that it has a vitality of its own which cannot be subdued. But it ^0 TAMIL CtJLTtJRE haa had its own bad time. In common with other indigenous languages in India and in my country, it had suffered a set¬ back on account of the domination of these countries by foreign Powers. The damage done in my own country may be said to be even greater than in India. Being a small coim- try, the foreign influence was able to extend deeper into the life of the people there than here. I still remember in my school days the cry was for English and more English. The result was that our national languages were badly neglected and did not receive the attention they deserved. But with the attainment of independence we may look forward to a bright future for our mother tongue. In my own country Sinhalese and Tamil have been made compulsory in schools for children of the respecuve races and efforts are being made to impart even university education in their languages. I will not take upon myself to say anything on the possibility of complete elimination of English, in higher education. But under the present policy, there is no need to fear that there will be any more difficulty in the promotion and progress of our national languages.” Tribute to the Tamils of Ceylon “ Fortunately, in India the establishment of the Madras University had an encouraging effect on the study of Tamil and candidates from my own country used to go there for their studies and also acquired great proficiency in the Tamil lan¬ guage itself. It may be of interest to know that the first ^b,-. duates of the Madras University are said to be Jaffna Tamils - from Ceylon. We, the Tamils of Ceylon, regard the Tamil culture in the South of India as the fountainhead of our lanr guage since the greatest Tamil classic came from there. 'We still look to the great poets and writers of modem times to lead and to give inspiration in literary activities in the Tamil language* Even before we attained independence we have from time to time invited leading scholars and exponents arts and music to visit our country and to give us the benefit of their achievements in their various subjects. -I have no doubt that this will be continued in the future. 381 TAMILIANA — NEWS & NOTES I may emphasise the fact that the people of Ceylon, though belonging to the two major communities, Sinhalese and Tamil, are of the same stock as the people of India. ‘The Sinhalese are descendants of the people in India who went from Northern India and although their language is now spoken only in Ceylon, there can be no doubt that it was origi¬ nally of Indian origin. They received the greatest gift, the Buddhist religion, from the great Buddhist Emperor, Asoka. The Tamils of Ceyilon, on the other hand, came from South India and have always maintained the cultural and religious connection with the Tamils of South India. It may briefly be said that the Tamils of Ceylon form a permanent and indis¬ soluble and living link between India and Ceylon. In this connection, I may be pardoned if I refer to certain differences that have been arisen between the two countries over the at¬ tainment of independence. I can assure you that these are only a passing phase. There is the underlying unity of inte¬ rests between the two countries which will always bind them together. These differences were magnified and adversely commented upon due to misunderstanding and at the instance of vested interests for their own purposes. But your great Prime Minister and our own Prime Minister are very anxious to see that these differences are settled soon. It is fortunate that by their recent talk they have understood! each other’s position and appreciate the difficulties. I have no doubt that at no distant date, they will arrive at a settlement satisfactory to aU concerned and the two countries together,-hand in hand with a common culture and identity of interest will work for the common good. “ I hope the Tamil Festival will be held in different places in rotation and there will be many occasions when it will be held in different parts of Ceylon, and it will no doubt have a beneficent effect in bringing the two countries together.” Very Ancient Culture Earlier, Mr. T. S. Avinashilingam Chettiar, President of the Tamil Academy, welcoming the guests, said : "Our great 22 382 TAMIL CULTURE Indiaa civilisation is a mighty river formed by the confluence of many streams. Its ris© is almost coeval with the birth of man. The earliest stream that could be traced back as near to the source of the river as possible at the present state of knowledge is the Tamil civilisation. Tamil literature reflects this culture and civilisation of the Tamils through these thou¬ sands of years. Among the spoken languages of the world, Tamil is perhaps the most ancient. “ The relationship of the Tamil language with the other languages of the world has not yet been fully studied. That it belongs to the group of languages called the Dravidian lan¬ guages and that it is the dldest, richest and most highly or¬ ganised of them is admitted on all hands. Researches have shown that the Tamil group of languages had once spread all over India. The language of the mountaineers in Rajmahal abounds in terms identified with Tamil. What is still more surprising is that names by which ivory, apes, peacocks, etc., are known in the Hebrew Bible are the same as still used in Tamil. Teak from the Tamil land has been found tq be used in Ur of the Chaldees about 3000 B.C., and there seems to have been commercial intercourses between the Tamils and Mesopotamia about 4000 B.C. Tamil, consequently, has also a very ancient literature. “ The earliest literature now available is Tholkappiyam, about 500 B.C., the earjlier books referred to in it and other books having been lost. Belonging to about the same age is the Thirukkural, about 200 B.C. which is famous for the very great truths it inculcates and so has been translated into almost all the great languages of the world. The Saivite and Vaishna- vite saints and the great hymns they sang bdlong to a later age, namely, from about the Seventh Century A.D., while the great Kamba Rdmayaiui belongs to the Eleventh century. Then came the age of the commentators and latter day poets and writers, until in the modern age, we have Subramania Bharati, the great poet of modem Tamil renaissance. 383 TA;MILIANA —- NEWS & NOTES Character of Living Language “ But mere wealth of ancient literature will not give a ^eat place to a language in modern times. Language is a livmg embodiment of the needs and aspirations of the people, while in a large measure it also reflects the progress of the people. And so as a living 'language, it is essential that Tamil should be enriched with modem knowledge, in addition to our great ancient literature. It must have within itself the ^ope, ability and capacity for self-expression of the people in various ways j it should also provide aspects of knowledge including the highest sciences. The national movement and the freedom struggle have given an impetus to the develop¬ ment of our languages and the achievement of freedom has given the fundamental background necessary for their growth. It is with this great objective in vieW that the Tamil Academy was founded on the eve of independence in 1947.” Mr. Avinashilingam Chettiar mentioned that the Tamil Academy was now engaged in the preparation of an encycb- paedia in Tamil and that it had been proposed to bring it out in ten volumes of about 750 pages each at a cost of about nine lakhs of rupees. After seven years of very hard and continu¬ ous effort, the first volume had gone to the Press and was ex¬ pected to be pubilished soon. Speaking next, Dr. S. R. Ranganathan described the Tamil Academy as a multi-purpose organisation and said that the Academy had a duty to render to the Tamils scattered all over the world who were very anxious to get into touch with their motherland. India, he said, had got to solve the pro¬ blem of integrating the various cultures of the country while preserving the individuality of each unit. ISBN: 978 - 93 - 85165 - 02-3 TAMIL CULTURE Vol. 11-1953 bl. II- 1953 I ^larflrBrnudbii) c^ij2<£4). - Kabilar is the Sangam poet to whose greatness we can find , the greatest number of tributes in Sangam literaturei. He must have been a poet really worthy of love. We need.to study Kabilar’s Puram poems closely, and take their revelations at their face-value. Kabilar diows close acquaintance with several of the great chieftains and kings of Tamilnad. Of these, he pays glowing tributes to Cheraman Selvakkadungo Vazhi Adan, the king of Chera land, and to two chieftains, lesser men in rank, but equally great in renown — Kari, and the immbrtal Pari whose name can¬ not be separated from Kabilar’s. We find Kabilar boldly flinging a reproach on another chieftain, Irungo VeL who he believed, had slighted him. Beautiful is ^the stoiy that all these poems have to ^11, and, although we do not have them in the exact sequence of their creation, we may use our dis¬ cretion in arranging them before we elicit from them the life- story of this great and revered poet, TAMIL CULTURE .We have no'positive means of deciding whether his acquaintance with Kari was ewly or late in Kabilar^s life, hut the fact is» that after his contact wiHi Pari, almost everj’’- thing that he wrote in Puram is coloured by that subliirie friend^ip. Since this colouring is absent in his praises of Kari, we might deduce that at any rate Kabilar met Km first, before his friendship with Pari began. In one little poem, we find a half-reproachful advice to Kari, " To know one*8 deserts is the task . ^ Regard not poets with an equal eye** (Puram : 121) Evidently Kari has treated him, not slightingly, but not quite according to his deserts. Perhaps he made ho difference in the favours he bestowed on Kabilar and the other poets who came’^ his court. Considering how highly Kabilar came to be regarded in his dayi it is not likely that Kari, being man of sense, should not have given Kabilar that distinction which was his due, had Kabilar been introduced to him as a full¬ blown poet. Perhaps Kabilar, conscious of his own potential powers, and not being yet given full recognition, resented being treated as one of the many. So we may ascribe Kabilar’s first intimacy with Kari, if not to the poet’s extreme youth, at le^t to the beginning of his poetic career. The-above- quoted reproach to KarL we find, is not justified by any real want of discretion on the part of that generous patron of lett^, for in another poem we find the poet bursting into rhapsodies over the generosity of the chieftain. Obviously, by this time the poet and his patron have come to aJ better understanding: “Kari, thy land Belongs to Brahmens feeding sacred fires : .. thy wecdth Is theirs who come to thee with plea for dims ; . Except thy Queen, Nothing is thine, 0 noble one !** (Puram: 122) A STUDY OF KABILAR, THE SANGAM POET 21 There’is a poem addressed to Pehan, a Tamil diieftain/ for which by no means can we fix the period of its creation, since it is an isolated instance of his acquaintance with him. It only shows Kabilar exercising his moral authority as a poet, as one of the unacknowledged legislators of the worlds and in this office he is not alone, for we find several poets addressing Pehan on the same subject and in the same time. The point is that Pehan had neglected his wife for ^me temporary fancy, and the queen wias pining for him. We find a group of poets sym¬ pathising with and championing the queen's cause, and fear¬ lessly pointing out to a powerful chieftain the wrong he was doing. The other poets of that group are Paranar. Arisilkilar and Perun-kunrurkilar and by reason of this proof we may safely assume Kabilar to be their contemporary. What we are sm*- prised at is the fact that continued dependence on a patron's favours should not have weakened the morale of the poets, and that they should keep their claim to their sovereign throne all the while that they were no more than mendicants in their society. Fortunately this claim was recognised and honoured by the Tamil Kings. Now comes the story of Kabilar’s friendship with Pari. It is an idyl of friendship. Kabilar never found his tongue untied so much as when speaking of his beloved patron. They were not as patron and devotee, but as bosom friends. Kabilar is eloquently lyrical in his praises of Pari, and they are not hypocritical effusions, for Kabilar's voice can be nothing but truth. He stops at nothing in his praises. ‘'Pari, Pari, praise the SHver-tongued; Yet *tis not only he, But rains we have* to bring prosperity** (Puram : 143) cries the poet, as though it is difficult for him to see that there could be any benefactor in the world other than Pari. “Pari Veh more yieldi' ''~soft ''than water,** {Puram, : 143) 22 TAMIL CULTURE he says, mentioning his friend’s gentle manners to his depen¬ dents, the poets. Pari’s moimtain is Elabilar’s deflight. Its mountadn-spnngs he compares to stars. He never tires of singing of its beauties. The glory of Pari’s name in Sangam literature, is transferred to his mountain* to its mountain springs, to the flowers that bloom in their cool waters. And Kabilar was no time-server. • Pari’s glory fascinated the poets, but, it would seem, not the thriving kings of his day. Perhaps they were jealous of his name. Perhaps they simply coveted his prosprous territory. Anyway they did not shrink from laying siege to his dominions. The three kings of T^nil- nad took part in the siege, whidi shows that Pairi must have been pretty strong. Kabilar might have seen thati his friend was doomed, but he did not change sides. He touted a challenge down at the besiegers. He told them, if they really wanted Pari’s country, they shoidd come, not as war¬ riors, but as minstrels, when he “ would give them land and hill together! ” The result of the battle was what might have been ex¬ pected. Pari was k0ed ;• and with him set the sun of Kabilar’s happiness. Kabilar would gladly have died with him, but the unfortunate chieftain had two unmarried daughters, whom he could entrust safely to no one but his friend. .P^i, with forethought, charged Kabilar not to commit suicide. We find the bereaved poet* with an aching heart, taking with him the luckless daughters of Pari, away from the paternal roof, from the mountain where “ the squeezed out honey comb oozes with honey,” which no longer affords them shelter. The Sangam anthologies bear .evidence to their being no ordinary girls, but gifted with literary aptitude, •pieir lamentations over their father are part of Sangam literature. It is no wonder, living as they did with a father who was himself a passionate lover of letters, and under the A STUDY or KABILAR, THE SANGAM p6eT 23 eye of a poet who was a king in the realm of poetry I Howeveri literary talent did not preclude them from the ri^ts of woman-hood, and Kabilar knew that his duty was to hand them over to suitable husbands. It is pathetic to watch the unworldly-minded poet going husband-hunting for his young charges among the men of the world. Kabilar would not give the noble girls to any but of noble blood* and tliose who were of high social status evidently did not want the father¬ less and helpless girls who had nothing to back them except the sounding name of Pari. They refused, one after the other and Kabilar seems to have been irritated with one of them. That was Irungo-Vel who probably turned them from his door. The chieftain must have been particularly impolite, and the poet turned his anger on him. I go,” he said, " My lord* forgive The foolish pride of mine, in that these Are mighty Pari's daughters” {Puram ; 201). And then like a prophet roused to utter a curse, he reminds Inmgo of an ancestor of his who lost lands and living because he had the insolence to insult the poet Kalatalayar. The failure to find suitable husbands for the girls, seems to have dejected Kabil^ to the extent of leaving his wards under the care of Brahmins, (see colophons to Puram: 113, 200* 201 etc.), and seeking the patronage of Selvakadungo Vazhi Adan. Now it is not possible for us to believe that'this CSiera prince belonged to the powerful trio that beseiged the un¬ fortunate Pari. The finst of Kabilar’s Padirrupattu poems, addressed to this prince, is full of tender references to Pari, and shows the poet proudly soliciting Cheram^’s patronage : ” I come not begging alms of thee* because My generous patron Pari, for that land left From which there can be no return” {Padirrupattu : 61) All of Kabilar’s Padirrupattu poems are full of the praises of ^Cheraman Selvakadungo Vazhi Adan's military prowess, Tamil culture and his generosity. The same prince, it is to be remember^, is honoured by Kabilar in Purananuru. This is how Kabilar addresses the Sun: “ Smft sphere, how dost resemble him, King Cheraladan of victodious troops ! ” (Puram : 8). In the same poem, he gives a list of things whidi the Sun will do and Cheraman Selvakadungo will not. “ Thou hast a limit; thou turnest thy hack ; Thou shiftest position; hidest behind the hill! ” Another poem was written in reply to Vazhi Adan s re¬ mark that Kabilar’s hands were very soft. They are soft. answers the poet, because, They know no other labour, save to feed On savoury rice with fragrant meat. {Puram : 14) Then, says the poet, the monarch's hands are hard, because they have been employed in hard work, in managing the horses in war, and in giving gifts to the poor ! Is that not a great compliment ? But there is no evidence of this newly formed bond con¬ tinuing. Kabilar was not the man to forget old loyalties. Puram 236 says briefly that Kabilar fasted to death. The Tirukovalur inscriptions say that he gave away Pari’s daughter to the chieftain Malayan, and finally joined his friend by leaping into the flames. Anyway it seems likejly that the poet did commit suicide after all, having first provided for his wards. Kabilar's Love Poetry We have seen Kabilar’s Puram poems in the study of . his life; and they are so intimately bound with his life, that despite their subjection to convention, it is not worth while considering them as effusions of art. But when we come to A STUDY OF KABILAH, THE SANGAM POET 26 Aham or dove-poetry, we find the exercise of ‘ art for art’s sake ”, T. hey seem to have been pretty deeply sophisticated our forefathers of about thousand and five hundred years fl-SO. They had made quite a separate study of love, drawn rules and regulations for it, and compiled them into a gram¬ mar book I So it was, that Tolkappiyar the wise old gram¬ marian, prescribes exactly the kind of treatment that should be accorded by the poets to every kind of love. The clandestine love of young lovers, thought those bards, found its most exciting setting in mountain scenery. The lover chmbing the beaten tracks up the rocks, braving the elephants, avoiding the snakes and tigers, all for meeting his beloved, made matter for stories of adventure. The moun¬ tainous region, in the language of those poets, is called the Kurinji. The sandy waste or Palai was considered a fit back¬ ground for the unwilling parting of the lover from his beloved, and for the elopement of ix)ld young lovers. Marutham, the land of plenty, watered by rivers, where man finds leisure to spend over and above the time he needs for cultivation, and where luxury is within reach, is the setting for unfaithful lovers. Of course, it is the 'hero ’ who is unfaithful. There are five such groups into which the land is divided by Sangam con¬ vention, and each has a characteristic part to play in the bond between young lovers. Kabilar chooses Kurinji for elaboration. He is con¬ sidered the prince of Kurinji literature. The authorship of Kurinjikkali is ascribed to Kabilar mainly for this reason. Kabilar wtote his Kurunji-pdttu so the colophon says, to instruct an Arya prin^ in the strange complexities of ancient Tamil poetic convention. Kurinji-pattu must be briefly glanced at, because it really reveals something of Kurinji convention. The poem is said to be the words of the heroine’s maid to her mother, the heroine’s attendant. Mind, the story is said to be a pure fiction of the clever girl’s brain made up to smooth mismanaged matters. i 26 TAMIL CULTURE Her lady is involved in a love affair, and being probably a mountain chieftain’s daughter, is perplexed because her parents are likely to give her away to her lover. Now it is desirable to disclose the love-affair and get the wedding over. The maid, who is in the know of things, is the person to break the news. She dares not speak to her lady’s mother, so she speaks to her own mother, who has great influence in the household. This is the gist of her pretty story : The hioroine and her attendant are out in the cornfields, scaring the birds away. They bathe in the springs, and deck themselves with all the wildflowers they can reach. There comes to the spot a young hunteri who is also fantasticailly dressed and looks interesting. The girls however, are too. shy to speak to him. But fate throws the h^ine into the hero’s arms, in the shape of a stray elephant who comes there trumpetting and frightens the girls. The tusker is driven from the spot by an arrow from the bold young man. Now the hero and heroine feel themselves united by providence and plight troth. So under the circumstances, the maid pleads that the best thing would be to see the two wedded. ' ‘r- • • j • Kunnji-'pdttu is pretty and youthful enough, but it must not be given undue praise. It has few of Kabilar’s usual outbursts of brilliance and it has one defect not elsewhere found in him» that is, the lengthy catalogue of flowers. But it does show the general characteristics of Kurinji — .the wild romance, the mountain scenery and the adventurous spirit. The jUdy/s maid, we must say, plays a ve^y ac.tivp part in I^bilar’s love-stories, and is more ingenious and attractive than her meek naistress who is only a bundle of nerves. Kabilar’s real achievement is in the field of, imagery* rather than dramatic representations from life. Of course, even in these little tit-bits from the drama of life, he keeps his head above water, and does not muddle things. In this chapter we shall consider his purely dramatic approach to love, reserving his wonderful imagery for a chapter by itself. A STUDY OF KABILAR, THE SANGAM POET 27 Ainkvxunuru is a collection of five-hundred short poems as the name itself suggestst and one hundred of these were composed by Kabilar. .Their brevity makes them sometmies all the more telling. Tamil, with its wonderful monosyUabes, is one of the most concisei of languages. The Titukhural is an example of the condensation of thought that is possible in Tamil. Ainkurunuru is an example of the condensation of feeling, of experience, that the great poets could manage. The following is one of E^bilar’s Ainkurunuru: " Hail, lady hear f sweeter than the milk With honey in our land, the muddied drops The deer had lejt beneath The scrubs in his dry desert land** % The heroine has come ^ a guest to the patemali roof. Her husband is in no easy circumstances, and her former attendant, the plajnmate of her childhood, anxiously enquires after her welfare. The above is the young wife’s reply. What pride of wifehood it shows in her I In yet another, we find the. heroine pining for her abseht lover. Her parents note her pallor, and are' worried about her ill-health, ignorant of its true cause. As common in those days, they enquire of astrologers and men who profess to deal with spirits. They are told that the girl is afflicted by the spirit of Muruga. To appease the troublesome spirit* the devotee of Muruga makes his weird dance, in the sight of the household. But it matters little to the heroine,^ whereas to her attendant, it affords laughter and an opportunity of deli¬ cately breaking the truth to the elders in the house. So, that clever girl in the hearing of her mother, asks her young mis¬ tress, amidst a ripple of girlish laughter : He sings of Muruga ; and is that then Thy lover*s name f ** If the girl’s mother were a woman of the least delicate percep¬ tion^ she wopl^ at once have SQente^ the hint, 28 TAMIL CULTURE In one of these poems, an isolated instance of its kind in Kabilar’s poetry, we find bitter irony. The injured woman speaks of the faithless husband thus : “/■n this hilly land, The wild-boar with his crescent horn doth gmrd His fine-striped young, whose dam the tig^ killed; But he forsakes, with me, his golden son! ” In yet another* there is a cunning little attendant for the heroine. The heroine’s movements have awakened suspicion, and she is being watched. The lover, who has not yet dared to make the formal proposal to her parents, comes stealing about the house. The attendant speaks to the lady of the house in a voice loud enough for him to hear. This is what the girl says : “My lady fears to go in the dark. She fears the hooting of the owls. And you say you saw her steal out at night! Surdy that was a hallucination of your brain ! ” We can imagine the reaction of those words on the three listeners specially on the lover, who would infer that, if he wanted to see his lady, he must first get her hand in marriage. There is ample variety of mood and situation. The heroine speaks in confidence to her attendant; the maid Works out little ruses; the mother whose daughter has eloped, mourns that her daughter should have had so little confidence in her. All these are subjected to Sangam convention, but they are dramatically treated, with a brilliant imagination, and a dic¬ tion of rare sweetness. Diction, of course, cannot be described, nor can it be translated. But the sensitive modulations and the gentle rhythm of ^Kabilar’s style in general, are their best in the poem beginning “ Yarum illai, tane kalvan.” The following is a feeble translation of the poem : “ None else was there, but only he, the thief / Should he be false> what should I do f And when we met, there was in our sight. Only the stork, with leg as thin as a wisp of straw. That into the gliding water peei-ed for prey/^ A study of KABILAR, the SANGAM poet 20 The same qualities can be found in Kabilar’s poems of the other anthologies of Sangam love-poetry. It would only be tedious to go through the same process. The difference is mostly in length and in corresponding elaboration of the central idea. It only remains for us to consider the beauty of the imagery in Kabilar’s poetry. Imagery in Kabilab Imagery is not everything in poetry ; it is only incidental to poetry, as the flashing spray is to the momentous strength of the ocean. The workings of the mighty spirit within are given expression to in colourful and living pictures and by their vitality and beauty we may more or less assess the power of the driving force. Sangam poetry is not epic poetry, nor did our ancient poets spend time over the drama, though they sometimes passed over dramatic situations in life ; even in the sphere of the lyric, they did not excel. Those poets seem to have been too self-controlled, too conservative and conventional, to have let themselves go in the ebullitions of the lyric. Their greatness lies in the wonderful pen-pictures they have produced. Sometimes indeed, like Scott, they get themselves to describe a forest from one end to the other, till we are tired and surfeited with the details. Sometimes like Wordsworth, they suddenly find themselves awake to the meaning and the beauty of some particular image, and then the glory of it fills the record of their inspired vision. At other times, not rare in Sangam literature, we find their similes revealing entirely new worlds of profound thought and beauty, for which we are at a loss to find a parallel in another language. Kabilar, one of the major poets of the Sangam age, dis¬ plays these qualities in his verse. In surfeit of detaiL how¬ ever, he indulges but once in Kurinji-pdttv* where a whole catalogue of mountain-flowers is unfolded. Like every cata- 30 TAMIL CULTURE logue,*it would have made dreary reading, but the swift strong lilt of the metre carries it lightly through. It may be dis¬ missed however as an isolated instance of weakness, it being not at all like Kahilar to waste words. We have only to consider Kabilar’s descriptive gift’ and his similes. Like his contemporary poets, Kabilar is daring in his use of imagery, and at the same time faithful to observation. The grotesque conceits which disfigure the pages of later Tamil Hterature* are absent from Sangam literature. Perhaps the immense discipline involved in the enforcement of con¬ vention is responsible for the strict purity of Sangam diction. Imagination is strong, but not out of control. The most audacious step the poet’s fancy can take, is perhaps this : “ The wild boar flees splashing around gold and gems ” {Puram : 202). “ The elephant Sacred of the mighty tiger, makes furious charge Upon the black-stemmed vengai tree, and thus Abates its wrath.** {Narrinai :] 217) or this : “ The wine delicious, in the mountain-spring Among the rocks with pepper strewn, is brewed By the tout-stemmed mango*s fruit delicious, dropped' With honeycombs bee-haunted, and the fruit, Fragrant, of jack, loosening its seeds ’* (Kurinjippdttu) The Sangam poets do not generally, love ugly conceits. They love truth better, and I shall quote here some of Kabilar’s simple, faithful observations of nature, to show how lovely truth can be: The crocodile dozes in the woodland stream. So strewn with Yower-petals shaken down. That its own hue is lost** {Aham ; 136) A STtJDY 0? KaSILAR, THE SANGAM p6eT J|1' " There was in our sight Only the stork, with leg as thin as a wisp of straw. That into the gliding water peered for prey** {Kuruntahai i 26) " The young one of the monkey* in the Sun Rolls to and fro the peafowl’s egg, laid Neglected on the rocks.” {Kuruntohai: 38) " The swing’s long rope That scarred the bending bough” {Narrinai: 222) ” The tiger lies in wait. Under the jack-tree’s shadows thick, wherein Its fruit hangs, for the toddling offspring that In deep dense glades she-elephants brought forth.” {Aham: 161) * * * ' • “ The tusker huge Trumpets, because the mist comes to conceal His slumbering mate . upon the mountain side.” (Narrinai: 222) Kabilar^s mind teems with images of the moimtainous country. Tradition and Purandnuru bear evid^ce to his beautiful attachment to Pari» generous patron of poets. Pari’s hill, it seems, was very fertile. " Think you but lightly of great Pori’s hill f Four gifts, it gives without man’s sweated tod ; First, golden paddy with sUm blades yields its grain; Second, the sweet-fleshed jack-fruit ripens there ; Thirdly, potatoes sweet send dowjri fat roots : Fourthly, the honeycomb, o’erspread with blue, Drips honey on the hill! (Purdm: 109) The thought of Pari, indeed, colours his puram poems. Else, why should he compare the looks of a mountain-beauty, to ‘ cool springs of Pari’s hills ? ’ Also it looks as .thou^ TAMIL CtlLTURE it is from Pari’s mountainside that Kabilar cultivated his taste for the jack-fruit. The mention of the jack-fruit runs through his poems, and it is only saved from being a sickly obsession by the ever-renewing zest which he can bring to. the image. No two sunsets are alike in nature ; and often as the images of the jackfruit may occur in Kabilar* no two images are exactly alike. Speaking of Pari’s hill, he says, “ There from the fresh wound in the jack*8 ripe fruit The breezes scatter honey ” (Padirruppattu: 61) Describing a woodsman’s home, he sees “The yard where from the fruitful jack depends Huge fruit on every bough ” {Narrinai : 320) Bounteous Nature is complete only with the jack. “ The little stone Sped from the woodsman’s catapult, shot Like an arrow, scattering vengai flowers^ spills The honey from the comb, and then it rests Withdn the jack’s sweet fruit” {Aham : 292) But wherever, and whenever he mentions the jack, it is alwaj^ with a gusto, as though he has just tasted, “Honey that oozes in the pulp of the sweet-fruited jack ” (Aham : 182) Even dismissing Kabilar’s close acquaintance with Pari’s beloved hill, there is reason for Kabilar sticking to the details of the greenwood. Nature is glorious in all her aspects. But Kabilar studied the mountains. For this, Sangam convention is somewhat responsible. The mountains were the conven¬ tional setting for the romantic meeting of young lovers The theme appealed to Kabilar. Kabilar barely touches on the other ^ects of love, as though they do not suit his taste. Separation, lovers' tiffs, jealousy, and unfaithfulness, are A SllUDY OF KABILAR, THE SANGAM POET 33 comparatively unlovely themes. Kabilar leaves them to other poets. It is Kurinji, that is young love, that he loves to treat, and he is at home with passionate young lovers in sylvan surroundings. This is the land that Kabilar loved to picture, - The wind that tears among the swaying grove. Of hollowed bamboos, makes flute-mnsic wild The sweeping cataract makes humming sounds, The deefs cry is a sounding-pipe; a harp The bee, that haunts the flowery mountainside ; And drunk with such sweet music, the monkeys gaze At the peacock, dancing near the bamboo-clumps Like a dancer on the stage: Such is his land ” . (Aham : 82) In pacing, we might observe that this passage strikes us with its resemblance to a familiar passage in' Kambaramayanam — the description of Marutham. Perhaps Kambar drew his inspiration from his predecessor. Kabilar. master of description, is also master of simile and metaphorical language ; His similes startle us by their acute observation of truth, and by their colourfulness. See these : " Her eardrops glancing like a lightning-stmik ” (Aham : 168) The Vengai shakes its blossoms down, as sparks Of fire that in the smithy fly ** (Narrinai: 13) “ There in the Vengai tree with Hoorn ablaze The long-plumed peacock like a damsel sits. That gathers flowers” (Ainkurunuru: 297) ” Feeble her life : hut 0 her love is greats As the mighty jack fruit whose ^pport Is but a slender bough ” (Kuruntohai: 18) u Tamil cUi/rtJRE " At that her eyes were filled with tears, like cups Of hyacinths that opened in the pool ,_. Bee-hauntedi their many petals now disturbed And filled with chilly raindrops” {Kuruntohai: 291) Perhaps never were similes more astounding than those in the following poem: The Hero from the hind, where hanging roots Of trees pour white among the rocks, like fall Of cataracts down mountainsides, has sent His message from Jus guiltless heart; and we Maiden, receive it as the fire the oil That feeds it ” (Kuruntohai: 106) This can how the heroine receives a love-message from her young hero. One needs to pause and observe tiie beauty of the similes. All the strict conventions of Sangam literature have not annihilated the play of the imagination, they have only purged it of falseness, and taught it to select all familiar images, the sparks in the miithy, the oil leaping to the fire the girl gathering flowers—every object of daily observation, provided it is true. It brings us near to Shakespeare, the poet who would not blush to write such a homely simile asi “ dry as the remainder biscuit after a voyage.” Like every bom poet. Kabilar employs metaphor; or to speak more exactly, breaks out into metaphorical language. The lover begs permission to be absent for a fm days, the heroine s attendant, acting as spokeswoman, answers bitterly, ‘'TJie cranes in groups upon the white sand-dune The northwinds blow • 0 go thou not, to where In the rocky country, the Jmmming stream does sweep Rich jewels in its course down mountainsides ” {Ainkuru nuru ; 233) Is not.the suggestion obvious ? A STUDY OF KABILAR, THE SANGAM POET 35 In another poem, whose kind is rare in Eabilar’s poetry, a woman reproaches an unfaithful lover : ** The cranes in groups upon, the white sand—dune Ranged like the armies of the king, peer down . For lusckyUst fathead fish, within the cold And mighty streams m your domains !” {Narrinai : 291) But the peak of Kabilar’s achievement in metaphor is in Ahananuru 42. Like all the very greatest poetry, it is un- translateable. The surge of feeling and the loveliness of the monosyllables, cannot be recaptured in another language. But first giving the context of the image, I proceed with a feeble translation, the best within my reach. The lover has long been absent. The heroine and her attendant have been pining. But the maid who is on the watch, spies him one day, returning to her lady’s house ; she is beside herself with joy as she runs to her lady with the news. Let us see how she describes her state of mind : , " Within my soul was showered all the joy. Of folks, one happy morning, when the rain In torrents filled the tanks that erewhUe lay Dry, hot, with rising banks> that even the birds Forsook, when drought prolonged itself, the while The land lay famished, and idle lay the plough ” {Aham : 42) Sons of the soil in the Deccan, whose hope of the harvest is in the clouds, will realize best the force of that image.- Kabilar’s imgery is the wealth of his poetry. His pen- pictures are no mere idle ornaments, which can be| put on and off at will. They are like flowers, which ridi and lovely, and whose sustenance is drawn from the roots of their life deep in mother earth, and they have another quality they are immortal. Have they not survived the wreck of nearly thousand and five hundred years, and are they not still fresh and youthful ? F. Legrand W HEN READING Greek classical authors, as well as the Bible in the Greek text, I have been surprised many times by a number of words that look more or less like Tamil, or, to be more precise, seem to be of Dravidian origin. In several instances, the similitude is so striking, since the mean¬ ing for the word is absolutely the same in both languages. Is this mere coincidence ? Greek itself has no connection whatever with the Dravidian languages : it is of Indo-European origin, having many affinities with Sanskrit and Latin, and other cognate languages ; but practicafly nothing is known concerning their association with the agglutinative languages. Scholars like Albright, Cohen and Cuny have begun the work on the relationship that exists between various languages which they group together under the term “Nostratic” the common ancestor of Indo-European and Semite-Hamitic languages. The existence of certain language families, such as the Semitic-Egytian group, are at present generally ad¬ mitted. In the past ten years, two monographs have been published in this field, under the auspices of the French Groupe linguistique d’etudes chamite-semitiques (GLECS).^ However, I am not aware of any scientific and thorough investi¬ gation having been done up to now concerning the relationship between Greek and the Dravidian languages. To my know¬ ledge, only Autran has given some indications in this field F, Legend who livos in Ootacamund is a research worker in classical and biblical antiquity. I A Cuny: Recherches sur le vocalisme. le consonantisme et la for¬ mation des racines en “ nostratique,”. Paris,1943. A. Cuny: Invitation a I’etud© comparative des langUes indo- europeennes et des langues chamito-semitiques. Bordeaux, 1945, TAMIL LOAN WORDS IN GREEK 37 of work. It is my intention here to show that there is some definite relationship between Greek and Tamil, though at first sight they seem to be languages so different in structure and lexicon. How is "it, then, that many words of Dravidian origin can be found in Greece, so far off from India ? / We know, through the works of Warmington, McCrindle, Cunningham and others, tliat the Romans and the Greeks had commercial relations with India about the b^inning of the Christian era.*^ The commerce was so intense that even a temple was erect^ at Muziris in honour of Augustus, the Emperor of Rome, for the benefit of those Romans and Greeks who were coming to South India. But Greeks, Syrians, Jews and Arabians did most of the trading. Now, among the products that were exported from India in those days, it is natural to find that imported articles which had not been known previously in Rome or Greece, should be known in Rome and Greece by the same word attached to them as in their place of origin. This is .the reason why many of these words found their way into the Greek language. One such word is arisi, rice, the staple food of South India, as it is of China, Indo-China and other Far- Eastern countries. This word has found its way to Greece, where it is called opv^a oryza. Everybody acknowledges the oriental origin of the word. From this word have come also the Latin oriza, the French riz, the Engb^, rice, the Italian rizo, the Spanish arre^. Though it is sometimes traced to Old Persian, there is no doubt about its ultimate Dravidian origin. The word is found without any change in the old Sangam poems : for instance, in Pattinappalai, reference is made to eufreO/fl^u usQ (v. 165) “ the white rice that is strewn as a sacrifice.” To my knowledge, nothing similar is found in Sanskrit, where the word for rice is sdli, or vrihi. 2 Warmington: The Commerce between the Homan Empire.and Itadia, p. 38. 3$ 'TAMIL CUIvTURlfi Another article that was imported was pepper ( irivepi jfiperi in Greek, piper in Latin). The name comes from tiie Tamil i9uue9. This spice, according to the Periplus * was exported in vast quantities from Muziris and Nelcjmda, the two ports of Malabar and Travancore. iSiuu^y pippali, means properly the long pepper, which was used chiefly in medicine ; but the word transplanted to far off countries, became the only word to designate all kinds of pepper. Latin authors es¬ pecially make frequent references to pepper. Thus Horace, with much solemn pleasantry, is apprehensive of his book being taken away to wrap up frankincense, spices and pepper, like impertinent writings which only deserve such a thing : Dejerdr in vicwn vendentem thus et odor^ Et piper et quidquid chartis amidtur inepHs.* And in his Satires, he refers to ‘‘white pepper finely mixed with black salt: Primus et invenior piper album cum sale nigro/ The trade was very profitable, and in Pliny’s time the black pepper was priced at four denarii a pound, the vdiite seven, •and theTong fifteen.® Ginger was also imported from India, and with it its name in Greek zingiberi, in Latin gmgiber, coming naturally from the Tamil ije. the root of the green ginger. Efioscurides speaks of it as a good digestive/ and the recipes of Apicius indicate its frequent use as a food.® ' /zaXafiaOpov malabathron, in Latin malabathrum, is the cinnamon-leaf, coming from the mountains {uiBso) of Malabar. 3 Periplus of the Erythr, Sea: 49, 56. < Ep. n. 1. 269-70. * Satiree, IL 4. 74. « Pliny, XII. 26-8. Cf. Warmington, op. c., p. 1813. T Dios, n, 160. B Apiciu^ I. 13. TAMIL W6Rt)S IK CR£eK 30 Sandal-wood is also native to South India, and grows spontaneously in. the forests of Coimbatore and Mysore. It was exported at a very early period. Some would even trace its exportation to the Hebrews and would see its name in the almug trees of the Old Testament.® However, this is rather doubtful. The word valgum found in Malabar for sandal, comes from the Sanskrit valgu, in which we may find some resemblance to almug of the Hebrew.^® But the rejal word for sandal-wood is given in the Greek as aurraXov santalon. This is the same root as the Tamil word from which is derived the Sanskrit chandana. 3=ir^;^ is an old Tamil word I'eferred to in Pattupattu, for instance in Tirumurugattupadai: jBjp! <3=ir^^ js Qa^Q&rir LbiririSek (v. 193.) ^® “ whose chest was adorned with fragrant sandal paste of bright colour.” Some of the preceding words have already been noticed by several authors, and their Indian origin is generallly ack¬ nowledged. But there are many other words, which cannot have found their way into Greek or Latin through commercial intercourse only. Some other reason must be found, which wO shall discuss later on. One of the most striking words of the kind is jraXaf, pakii. It is the same as the Tamil ues^t^iu, old. The original word is palai, with the adjective form palaios, the feminine form palaia. Pronounced in the modern Greek fashion, which probably is much the same as in olden days this last feminine form palaia is the same as the Tamil u are already referred to in the Iliad of Homer : 7ra, thed, comes from the same root as e^QSlp^, and has the same meaning : to run. The same root is found in OveWoc, tkuella a storm, and even a derivative is found in QvpoQ, thymes soul, spirit, the root of all similar words being Qv, thy. Ail these words are found in the oldest extant literature of both languages. Perhaps it will look rather bold to advance the word Ywtj , gurie, meaning woman, female, as of Dravidian origin too. This word has been introduced into English in words |:dit. A. Gemoll: 7. 5. Cf. also Pindar, Pyth. II, 159, etc. TAMIL LOAN WORDS IN GREEK 45 such as: gynaeceum, gynaecology, gynarchy, etc. Now the y, g, in modern Greek is pronounced somewhat like A. We have here the same process as in Kanarese : the h has come from an original p. So it is not difficult after all to trace ywr ), gun% to the kanai'e^ hennUy and from it to lAe Tamil Quern, having th same significance woman, female. Hie Tamil word is found without any modification in the old Sangam works, such as Silappadigaram, VII, 13. 4. In Maduraikkanji we have : Que^ mSlfp Gijpp tSldssar (?/ 5 /rQp^tM Couirpj^UQpesr QuiraeQiL QL—^inGfrth LjessruiLi— eurrj^iiQufr^ih Qa^eoeoirp Qa^eCxsuQj^p Q^meuiLj^^ QfSlQiu^s a(T^(^esessTL-!nu QpekQuir^uj LLBsi)ii9^6S)p {^uiUQpet^ LCiU}.u9e0euetrir (^^QpiueuQLa. “ With great pain of mind, borne of poverty, did I make bold to appeal for help ; with pride pushing me back, helplessness pushing me on, and oscillating between the two, a thousand times did I my teeth uncover, learn to use language my tongue had not learnt to speak, beseech those whom I had not beseeched, opened many a gate I had not opened, and sing in praise of wicked men and fill 7ny ears with their false words having lost my prexie even before I began to praise them ; enough that I have 7 50 TAMIL CULTURE suffered so much; graciously confer upon this insigni¬ ficant individual, 0 exalted Goddess of Senthamil, who groweth on the lap of the pitcher-bom Rishi (Agasthiyar) resident in the Pothiya Hills of the South, riches that vanish not and service unto the divine feet” As the eldest son of the family, separated from his next younger brother by over three years, he would have become deeply introverted bad it not been for his early intimate con¬ tact with children of related families of the immediate neigh¬ bourhood, a contact so natural and inevitable in the humble circumstances and surroundings of healthy rural life. This early extroversion thus imparted to his personality, essentially introverted by virtue of his position in the family, was en¬ hanced by the advent of his next younger brother, followed by another brother and a sister, with the result that he de¬ veloped a very happy combination of some of the best qualities of both the extrovert and the introvert. Hiyi introverted nature is manifest in the highly imaginative character of his literary outpourings in Tamil verse, in the remarkahle absence of desire for publicity, and in the sustained and intense devotion to his favourite deity, Murugan, and to the Goddess of Tamil. His inner life, surging with poetic imagination and sanctified by religious zeal, could not be subdued in any degree in either respect even by the unfortunate physical ailment, Asthma, which afl3icted him for many years to the end of his life. On the other hand, it only made him turn more and more inwards, search within and sing profusely in praise of and in appeal to Murugan, Namahal, and other Hmdu Deities. The ten stanzas entitled Arulpathu and addressed to Namahal, for mstance, are a clear evidence of the conflict of his spirit and flesh and the assertion of the former amidst the sufferings of the latter. The last of these stanzas is - Qug^iiiu/reu Q^essririr^ Qihiuuj^ut ^^uirpih uastfihuir eijesruip^ Qesr^ajfrerr/s lRjtibQ SOMASUNTHERA PULAVAR .. JAFFNA 61 ^fBeuQps /Ses)piu6u&fljs pQ^ihiSletsafls&r iLirprSp ^0(?(5/ri_ iSts^QuiTL-p ^tueQSsvr Gujitl^^ Q^iuiupiD^u Oud^unriLi^ ^0&j0eir Q^uj(^^Q(u. ** 0 lovable Mother Tamil! Milliom of time have I gravely sinned through ignorance ; into ceaseless sensuous pleasure have I gone on plunging over and over again ; to worship thy feet with consuming true love have I, this senseless fool, failed ; have mercy on me that I may he saved and hasten unto me ; lift me and seat me on thy lap ; feed me with the ambrosia of knowledge in plenty and heal me of my immedicable diseases ; and on me shed thy Divine Grace that wickedness ; poverty and evil may all vanish.*^ Even when this supplicatory stanza, born of his biform, distress, was taking shape within, he turned the ^archlight of his devout intellect inwards. He was, perhaps, gasping for breath at that moment and yet his first thought was that he should pray not for relief from physical suffering but for the plenitude of knowledge, enlightenment. This characteristic, he shared in common with the majority of the Muse-inspired saints of Tamilagam, of whom the two Saivite saints, Thayu- manavar and Paddinathupillaiyar are illustrious examples. These saints are all remembered primarily for their intense piety and ruthless detachment from things worldly and only secondarily for their poetic genius, for they had renounced the world and had been consumed by the one desire to attain eternal bliss. Whereas, Somasunthera Pulavar ilived the life of a householder, a loving partner to his equally devoted wife, a fond and understanding father, a warm and affectionate brother, a great teacher, and a friend and counsellor to one and all, who came into close contact with him, irrespective of caste, creed or status. He thus reminds us also of that saintly poet, Thiruvalluvar. His entry into matrimony, • however, was not of his own seeking. Intent as he was on a life of devotion to God and dedication to Mother Tamil, wedded state seemed to him a hindrance to the pursuit of his twofold 52 TAMIL CULTURE objective. Yet, impelled by his deep-seated affection and reverence to his parents and Guru, he yielded to their wish and, in his twenty-eighth year, married a maternal first cousin, Sinnammaiyar. This Guru, loiown as Subramania Swami, had come about eight years earlier all the way from Bangalore to the poet’s village in answer as if it were to his silent prayers for guidance and strength to pursue his cherished ideals. The extraordinary spiritual influence then exerted on him by the Swami was profound and lasting, and it was a source of great strength and inspiration ever afterwards in his pursuit of the lofty goals early engendered in his heart. ,He had no cause to regiret his decision to surrender his bachelorhood, for he certainly led a happy life with his devoted wife in the midst of a happy family of three sons and two daughters. Further, he has thus raised a new generation of talented and cultured individuals, which has already made a mark in the field of Tamil scholarship among other things. This is no less a gift of his to the Tamil Nadu than his voluminous poetic creation, which first became manifest in his fifteenth year and, gradual¬ ly gathering momentum with growdng maturity, reached great heights indeed and ceased only when his frail body was no longer a fit abode for his noble and vigorous soul, longing, in accord with his belief in re-incarnation, for a fitter vehicle to continue his already far advanced journey to the ultimate goal of realization of the Supreme Bliss. His extrovert tendencies were equally manifest in his social living and poetic utterances. In his introduction to Namahal Puhal Malai, that fascinating work, “resplendent with captivating melodies, novel and apt similies ajid meta¬ phors, copious yet appropriate allusions to Hindu Mythology and ancient history of the Tamil land, familiar, homely and at the same time elegant words and phrases, and above all a rich and sustained variety of all these and yet other beauties exquisitely combined as can only be combined by a poet and a scholar both in one, to produce a Castalian garland of variegated stanzaic flowers,” to quote our own words from the foreword, he says SOMASUNTHERA PULAVAR , JAFFNA M guu^lB^ L^eosffir I eutinD^ Lfedeff Hr / ^ihetniLU^ua LdjD/einLaiLi ^earcwLO utujs^ Q^T^esiiMiL^Lb Lf^esiLbiL/ Qui^einLtiiLfjs O^iiieu^ ^e^estLLiLf jB^u>iSl QiuQ^esiLbiL^^ Q^iri — ir 11 itr^^trki (^ipeSlsiii/ih LiireSI^^ ^rraaiR^tih (JsblLiS^ib LSe9Rjr(otu QjsQiiiuiuessnh Quir^Qtuir. O my darling son, dear pupil of my eye, my affec¬ tionate lord, gone hast thou on a long, long journey ! 2. QjBirir^ QairsQQeoededirib Gjbit^^ ^irir^ ^Siuirjsir^ QupQpQ^^^. With unabating love, alas, did I beget thee having longed for thy advent in prayer and fasting in many a temple ! 5. ^dfTi^ Qa=ir^ (ipssjs^ifi(^ta Qarr^f&i^Q Q^eQiu^(^m QairiLenQin airessruQ^uGuir. fWhen, Oh, when again, will I be able, 0 my young beauty, to feast my eyes with the splendour of thy springy gait, the radiance of thy shkning face, and the grace thy ears assume f 4 tuiTQ^/Ej (^ffi,s;^Qijb69r iSdrua jsir(&i^ QuirQ^^iDeS fBirarGsu.u Q^^jsirGeirr, When, Oh, when, will I be able to hear, as I used to day in and day out, thy childish chatter, sweet as the ycai and the flute f 5. Qiht-i^u ^6OTr65jrf?/5jS7 QemQeosRuQujr/b euthu jreoiErsfISiXu urir^^ LbQij^^^sGesr. Happy was I when I saw the treacherous decorate thee with bells and festoons on thy legs. 6. eudresruQuir/b QpQjr/SI iLtruiSldstrQuirp Q^dsrqijGtu ^drgpih eujTsairQGsardsr Gria(^p(n^(u eriti(^p(ii^£i. ' Where, Oh, where, hast thou gone f I beheld thee go riding on a pretty golden chariot like a bridegroom, and thou hast not returned yet ! 7. Quemdsm inessr^pesr^ iSl&rdsrcuQ^ euirQesrdrOp ©rewewf? uSnnp^ipir QesrLLirp^ QuirQcsrQesTL-ir, 56 TAMIL CULTURE MethouQht my child would wed u woman and return, but deceived have I been, Oh my son! 8. s^tsjQiu eSq^ihQuir jeQieis GjtsiQ Qiudosr^dsisr^Q^^ &jrihuiirQeu/r Qeudr^^ujrr. When the raised knije descended and thy body quivered, didst thou quail and, remembering me, cry “ Oh, my mother dear " ? Nature also had a great fascination for our poet, but its appeal was often more subjective than objective in the sense that his perception of the beauty, majesty, dignity and grace in Nature associatively synchronized with the appreciation of like qualities in men. This again is a manifestation of the extroverted aspect of his personality, permanently dis¬ posed to assess the worth of the individual as a component of society, and take delight in recognizing virtues viile con¬ demning the opposite. In his work on Nature’s Gifts to Lanka and the. Beauty of the Palmyrah Palm euGirQpui ^irsO e9ei)ir<3^(ipil>) he sees — 1. the magnanimity of the Tamil King Ellalan, in the thirsty rain clouds which descend to drink of the Indian Ocean and in carded cotton ; • srooQtu ui^QSssru QuireH^ •— sreixsOtrefT mdsr&sr Qu/reO QevSsQiu QeuessrQpSp Q iSs ofswQ ^jrakQ Ljr^QL^Q^ Ctitsih. SOMASUNTHERA PtJLAVAR , JAFFNA 67 the ignorance oj the illiterate and the jealous, in the intense darkness of the Kadugana/wp, Pass, and in the dark moistvreladen clouds, which, m lighten¬ ing mock at the sun, and, in thunder, challenge him; ^euiriLearih Qurei — ssQss&ifsrs 0 «OQ/Qy 0 sBsifru9(T^dr Qunrei ^eo&ir Qstr&x/rQL^irir — inGsrih ^Qinesr Qeua9Q^ear QarsArQu. Q^ias^ Qjrirdr^doar Qiur^&fi — fidrjpi ^ifluusi Qurea ^esn-.u9mL^ i^dsreS ^lEis&j QQt^L—enp .sRucfi? — er^rp ^iTLju^ Qurec Qpip[a(^u3. the Grace with which Buddha, the great conqueror of all desires and hatreds, preached to the wide world the knowledge he had gained in the course of six years of meditation under the bo-tree, in the fiver that takes its rise in the Adames peak ; Lfpp Uifr(y^ eup esoirt 6a)<5FQ/ Q^iriaas jBeoSkoevjB ^(5^5 ys/ro/cOfiSr seAri— esruiSljr £F(eis iLirQiL&srs a^GSiir LCiiru&i tu(j^Y AfitALYA B The story of Ahalya occupies the Forty eighth and Forty ninth chapters in Valmiki’s Balakanta. After Tataka’s demise, the sacrifice is duly perfonhed by Visvamitra. The Rishi takes the princes Rama and Lakshmana throu^ the road leading to Mithiia of Janaka, probably with a view to bring about the marriage of Rama with Sita; Visvamitra along with the princes enters the outskirts of Mithiia. Rama notices an old uninhabited, but a beautiful ashrama or grave, and he is naturally curious to know from his guide and philosopher why it lies so deserted. Viswiamitra as a good and seasoned teacher well versed in the art of story tellings begins to narrate the sto^ of the curse that befell Ahalya. Here lived in oilden day^ the great Ri^i Gautama —thi® narrates Visvamitra—along with his wife Ahalya. .One day, Indra, the King of Heavens, mad after her beauty, coming to know of the absence of Gautama from home, entered the Ashrama in the very fonn of Gautama, to allay all fears of suspicion. • But to Ahalya he revealed his identity and con¬ fessed his love to her. Knowing that it was the Lord of the Thousand eyes, she lost herself in the thought of being happy with the very King of the Heavens and exclaimed in joy to , him “ From my heart of hearts I feel I am fortunate ” and Indra spent a happy time with her. While he was hurriedly making his exit, he saw entering Gautama that great fire of Tapas. Indra’s face turned white' with fright and the Rishi seeing the King of Heavens in the garb of a Seer understood the situation and cursed Indra to become fruitless. Then came the turn of Ahalya “You lie here for many thousands of years living on air alone without any more food, burning yourself away on a bed of ashes, in\dsible to all beings. You will become pure and whole when Rama, son of Dasaratha enters this cruel forest. When you welcome him, all your blots would be removed. You will then assume your bid form and.come back to me" — thus was pronounced the curse., on. Ahalya by Gautama, The last sentence reveals that ,tha 64 'TAMIL Ctni-TtfRE volcano of tapas has becomo transferred into an ocean of mercy, and love which reminds us that in this curse he is himself laying a curse on himself of separation from her and isolation in tapas in the fond hope of living a happy life with a purified and chaste wife. In the next chapter Visvamitra explains how aided by Devas in whose cause Indra pretended to have suffered this ignominy — for according to hun his was an attempt at cursing the tapas of Gautama consuming them and the world away — he overcame his curse with the help of a scape goat of a sheep. There stops the narration and the drama of Ramayana pro- I ceeds. At the request of Visvamitra Rama enters the Ashrama, which the prince has noticed as being desolate and where Ahalya has been burning away all these years. As soon as Rama steps in she becomes visible and the curse comes to an end. Memory returns to her and she remembers the last words of Gautama. She recognises in the prince her promised saviour and she welcomes Rama as the guest in chief showering on him all hospitality. Thus purified she is taken away by Gautama. Thus ends the story of Ahalya in Valmiki’s Rama¬ yana. C Valmiki is great as a story teller even in narrating this storj". Here also Visvamitra shines as a great teacher giving the story only when his students are interested in asking him to explain a situation. The remarks we had, made with re¬ ference to the narration of the story of Tataka are equally applicable to this narration. In this version of the story it is the man Indra, who kindles the fire of sin in the heart of the innocent wloman. But Ahalya intoxicated by the mere sight of Royalty forgets everything else. It is their misfortune that the husband comes in before Indra walks out of Ahalya’s house. Perhaps the Rishi Gautama is also like others a victim to jealousy TtSE TRAGEDY OP AiBtALY'A 68 but his indignation is a righteous one and rises thanks to his spiritual development to the impartial level of Dharma. Like Dharma after restoring the disturbed equilibrium he relents; for he is speaking of taking back Ahalya. Both Ahalya and Indra have erred consciously. Indra’s excuse is that Gautama is upsetting the natural order of things by his excessive tapas, and that if he had not disturbed Gautama’s victories towards greater and greater volcanic tapas there would have been room for nothing else in this world. The seductive act of Indra has certainly put an end to the spiritual and mental peace’ and equanimity of Gautama, who is made thus to realise that there is something more to be cared after in this world than himself and his tapas which under the circumstances appears more like self aggrandisement; it rudely reminds him that there is a world with his own wife as its centre to be saved. This is indeed a sad commentary on the powers of his tapas which could not influence to apy extent whatever even the most wonderful creation of Brahma — Ahalya and raise that unexcelled physical beauty with which he has been blessed to his own heights of moral beauty. The curse he utters is the creaking crash of this spiritual perso¬ nality. Ahalya as the name itself implies is the very embodiment of feminine beauty whioh Gautama, the supreme embodiment pf tapas ^pired for ^ong with Iiidra the supreme embodiment of power and wealth. But mere physical beauty seems to resonate only to the specific tune of the drum of power and wealth rather than to the music of the harp of virtue, because this harp has not been set to vibrate in unison with the l3n:e of the feminine heart of beauty. Human greatness however is something more than mere physical beauty and the latter unaided by a moral companion for life, falls naturally as a prey to the glamour of pomp and power. But this mad race after material mirage of seeming pleasure soon becomes ack 9 m TAlflL CtJIiltjltE of its own imaginary surfeit especially when it meets with an obstruction. Obstruction egged on Tataka to run the race with redoubled but diabolical vigour. Here however, thanks to the childish simplicity of Ahalya who has not knowii the world, it has inspired in her a repentence. IWelcoming the appropriate curse and punishment, she stands converted in the end as the worthy wife of a great sage not only as a mere embodiment of physical' beauty but also as a moral beauty at the very moment when the perfect Man, Rama, comes as it were to effect this final divine transformation by his very presence like gold purified and sublimated) after she had gone through the consuming fire of tapas on a bed of ashes. D Like all old stories this has become a parable of the triangle of forces of Beauty, Power, Tapas. Some have taken Ahalya to represent Art the Beautiful. Though it may be wedded to morality, when the union is not complete but only an outward formality, art deteriorates and is seduced in to a bedmate of all varieties of power. Is this not what happened to our arts — dancing, music and poetry all developing as temple arts ? Have they not been identified with public wo¬ men ? What was the poetry of the Palayagars or chieftains but a poetry of debauchery ? This fall is repeated often in the course of history. In the age of Alvars and Nayanmars great authors like Tiruttakka Tevar-identified these arts with sexual passion speaking of the wealth and greatness of Vina or lyre as Kama or lust. After this suffering and neglect the art came thanks to these Saints to be truly wedded to morality and spirituality, by becoming one with these great ideals and values of life — not a lecture but a poetry. The modem money hunting films of blood curdling tales reveal crime in all its nakedness, apparently with the idea of scaring away their audience from such vices but ultimately end only in OTE TRAGEDY OF AHALYA 67 popularising the crime. The filthy lucre of Indra has seduced art to its own nefarious purposes. From" this must arise once again the purified art in communion with higher ideals of Gautama. The story of Ahalya, according to .this kind of .thought, is really esthetics, the science of beauty, giving through its parable the history of its fall and rise. (To be continued) In Ceylon at the Cinemas ltd. Circuit the greatest filmic achievement in Tamilnad RAMA RAO SRI RANjANI SAVITIRl in TAMIL CULTURE VOL. m No. 2 APRIL, 1954 TAMIL CULTURE A Qucaterly Review dedicated to Oie study oi TaalUana DR. SCHWEITZER, THE ‘WORLD’S GREATEST MAN’ AND THE KURAL A Senthamilan 69 THE ORIGINAL HOME OF THE DRAVIDIANS: THEIR WANDERINGS IN PREHISTORIC TIMES, B. C. 4,500 to 1,500 S. David 77 PLACE-NAMES IN TAMlt-AKAM R. P. Sethupillai 82 THE DRAVIDIAN QUESTION J. T. Cornelius 92 ANCIENT TAMIL KINGS — THEIR HIGH IDEALS A- Chidambaranatha Chettiar 103 A PIONEER RESEARCH WORKER IN TAMIL MUSIC A. C. Paul Nadar 110 KULATUR. AN EXPERIENCE IN VILLAGE ANTIQUITY v Leopold Bazou 121 THE IMPORTANCE OF TAMIL EPIGRAPHY V. I. Subramoniam 130 THE SOCIOLOGY OF JAFFNA — THE NALAVER AND THE KOVIAR - M. D. Raghavan 139 THE PROBLEM OF GANAPATI H. Heras 151 All Rights Reserved Rs. 5 yearly TAMIL CULTURE Subscriptions, advertisements, and remittanoes should be addressed to: The Manager Tamil Idteratnie Society, 52. Kew Colony. Tuticorin. South India. Bemittanoe for a single copy may be sent in stamps. A single subscriptiozi in best paid by money order addressed to the Jdaijager. Cheques under Rs. 20 are usually not accepted* aad cheques not drafted od a Tuticorin bank should be covered by a clearing commission. % ' V. P. P. Charges are ektra. Subscriptions and remittances are also received at the following^: CEYLON: Colombo Book Centre, 20, Parsons Road. Colombo. Rates of Subscription {Annual) India, Ceylon U. K. U. S. A. Burma, Malaya 8 sh. 1*50 Rs. 5. Single copies: One rupee eight annas. Literary communications. Exchange, and Books for review should be addressed to the Editor, *• Tamil itality and alms-giving’' (81) — "All property gained by ^ustrlous toil is there for good men in order that they may practise W^-doing” (212), * According to the Kural, duty is not confined, as in the Bhagavad-Gita, to what the caste calling involves, but con¬ sists in general in “ all that is good ”, Maxims about joy in activity, such as one would not expect from Indian lips, bear witness to the strength of the world and life affirmation pre¬ sent in the Kural. " Even fate did not permit of success; the striving in itself re¬ wards the exertion of one’s body” (619) — " If one acc^ts tixe burd^ as joy, there emerges a splendour lor which even one’s enemies are eager.” (630) ' ‘ Like the Buddha and the Bhagavad-Gita the Kural de^es inner freedom from the world and a mind free from hatred. Like them it stands for the commandement not to kill and not to damage.** It has appropriated all the valuable ethical results of the thought of world and life negation. But' in addition to this ethic of inwardness there appears in the Kural the living ethic of love. "The loveless man takes everything for Wraself ; the man fuU of,love gives even ^ own bones to others.” (72) — “The life of a soul ^thout love Is like the sprouting of a diied-up tree on stony ground” (78) — “'What help can all the outer limbs give, if the inner limb of the body, love, is wanting ? ” (79) — “ If one weighs the value of the good deed done without consideration of the advantage: Its kindness is greater than the ocean.” (103 — “To assuage the deadly hunger of the poor is the treasury of the rich” (226) — “Wealth in benevolence is the wealth of wealths. Wealth in possessions the mob has also.” (241). . . ‘ With Slue strokes the Kural draws the ideal of simple ethical humcinity. On the most varied questions concerning the conduct of man to himself and to the world its utterances are chuacteri^d by nObiMty and good s^ise. There hardly exists in. the literature of the world a collection of maxims in which we find so much lofty wisdom. ' ^ In opposition to the Buddha, the Kural decides that one may not eat meat even when pne is quite innocent o| the slau^tcr of the animal, i)!l. SCHWEliaER,.ANt> TME KtJRAL 7S *' If a kiAd man inherits property, it is as if a fruit-tree bears ripe fruit in the middle of a village ” (216 — “ The child * Merry * bOm of Jove hves by the care of the well-to-do-nurse * Well-being ’ *’ (757) — ** The wealth of him who gives nothing to the poor is as If a very fine lady grows old in solitude” (1007). ” The gift is not the measure of the gift: its measure is in the magnanimity of the receiver” (105). ” Batter than spending with a happy heart is to cany on sweet speech with a happy face” (02) — For those who do not understand how to be lidendly, the great wide world, even in bri^t daylight, lies in darkness” (999). . ^ *' Among all treasures that may be gained none can compare vdth attaining to freedom from envying any man ” (162) ” To forget good is not good ; immediate to forget what is not good is good” (108) —■ " Holy as a penitent is he who forgets bitter speech frwn the Ups of one who is excited.” (159) “Self-control rushes into thick darkness” (121) — “He who is not eager for pleasiue, but knows that pain is natural, will remain free from distress” (628). “ Outward puri^ comes through water: purity of the heart is manifested in sincerity ” (298). “ Those who are considerate and forbearing without letting thfSir duty suffer: the world gladly gives itself to such ” (578) — “ The world rests on the excellence of the good prince Who knows hoW to change enmity into friendship. ” (874) “ if they are highly placed, those who are not high-minded are not high ; even if their station be htimble, those who are not low- minded are yet not low” (973). “ If thou dost harm to thy neighbour in the morning, harm comes of itself to thee in the aftemo India are of the mediterrane£Ui stock and- that they are not of indigenous origin, and that they brought with them the Iron-culture and spoke the Dra- vidian languages. The Dravidians may therefore be defined as a non-Aryan, non-Semitic people of Mediterranean origin who have spoken what are knowli as the Dravidian languages from pre-historic times to the present day. The Dravidian languages are agglutinative and are chiefly spoken in South I n dia . They are Tamil, Telugu, Kannada, Malayaiam i^d Tulu, and other less developed members of this group are Kuli and Kurk in Orissa and Bihar, Malto in Bihar arid Bengal and Brahui in Baluchistan. The eminent authority Dr. Caldwell in his Compes as illustrated by Sergi in his book : T. 1 Sergi remarks that Tamahu type shows a slightly aqui¬ line nose, a wiell cut mouth with thin lips, elongated chin, little beard and short moustache ; the hair is worn in little falling tresses like the people of Pun, two Ostrich feathers adorn the head. The second type differs from the first, .the THE DEAVIDIAN QUESTION 95 T. 2 Le. 3. Fig.. x.-Ta'mahw (Roselli'hl^. nose is strongly aquiline and the forehead receding, the lips thick, beard long. This is described as the ' Desert type \ The third type shows an aquiline nose prominent lips, long beard, and forehead shows prominent supra orbital ridges. Sergi was inclined to con^der Type I a^ likely to re¬ present the Libyans. All the Italian and other Anthropologists including Sergi had been looking for one type to represent the Libyans. The Libyans were the neighbours of the Egyptians, and were constantly at war with them. As I shall point out subsequently the so-called four branches of the Mediterranean stock are a composite group made up of three elements, two of which are Mediterranean, and the third Anatolian or Arme- noid. On the basis of totemistic symbols, these three tjpes may be analysed into four components and classified as follows for purposes of identification : Skull type Race type Totemiitio Tribe ' emblems >>lichocephaUc rTamahu type I Grains ... Pelasgian Mediterranean) *** =Ta I ••• Axe, Bull 96 TAMIL CULTURE suBiCqiq saetpusjQ TittE DRAVIDIAN QUESTION 97 Dravidians are thus identified witih! Libyans on the basis of totemistic emblems. It must be mentioned on phonetic grounds tbat Tamahu is the Eg3^tian term for Tamalu or Tamil as in Egyptian “ h ” is used for ‘ 1 and the term Lebu is derived from ‘ Lim *, which means Ram or Sheep in the Sumerian language meaning a shepherd, and Sigara or Siculi or Sacculi is derived from * Sack * a bag in Tamil and from ‘ Sekku the oil press, which is an Anatolian invention. Oil was substituted for animal fat in oil lamps used in quarrying as a source of light in neolithic times. Artifici^ lighting of houses and of towns had thus its origin, and lamps, and oil have become important emblems. These two terms * Sack * -j- ‘ Sekku ’ signify a Trader and the tribal name * Siculi * is derived from this term as well as ‘ Sekan * in Tamil. On totemestic basis of ‘ fishi * and ‘ bird it is possible to equate the Dravidians and Libyans, ^fish* and *bird*, having been the most ancient emblems of these two races, which foun¬ ded the ancient Mediterranean civilization in Crete and Taman Peninsula, the civilization which preceded the Aryan civiliza¬ tion in Greece and Italy, Germany, U. K. and in Ireland, and also in Assyria, Mesopotamia, in Asia Minor and in South India. LINGUISTIC GEOGRAPHY. The geographical place-names based on the totemestic emblems are as follows: Fish — ‘ Dace ’. The term Dasus is derived from the term ‘Dace* the name of fresh waterfish found in Central Europe. The emblem of the Tamils or Pandyas in South India is Fish. The place-names derived from, Dace or Pish is Dacia, Dagestan, Dagan or South India, and Dacca in Orissa in North Eastern India. Sheep — Lim (Sumerian) Source of wool, the modern Tamil word for sheep is “ Cemmari ” and from this foot is de¬ rived Cimbric or Cimmerian tribes. Cymri is the Welsh name TAMIL CULTURE OS for Wales. Tamil word “Cemmari” is a transformation of * Kem ’ — Red, ‘ Lim ’ — Sheep, and Kemili.— a Tamil word for — woolen blanket according to N. Swami Gnanaprakasar. Limyrike — Is one of the three Divisions of Dravidian India in ancient times according to Ptolemy, the Greek Geo¬ grapher. This term is derived from ‘ Lim ’ meaning Ram or Sheep. There is also a county in Ireland by this name called Limerick noted for textile products. Thus it will be seen that place names like Limerick in Ireland, and Cyniri for Wales and Limyra in Asia Minor are connected with Limyrike of Ancient South India, another name for the Tamil country. Langdon in Vol. V. of Mythology of all races shows the place-name Jerusalem as made up of three components : Uru, sa, lim and was known as Salem in 1500 B. C. There is a Tamil city by this name Salem in Madras State. The Tamil word ‘ Kemli * meaning woolen blanket is derived from * Lim ’ meaning sheep in Sumerian, as shown above. Goat — Sheep called ‘ Addu ’ in Tamil, and place-name derived from this are, Adana a town in Turkey, Adalia, a sea port in Turkey in the Gulf of Adalia, Adad for Alappo in Mesopotamia, Adowa a town in Abyssinia, Attica in Greece, Aden in South West Arabia, Atali Desa and Attur in Salem District and Atti-tondu in Tinnevelly District in South India. ‘ Cemmari ' Lim' and ‘ Addu * are thus equated : Limyra is an ancient town of Lycia in Asia Minor the seat of the Eastern Pelasgians or Hittites. According to Ptolemy, two places bore the names of Adisdara and Adeisathra in ancient India, South India. The ancient name for the River Euphrates is Nar-pur-Attu. The shepherd is known ‘ Akkan ^ Sumerian name from which Akkadian is derived or Kuru. The title for Cera or Kerala Kings is Athan Or Akkan or Ocean. Malabar was now known as Akkam. Ti or Di ^ In Tamil means fire or light and is the emblem of Sideriving its name from ‘Sack' a ‘bag' standing also for ‘ trade ’ culi or the Sakyan tribe. The place-names derived from the root Ti are the River Tiber jn Italy, Tigris in THE DRAVmiAN QtTHSTION 9^ Mesopotamia, Thebes, an ancient City in Greece, Thebes an ancient City of Upper Nile, Tyndis, a seaport of Limerycke of South India, Tiryns an ancient city in Peloponese. Thirayans are the title of Chola Kings of Sigarakuli or clan. Caldwell identifies Limericka with Dimirica as one of the three Divisions referred to above of which Tyndis is a seaport. Birds. These have been the emblems of the Anatolian Race. Birds commonly represented have been the Eagle, Hawk, Vulture, or kite Crane and domestic birds like Fowl, Peacock etc. The cock has played an important role in Greek and Dravidian traditions in South India. According to Cald¬ well, KORI Koli means in Tamil domestic Fowl, cock or hen. Kukkuta is a Sanskrit term derived from Kori. In Kanarese it is Koli, Tuli Kori, Telugu Kodi. Gond-kor (from Ku or Ku) to call to cry as a bird ‘ Kural ’ and Kuyil, Tamil word for the Cuckoo — in Voyel, it is Kore, Ostiek Korek, Kurak, Permian Korech Kuryg or Kuraga. The place-names derived from this word Kori are Kho- rasan, a place in the North East area of the Iranian Plateau, Kirkuk on Eastern Tugris Kharkov in Southern Russia, Kerch or Kerchli in Switzerland, Korinth or Corinth in Greece, Koro- mandal Coast, seat of the Cholas, and Korkai ancient seat of the Pandyas in Tirunelveli District, Karel (Quilon) in the Tra- vancore District, and Kurrukuthurai near Tiruchinopo-ly, Koli the seat of the Cholas. Kory or Kolis is the name by which Pomponias Mela and Dionysios Pereigatis designate South India. Ptolemy, like the author Periples, regarded Cape Korey as the most important projection of India towards the South. All these geographical place-names are interlinked with South India. Sufficient evidence on the basis of linguistic Geography and on other grounds has been adduced to identify the Dra- vidians with the Libyans. We have now to deal with the question as to when Hiere was an immigration of these types into India. H. R. Hall in his Ancient History oj the Near East refers to the seething turmoil of migrations, expulsions and war in the Eastern Mediterranean in the 12th and 13th lOo TAMIL CI^LTtlRE Century B. C. caused by the great ThessaKan invasion and the attacks made by the Aegean tribes on Eg3T)t. These tribes were known as the ‘ Peoples of the Sea * and are mentioned as Pulesatha (Pulesti), Tjakarai, Danauna and Washasha. Hall conind^s these tribes as dis-po^essed Cretans. The Indian equivalents of these tribes according to my classification will be Pulesathi (Pulesti) as Pandya Tamil tribes (Ta, and Ta 2 tribes), Tjalmrai from the place name Zakro in Crete can be equated with Chola, Sigarakuli or Si. I tribe, and Akaiwasha with Malayalee, and Canarese, and Danuana (Telugu) with Cera, as Li tribe, and Tyrsenians wiith Maravar (Si. 2 tribes). Hall states that the aim of these migrations was to find a per¬ manent home, as they came with their women and children ‘ and all their belongings to Palestine, the coast of which was familiar to them for centuries, and I presume they were equ¬ ally familiar at the time with the Western coast and Eastern coast of South India. I put forward the possibility of large migrations of tihese tribes in India, both by land and sea, as having taken place between 1600 and 1200 B. C. These four components may be recognised in Crete — Tribe, Seat, Crete. Pulesathi (Ta I) Idaen cave Middle part. Zackarai (Si. I) Dictaean cave Eastern part. Kammarais (Li) Kamarais cave Middle part. Phala Sarma (Ta 2) Western portion of Crete The Aegean tribes, who founded the Mediterranean civilization in Crete in Taman Penninsula and Crimea in Syria and Palestine, in Asia Minor, in Assyria and Mesopota¬ mia, and thence migrated to South India and Ceylon, are found to be made up of two race types, the Anatolian (Arme- noid) and the Mediterranean type working in close association for over 3000 years. The only surviving relict of this ancient civilization is the Dravidian civilization in South India. The Anatolians were a sea-faring race, and their adventures started before 3000 B. C. and their home was in Asia Minor, and the 101 THE nilAVlOIAN QUESTION Mediterraneans had their cradle in the Nile Valley around 4000 B. C. The Anatolians came in contact with the Medi¬ terranean Cretans or Minoans about 2000 B. C. as Mycenians in the I^nd of Crete,- and anotiher meeting point was in Cent¬ ral Europe around the Danube region, and they occupied the Southern portion of Greece and the associated Islands in the Eastern Mediterranean, and the Taman Penninsula, in Southern Russia, till they were invaded by the Aryans. The most remarkable thing is that these two races had liyed together and worked together and at times were at war with each other for over 4000 years and they built civilizations in Egypt, in Crete, in Asia Minor, in South India and other centres of the Ancient World. From a biological stand-point the most striking feature, is that they still retain their distinc¬ tive racial types in South India, owing to the pursuit of hereditary occupations on, which their village communities are based from pre-historic times. The caste system has en¬ sured the survival of these races and sub-race types by the prohibition of marriages between members of different tribes, even though they belong to the same race type, if they followed different hereditary occupations, signified by such caste titles as Pillais, Chettiars, ICammalaijS,_ and Nadars representing the Ta. 1, Si and Li, and Ta 2, components in the Tamil commu¬ nity . The Caste system insists on the marriage of the mem¬ bers of a caste or of an occupational group, on a hereditary basis, to marry within the caste or group, which custom ex¬ plains the survivals of these distinctive race and sub-race types in Southern India. In conclusion, I would propose the name of Indo-Aege- ans for the Dravidian tribe of South India who have been equated with the Mediterranean and the Anatolian tribes, in contradistinction to Indo-Aryans. The Tamahu tribes mainly consist of Filing, Agricul¬ ture and Hunting tribes and the Lebu tribes were made up of 5 m TAMIL CtlLTURE. ahephord Trading and warring tribes. They formed confede¬ racies on a totemestic basis.* • In &e preparation of this paper, I have referred to the following works:— . Human History (1930) by G. Elliot Smith. Travels and settle¬ ments of early man (1929) by T. S. Foster. Ancient History of the Near ilast (1920) by H. R. Hall. Aegean Arphaeology (1915) by H. R. Hall. Tamil culture^ April 1953 — Furer Haimendorf’s article. Tamil culture, Jan. 1953 Nallur Swamy Ganaprakasar’s article. Ptolemy’s Ancient India (1835) by J. W. Me. Crindle. Comparative Grammer of Dravi- dian languages (1851) by CaldweU. Origin and spread of Tamils (1947) by V.'R. Dikshitar. Tamil India (1545) by M. S. Pumalingam Pillai. Tamils 1800 years ago (1904) Kanakasabai Pillai. Pre-Aryan Tamil culture (1929) by P. T. Srinivasa Iyengar. History of the Tamils by P. T. Srinivasa Iyengar. Castes and Tribes of South India (1909) by Edgar 'I^urston. Early History of Assyria (1928) by Sydney Sinith. The Mediterranean race — A study of origin of European Peoples (1901) by G. Sergi. Ancient India Vol. I (1938) by T. L. Shah. Cam¬ bridge History of India Vol. 1 (1922). Guide to the Archaeological Galleries (1947) Madras Govt. Museiun by F. H. Gravely. Abhidana Chint^ani (1934) by Sivaprakasa Swamigal. European and other race origins (1916) by H. B. Hanney. Iranians and Greeks in Southern Russia (1922) by M. Rostoutzeff. Origins of agriculture by H. Pealts. Annual Report Surv^ of India 1902 — 1903 . .Ancient ^amli — ^liel ^deaid A. CHIDAMBARANATHA GHETTIAR, M.A., Ph.D. W HEN one begins to talk about the Ancient Kings of the Tamil Country, one naturally thinks of the Kings that' ruled the Countries of Chera, Chola and Pandya, nearly 1800 years ago. These kings are commonly called the Kings of the Sangam Age. Though there are certain scholars who would date the Sangam period as the 7th or 8th century A. D. or the 5th Century A. D., there is greater consensus of opinion in regard to fixing it as the. early centuries of the Christian era. The astronomical data in Cilappadikaram regarding the fire of Madura as worked out by Mr. K. G. Sesha Iyer, the a,bsence of any mention of Pallavas in Sangam literature, Pto¬ lemy’s description of Musiri as a great emporium, the Gaja^ bahu s 3 Tichronism which is more kindly accepted nowadays by scholars such as Professor V. R. R. Dikshitar of the Madras University ^ and Professor R. Satyanatha Iyer of the Anna- malai University^ seem to point to the conclusion that the Sangam age was probably ^he period of the first three centuries of the Christian Era. Until recently writers on Indian History paid scanty attention to the political and social history of South India. It must be admitted that an error was committed by dis¬ regarding evidence from Tamil literature regarding that hoary period. Historians such as Vincent Smith and writers such •Paper prewnted by Dr. A. Chidambaranatha ChetUar, MA-* PhJD., Professor of Tamil, Annamalai University, at the 17th All-India Oriental Conference, at Ahmedabad. }■ Origin and Spread of the Tamils by Prof. V. R. R. Dikshitar p. 38. 2 Indian History: by Prof, R, Satyanatha Iyer MA., p. 156, 104 TAMIL CULTURE as Professor Sundaram Pillai deplored the omission to trace the history of South India, in any weU-written book On Indian History. It is gratif^ng, however, to note that Professor R. Satyanatha Iyer and Professor V. R. R. Dikshitar have not treated South India with any d^ain. I think it was late Professor P. T. S... Iyengar who said, “ If Chronology is the eye of History, Ancient Indian History will have to be always blind. ” * His idea was that events and accounts of kings could not be given in a sequential order. This is true of South India also. Even thou^ a peep into the age of the Sangam is possible, even though one can know what -ideals inspired the kings of the Tamil Country of those days, to put the accounts of these kings in a chronological order h^ not been successful. A study therefore of early South Indian History is a study of individual personalities and achievements. But from the materials available, it is possible to recons- taruct the probable history of these kings and to ^ow how they Uyed and had their being. The sources of information generally are Puraruinunt, Padirrupattu, certain stanzas in Agananuru and CUappadikor ram etc., Evidence from these source should not be set aside, simply because they are from literature. Though epi- graphical and numismatical evidence may be more reliable, hterary evidence is not to be disregarded. If evidence from the Puranas and Ithihasas were set aside, the political histwy of North India would have been a blank, until the time of Asoka.^' Therefore, traditions as enshrined in literature have their own value. Poets must have recorded in their writings what they heard about men and things of their times. We cannot and should not dismiss every statement of theirs as a figment of their imagination, or mere sophistry. 8 History of the TamUs by late Prof. P. T. S. Iyengar, p. LVI. ■* For instance, -Ae date of accession of Bimbisara as 543 B. C. is obtained from Purahic accounts. (Vide Political History of India by H. Ray Chaudhuri p. 116), ANCIENT TAMIL KINGS — THEIR.... 105 With these few preliminary remarks, let me say some¬ thing on certain Ancient Kings of our land. Imayavaramban Perunceralathan, as mentioned in the second ten of Padirrupattu appears to have taken certain Greeks captives and appears to have conquered the northerners and implanted his emblem of the bow on the Himalayan ranges in token thereof. ® Senkuttuvan (the 5th in the series in Padirrupattu) conquered the Pandyas and the Cholas and was making use of their emblems also in the seals used by him. ® He had cordial relationship with the Sathavahans, alluded to as ‘ Nurruvar Kannar ’ in CUappadikaram. ^ He appears to have subjuga¬ ted two Aryan kings by name Kanaka and Vijaya, sons of Balakumara, who spoke in disparaging terms of the kings of Tamil Nad. * Though the reference is not to Kanishka and Vasi^ka, here we should be charitable to grant that Ilanko adigal has recorded only what he had heard about his brother. Of course, this would have been more acceptable, if there were corroborative evidence from North Indian sources. But it is not always that people frankly admit in their writings or inscriptions that they were conquered by others. Regarding Chenkuttuvan, it must be stated that he wanted to be loved and resp>ected by his subjects. He was inspired by the ideal of. righteous rule, for he said while taking a vow that if he did not arrange to bring the granite piece required for making the image of Kannagi carried on •the heads of North Indian Kings, he would become an un¬ righteous king making his subjects quail under his authority® (Kudi Nadukkuruum Kolen akuga) . One might compare Tirukkural “ Are not the tears, shed as a result of oppression, the weapons which destroy the prosperity of the king. ” ® Padigam of the Second Ten — Dr. Y. Swaminatha Iyer’s edn. p. 23. « Cilappadikaram — 25th Canto — U. 171-173. 7 ibid Canto 26 — U. 148-149. 8 ibid. Canto 26 U. 158-159; Canto 27 — U. 50-51. 8 Cilappadikaram — Canto — 26 — 11. 13-18. Tirukkural St. 555. 106 tAMIL CTJLTtTRE Another CJhera Kin g, Cherajhan Kiittuvan Kothai was always easily accessible to his subjects but was very dear and unapproachable to his enemies. It is said of him that he was to' his enemies what a jungle full of tigers was to a herd of sheep. “ This reminds one of the requirements of a king as expected in Tirukkurctl ^ which saysl “ The world will extol the country of the king who is easily accessible and who avoids harsh words. ” Yet another Chera, known as Kanaikal Irumporai, re¬ fused to take water from unkindly hands, as the supply of it was not compatible with his. sense of honour. :When he was .taken a captive and was thirsty, he could not brook the wild treatment given to him as a prisoner by his foes and would rather die than drink the water that came to him in an un¬ becoming way. This is illustrative of the Kural according to which kings are expected not to swerve from virtue and to keep up their honour. The Chola King Nal^nkilli was a mighty warrior him¬ self. Though it is generally stated that Tamil kings had no imperialistic ideas^ we find that this king thought occasionally in terms of imperialism. He was a composer of verses him¬ self and in one of his vei^s he has made it explicit that for a mighty man like him the kingdoms of other kings were just as trifling as a dry wjeed in a water-less tank. His soldiers were as much enamoured of war, as he, and if he were to give orders for a truce or peace owing to possible ill-omens they would be disappointed greatly.^® But if they were asked to inarch to distant places through thick woods they would quite wilhngly do so. And Nalankilli himself liked very much to be with his soldiers in camp. Though he was a man of such great valour, he had recti¬ tude of conduct. He shunned the company of harlots and Puranantiru St. 55. 12 Tirukkural St. 386, 12 Puranannru St. 74. 1* Stanza 384. 15 Purahanuru St. 75. 15 Purananuru St. 68, ANCIENT TAMIL KINGS — TfiEIR.... 10? was faithful to his wife. He said, “ If any of my foes despises my prowess, he cannot escape from me, even as a blind fellow who stumbles upon a tiger can never escape. If I do not tram¬ ple upon him and crush him to death, let me suffer the igno¬ miny of having had \inion with harlots. One might in this connection compare the king of the Brahmana period who had ordinarily four queens. Similar sentiments were expressed by a Pandya Talaiya- lankanathu Ceru Venra Neduncheliyan on a similar occasion. He said “ If I do not take my enemies captives together with their war-drums, let the people who live under my protection lose all protection and cry out “ our king is cruel ”, Let them shed tears and pour reproach on me. ” This indicates in an indirect way how much regard he had for righteous conduct and proper rule. TiruvaUuvar said that the king whom people speak of as a tyrant will rapidly perish. “ Then, his vow amounts to saying that he would die, if he did not win the battle. He prized, besides, comradeship and parley with poets and scholars such as Mangudi Maruthan. “ He was eager al¬ ways to lend a helping hand to his subjects that sought his help. Truly, he answers to the description of a good king given in Tirukkural as “ He is a light among kings who is endowed with liberality, grace, love of his subjects and a desire for just rule. ” 20 He appears to have defeated in battle, in his early age, several of his enemies, including a Chola and a Chera. There are references to him as “ Eluvar Nalvalam Kadantoy. ” This Neduncheliyan was aware of the need to dig tanks and wells for purposes of better irrigation. He made his name immortal by this means 17 Purananuru St. 73. i7-» Vide Political History of India H. Haychaudri pafe 8S. i« Tirukkural — St. 564. 10 Purananuru St. 72. ^0 Stanza 390. 21 E. g. Purananuru St, 76. 22 Purananuru 18. 108 TAMIL CtiLTUHE Another Pandya, known as Arya Pad|d Kadanta Nedun- cheliyan, has given a verse on the importance of learning. This throws some light on the relationship between king and his subjects, for it states that the king would not summon to his Assembly for counsel the eldest person in each house but would be guided by the counsel only of the learned mem¬ bers of the family. As Tiruvaliuvar says, ** the prosperity of the ruler who does not consult his advisers but makes them the victims of his fury will dwindle, ” ** Another Neduncheliyan (probably imidentified), the hero extolled in Nedunalvadai by Nakkirar, had great concern for his wounded soldiers when they were in camp. During mid¬ night, when a chill north wind was blowing he left his pavilion with a few attendants, while it was raining and went round making enquiries of the soldiers wounded in the previous day’s fight. ” Butha Pandyan also expressed the view that if he did not take his enemies captives with tfieir chariots, he might be called an unrighteous king who confided too much in an un¬ deserving counseller. He said further “ Let me be separated from my wife, if I do not win the battle ; let me be bom again not in the Pandya line of kings ; let me lose the pleasure and the privilege of intellectual contact with my friends who are as dear to me as my very eyes. ” “ Here one may compare Tiruvalluvar’s words “The life of one with no social contact will he like the overflowing waters of a tank without a bund. The Pandyan King mentioned in the Madurai Kandam of CUappadiharam was punishing the wicked and rewarding the good. But when he gave orders for the execution of Kova- lan, because of the allegation that he had stolen the anklets of the queen, he had failed to render justice. Kannaki went up to him and proved that her husband was not guilty. The 2« Purananuru St. 183. 2* Stasiza 568. 2» Vide 11. 172-188. 26 Purananxiru St. 71. ?T Tirukkural Stanza 523, ANCIENT TAMIL KINGS — THEIR.... 109 King stung with shame and remorse fell down dead.^ He thought that he should not live, for he was guilty of killing an innocent person. He did not think of any expiation. Such a voluntary punishment on himself saved the honour of his dan.^® These were some of the Kings of Ancient Tamil Nad, of whom we get accounts from ancient Tamil Literature. 28 Cilappadikaram Canto 20 — 11. 74-78. 2» ibid — 25th Canto — 11. 95-99. loneer ^edearcli Durndn U5lC A. C. PAUL NADAR, b.a., b.Ii. A braham Pandither was a man of djmamic personality and versatile genius. His career was one continuous romance of varied achievements coming one after another. His circumstances were unpromising ; his resources were slen¬ der and his educational equipment was slight. He however rose step by step by sheer industry and hard work. He started life as an elementary school master ; became rich as a physician and manufacturer of medicme ; and won a great reputation as an agriculturist. He tried his hand at painting, photo¬ graphy, soap- m ak i ng, Engineering and handicraft. Though he touched life on many sides, it is for his outstanding contribu¬ tion to the study of Carnatic music that he will be ever remem¬ bered. His researches have revealed new aspects of Tamil Culture. He was bom on the second of August 1859 in the small hamlet of Samburvadagarai not far from the famous Courtal- 1am Falls in the Tiriinelveli District. All that his grandfather Subramania Nadar owned was a tiny, little garden. Subra- mania Nadar sought the solace of Christianity after he had lost as many as eleven out of his thirteen children. Abraham’s father Muthuswamy was a gardener in the Mission Bungalow at Surandai and as a gardener he displayed considerable taste and skill. His mother was a Bible woman of forceful character -and keen understanding. The young Abraham passed his prunary examination at Surandai and the special upper pri¬ mary examination at Dindigul and became a teacher at the early age of fifteen in a mission school at Dindigul. As a school master, he worked hard and made the school popular. During leisure hours, he devoted himself to the study of music, A PIONEER RESEARCH WORKER IN 111 medicine and handicrafts. He contacted Karunanantha Rishi, a mystic living in the neighbouring Sruli hills. The Rishi taught hina the secret of the famous Sanjegivi Pills which laid the foundation of his future material prosperity. Later on, after his mairiage he and his wife were em¬ ployed in the Lady Napier^s Girls School in the Fort area, Tanjore. He was in the most fashionable quarters of the town and had access to the best that Tanjore could offer by way of music, learning and general culture. When he was about thirty years old, both husband and wife gave up their appointments and took to the work of physicians and makers of medicine. From a small beginning, Abraham rose to the position of an expert physician, there¬ after known as Pand'ther. He prospered and became rich, his daily income rising to a thousand rupees a day at the zenith of his prosperity. Then he turned his attention to agriculture and worked hard to make his Karunanandar farm a model one. It attracted Governors, Collectors and many agricultural experts who visited it for studying his methods of agriculture. All his activities were a reflection of the awakening in India of the new spirit in all spheres — national, social, econo¬ mic, cultural and artistic produced by the impact of the West in the last quarter of the last century. Before he was thirty years of age the T^il renaissance had started under the leadership of Prof. Sundaram Pillai, V. Swaminathier, Damo- daram Pillai, V. P. Subramania Mudaliar and a host of others. Pandither’s keen insight discerned the new trend in the air before it was realised by the public mind. The last ten years of his life were entirely devoted to music. Nothing is known about the equipment and the com¬ petence of his violin tutor Sadayandi Asari at Dindigul. One thing, however, is certain that Abraham early recognised the greatness of his country’s music and had a partiality for it in preference to the western music, mostly the Church music, •whiph he learned from mi^ion^es. The written notation 112 TAMIL CULTURE for the western and Tamil musical systems gave him an oppor¬ tunity for comparison and contrast which laid the foundation for his scientific stpdy of music. It does not appear that he made any great progress in the study of Church music. But he took to the study of Tamil music with such assiduity that he quickly attained in it a proficiency sujBScient to attract the girls of the Dancing Girl Community to seek his instruction. One of his pupils was the famous Dindigul Janaki, a musical star of the first magnitude, whose rendering of Tamil songs created the impression even in those days that Tamil songs, when properly sung, were in no way inferior to Telugu songs. At that time, Telugu had undisputed reputation as a language most suitable for Carnatic music. The great artists of the second quarter of the nineteenth century — Thiagaraja, Syama Sastri and Muthuswami Dikshitar, all of them residents of Tamil Nad — composed their musical pieces in Telugu as well as in Sanskrit. They captured the imagination of the cultured classes who all became devotees of Telugu. The joy of music became the possession of the cultured few. But the overwhelming mass of people did not and could not enjoy these marvellous works of art created by those master artists. The cleavage between the mass and the cultured few became as wide as the one between the English educated University men and the mass of people. The votaries of Telugu Sahitya persuaded themselves that Tamil was unsuitable for the higher music. Tamil songs were practically driven out of the Katche- ris. Musical p)erformances had no attraction for the mass of people.-At this stage Dindigul Janaki’s wonderful rendering of Tamil songs had a refreshing effect and encouraged the lovers of Tamil to think that Tamil was not after all so unsuitable as the lovers of Telugu pieces represented. This was a small beginning for the Tamil Isai movement. When Pandither became a teacher at Tan jore, he resided within the Palace area. On one side there was Sahgeeta Mahal, the music hall of the Mahratta Rajas where aiU through the day and the major part of the night, there was good music. On the other side was the Ramasami Temple wheVe poojah was held with music six times a day. In those days, Tanjore w‘as the unrivalled centre pf Camatie music and one pf the most A PIONEER RESEARCH WORKER IN. 113 important musical centres of India. In tlie midst of such ins¬ piring surroundings, Pandither’s ear was trained by hearing the best in music which South India could offer. TTi g discrimina¬ tive faculty was developed to discern the basic difference of one Raga from another. It set him thinking to find* out the principles which underlie and pervade all the Srutis and the method of constructing melodies out of the Srutis. When he became rich, he engaged the best musical tutors for his children. Jagannatlia Bhatgoswami was the first music tutor to be engaged. He was a good Veena player. Then came Venkatachalam Iyer, a Veena teacher and heredi¬ tary musician attached to the Palace. He was also a blood relation of the great Thiagaraja. Vocal music was taught by Sarnia PiUai who was in the tradition of Thiagaraja, his father being, the immediate disciple of the great Sahitya Kartha. The last, but not the least was the renowned violin artist Panchapigesa Bhagavathar who was wellknown for the sweet¬ ness of his melody on the violin. While all these four taught the children veena, violin and vocal music, Pandither sat long hours with them in the study of the theory of the music. With the help of the first mentioned three artists, he edited a collection of Tamil songs which he had composed on the model of the Telugu pieces, setting Tamil words to the notation. The book was very carefully edited, and it took nearly seven years for the printers, Messrs. Hoe & Co., of Madras to complete it. The publication was a demonstration that there could be Tamil Sahityams on Telugu models. Pan¬ dither felt that this was after all an imitation, and he longed for the day when he himself or any student of musio could compose an original piece on the lines of the great artists men¬ tioned above. He started his owto press called “ The Lawley Electric Printing Press ” which he located ii) a handsome build¬ ing and equipped with an up-to-date machinery for printing and binding, worked by a powerful electric Dynamo. Besides the regular tutors above mentioned, he secured the services of the most distinguished artistes of the day such as, Muthiah Bagavathar of Arikesanallur, better known in 114 TAMIL CULTURE latter days under the title of “ Gayahasikhamani Seshanna, the Veena Expert of ^lysore Palace and Venkataram^as, the Veena expert of Vijayanagar Samasthanam. Pandither was engaged frequently in the discussion of the theory of music with these experts. To his surprise he discovered that none among the artistes of the Carnatic music had any scientific knowledge of the subject, on its theoretical side. His ques¬ tions were a source of embarassment and puzzle to these artis¬ tes. Indeed, Seshanna frankly admitted that there could be no answer to Pandither’s questions and that in any case, none of his friends was competent to answer them and said that if Pandither persisted in pursuing his enquiry, it might end in his madness. But Pandither persisted in trying to find an answer to those questions, a few of which were : What is the origin of Carnatic Music ? What is its authority ? How are Sruthis formed from Swarams ? What are the principles which underlie and pervade all the Sruthis ? What is the number of Sruthis ? How are Ragas constructed out of Swarams ? What is the basic principle of the difference between one Raga and another ? What is the ‘ Jeevasuram ’ for a Raga ? Can only a genius create a new Raga or is there a method by which a trained man could create a new one ? Is there a rule for composing new Keerthanams, Geethams, Var- nams, Swarajathis etc ? Before the year 1910, Pandither had discovered a new method for making Geethams, Keerthanams etc. Another great discovery was the method of ascertaining the ‘ Jeevaswa- ram ’ of any Raga. On the second visit of Seshanna to Tan- jore, he was quite convinced of the value of the rules for mak¬ ing Keerthanams evolved by Pandither and appreciated them. He was amazed to find that Pandither had composed 700 Geethams, compositions for new ragas mostly with the help of his second wife Bakkiammal and partly with the help of his eldest daughter Mrs. Annapoorani Gnanasikhamoni, in accor¬ dance with the set of rules that he had formulated. Seshanna, Muth^ah Bhagavather and Mr. H. P. Krishna Rao, the editor of the musical journal of those days and an ardent student of the science of music, accepted them unreservedly, in all humi- A PIONEER RESEARCH WORKER IN 115 PaiK^ther was not satisfied with the mere knowledge of his discoveries ; he was most anxious to do propaganda for the benefit of all. Ordinary artistes were not so ready to accept what the experts'had accepted. In order to convince a wider public, Pandither, founded on 14-12-1912, the Tanjore Sangee- tha Vidhya Maha Sabha of which he was elected permanent president. Under the auspices of that association, he conven¬ ed as many as seven musical conferences in the course of four or five years. Almost all the eminent musical artistes, schol¬ ars and public men of Tamil-nad took part in them. Papers on various aspects of Carnatic music, dealing with Swarams, Suruthis and ragas, were read and dicussions and demonstra¬ tions were held. These conferences proved important events in the development of the study of Carnatic music and stimu¬ lated public interest in it. They laid the foundations of the ^ Great renaissance ’ of Indian music that has since swept over the country. Pandither got into touch with the experts and students of North Indian music also. He corresponded with distin¬ guished students of Hindustan music such as Bhatkhande of Bombay and Mr, Clements I. C. S., then District Judge of Dharwar, the author of a treatise on Hindustan Music. He availed himself of an invitation to attend the * All India Music Conference' in Baroda convened by H. H. The Gaekwar and his talented Dewan Mr. V. P. Madhava Rao, Pandither at¬ tended the conference with his family and took part in the deliberations, and thereby laid the foundation for his all India fame as an exponent of scientific music. In all the Music conferences whether at Tanjore or at Baroda, the main question that was debated, and in which Pandither was most interested, related to the number of Suru- this in an octave in Carnatic music. He threw himself heart and soul into that question with all his energy and resourceful¬ ness. In this matter he came into clash with orthodoxy and time honoured tradition. Music, like aU other sciences and arts in India, is religious. Any innovation is looked upon as a sacrilege. That is how the Indian mind tenaciously fights against any innovation however reasonable it may be. 116 I-aMIL CULTUEJS Now, a Sanskrit text book on music — Sarigeeta Ratnakara by Saranga Deva, a native of Kashmir, but residing at the court of Devagiri in the Maharashtra in the beginning of the 13th century, mentions twenty two suruthis. Tradition accepted this without enquiry into the truth of the statement. Pandi¬ ther maintained that it was not scientifically correct and was not practicable and that twenty-foiu* was the correct number. A fierce controvert ensued. It was a controversy which the general public could not intelligently fol¬ low. It was a battle between experts. The contest looked unequal: on one side, a Christian not in the tradi¬ tion of Carnatic music, and on the other side, were ranged religion, orthodoxy, tradition and wealth of learning. Un¬ equal though the contest was, Pandither came out triumphant. His genius flowered; there was nothing which his painstaking, genius could not grasp or delve into, to find out the truth. Nothing but the conviction that he was in possession of the truth and that ignorance only opposed him, supported him in those days of the battle of suruthis not always carried on with equanimity and decorum. (Vide XX P. 864 Vol. I Karunamirtha Sagaram of Pandither.) Pandither made research into the Tamil works long an- ter'ior to Saranga Deva’s ‘Sangeetha Rathnahara*. In the edition of Silapathikaram published by Swaminathayyar with the two old available commentaries, he found an inexhaustible mine for his musical researches. With informations and sug¬ gestions scattered here and there. Pandither’s genius recreated the past glory of ancient Tamil music submerged by ages. 'Die results of his researches are embodied in Karuna¬ mirtha Sagaram, Volume I published in 1917. It is a bulky volume of more than 2000 pages of half-size paper. The mere appearance of the book has scared away many. It contains a lot of materials — archaeological, historical, linguistic and scientific. It is however a treatise mainly on ‘ Isai Tamil ’ dealing with suruthis. The chief aim of the author is to show, what the music of the ancient Tamil Nad was and how modern Carnatic music is its counterpart. He proves by apt quota¬ tions from Tamil works how in the Ancient Tamil music the octave was divisible into a number of equal tones. This is hisi 117 A PIONEER RESEARCH ^VORKER IN fundamental position. The octave is not only divisible into twelve, but also into twenty four, forty eight and ninety six equal intervals, the series in all cases arising gradually by geo¬ metrical progression. He supports this theory by minute mathematical calculations, logarithms, decimals down to eight places, as regards length of string, number of vibrations, cents ^c^ He condemns the theory of 22 suruthis for the octave and says that its advocates altogether mis-interpret Saranga Deva, who if properly understood (according to Pandither), is not opposed to 24 suruthis. Pandither constructed a Veena of his own to demons¬ trate his theory of suruthis. The demonstration was made on several occasions by Pandither^s two daughters Mrs. Maraga- thavalli Durai Pandian and Mrs. Kanagavalli Navomoni. Both these talented ladies demonstrated it at the All India music Conference at Baroda in the presence of a galaxy of experts from all over India. Vynika Siromani Venkatramdas, Samasthana Vidwan of Vijayanagar one of those present at the demonstration at Baroda, wrote in a letter dated 17th May 1917 : “ My joy reached its utmost limits when Keerthanams were sung where these 12, 24, 48 and 96 suruthis were used. These demonstrations are beyond the imagination of any Vid¬ wan nor could they be sung by any. When Srimathi Mara- gathavalUamnial and Kanagavalhammal sang Keerthanas m the minute suruthis, I was carried into the regions of ecstasy. I have seen many places from the Himalayas to Cape Comorin, and I have made the acquintance of many a musical expert. But I have not found any one to equal Srimathi Maragatba- valhammal in musical ear. When the audience at Baroda listened to her singing, how she brought into prominence even the most insignificant suruthi, their joy knew no bounds. Many clapped hands out of sheer joy, spoke words of deep apprecia¬ tion, and said that a new era had dawned for the music^ world. J was lost in admiration when I witnessed all this novelty. ” Scarcely had the first volume come out of the Printer’s table, when Pandither started writing the second. He was already 58 years old. He had only two years to live. He began to work in right earnest at the second volume. ELis 118 "TAMiL CtiLTtRS health broke down under the stress of heavy work. The feeling of anxiety whether he would live to complete the work overcame him. Many friends deserted him on the publication of the first volume, as they felt that the theory of 24 suruthis expounded therein, was a sacrilege. The few that remained were doubtful of the value of the enquiry” ond research he was carrying on with single-minded devotion. Undismayed, he carried on the work in the belief that 50 years hence he would be appreciated by experts as well as by the general public. In spite of the physical weakness which confined him to bed, he dictated from his bed. To the last moment of his life, he was grappling with the problem of music with zeal worthy of Brownings’ Grammarian : with this difference, Pandither’s zeal was directed towards vital problems of music intended to delight, elevate and purify mankind. He entered into eternal rest on the 31st of August 1919. The second volume was not altogether completed by Pandither. He had however printed whatever he wrote. He desired that his daughter Mrs. Maragathavalli Duraipandian should complete it. Twenty seven years later, in the begin¬ ning of the year 1946, the second volume was published, thanks to the energy and zeal of Pandither’s eldest son Dr. A. Sundara Pandyan, the present proprietor of Lawley Electric Printing Press. It has an appreciative introduction by that ardent scholar and devotee of music, Mr. M. Anantha Narayanan M.A,, IC. S., the District Judge of the Madras Judicial Service. The second volume has only 352 pages of half size paper. It is a scientific treatise on the basic principles of Carnatic music, perhaps the only one of its kind. It has solutions for the very questions which Pandither himself posed to music experts in the beginning of his studies and research, such as :i— How are Suruthis formed from Swarams ? What are the basic principles of Suruthis ? How are Ragas constructed from Su¬ ruthis ? What is the basic principle of difference between one Raga and another ? Wliat is a Jeeva Swaram for Raga ? Can only a genius create a new Raga or is there a method by which A PIONEER RESEARCH WORKER IN. lid a trained man could create a new one ? If so, are there rules for composing new Keerthanams, Geethams, Swaraj athies, Varnams ? Pandither discusses all these questions and answers them. He evolves rules and formulates methods for creating new pieces. In the opinion of competent men, the book reveals * Divine Secrets ’ never before revealed. It comes as an eye opener to those who have a contempt for Tamil as a vehicle for music. Pandither^s researches embo¬ died in both the volumes, establish beyond all doubt that the music miscalled Carnatic had really its origin in the Tamil language and attained its highest development in Tamil Nad. Only the nomenclature has been altered and the principle mis¬ understood. (Vide P. 42, Vol. II Part I of Tamil Culture for an article by A. A. Varagunapandiyan, the third son of Abra¬ ham Pandither on “ The Genius of Tamil Music ” and his book Panar KalvaU Enapadum Yel Nool (South Indian Saiva Sithantha Press, Tirunelveli). The second volume has some of the original composi¬ tions of Mrs. Maragathavalli Durai Pandian in illustration of the theories and principles expounded therein. She has given 15 Keerthanams, 14 Geethams, 1 Vamam and 1 Swara- jathi. They serve as specimens of Tamil Sahitia. They are not only in such weUknown ragas as Maya Malava Gowli, and Vachraganthi; but also in such rare ragas as Kanaganki and Eavapriya and in such new Ragas as Abirami (named after her father and Guru,) and Gnanapon (in memory of her mother) and Sundarangi (called after her eldest brother). All these pieces are analysed and explained with full notes necessary for the student of music. The true value of Pandither’s contribution to Carnatic music is yet to be realised. No doubt, we are passing through^ a period of musical revival. Great enthusiasm and mass acti¬ vity have been engendered by the formation of large musical Sabhas and Academies. But we are yet to spread among the people true knowledge, intelligent discrimination and deep 120 TAMIL CULTURE appreciation. The spirit of the times requires greater refine¬ ment and richer development. Vidwans themselves are wholly- given up to material success and have lost pursuit of the en¬ during values of music. They scarcely know how to cater to or elevate the popular taste. They complain that music can¬ not be made to order. To such Vidwans, Pandither’s contribu¬ tion comes as a great boon. * *M. Abraham Pandithar’s Karunantha Sagaram on Surthis Book I Rs. 20-0-0 " “ English Translation Book I 20-0-0 »» on Hagas Book II 15-0-0 are available wdth Dr. A. Soundra Pandyan, K. M. Hall Tanjore. ^^uiatur^ an Experience in %^iiia^e ^^ntic^uit^ LEOPOLD BAZOU I F the research student meets with disappointment at times in the wide field of Dravidian culture, he is often rewarded in finding much more than he could have been bargaining, for Kulattur presents a typical case of such an un¬ expected reward. The place, some six miles north of Dindigul along the road to Eriyodu and Karur, is but a small, and, to the profane, insignificant village of some Palla families who are the field-menials to the few caste land-owners, Vellalas and Reddis. But Kulattur has a past, and a long one, that was not without glory. To the north-west of the village on the eastern bank of the river, there stands a large mound of earth, the remnants from a * palaiyam ’ or mudfort that commanded the northern approach to the important fortress of Dindigul. Of the occupation by the Muslim troops of Hider Ali and Tippu Sultan in the second part of the XVIIIth century some evidence has been found, namely some small copper coins and a 10 pound cannon ball, unearthed from the surrounding fields. But our concern was the Dravidian past. It was actu* ally to meet the ‘Mother’ in one of her many forms, the Mother riding a horse, that we had come. We were soon to dis¬ cover to our great satisfaction that the Mother’s presence was felt everywhere as the ancestress of the Dravidian clans, with her symbols of fertility rites and the cult of ancestors that goes back here’ to prehistoric days. ♦ LEOPOLD BAZOU is French by birth and long resident in Tamil Nad. His hobby is Dravidiana, 12S tAMIL CULTURE The village stands on the eastern bank of the Sandana- vardhini Nathi. We shall forgive it its rather long and pre¬ tentious name, for is it not redolent of the sweet ‘ Sandal-like Goddess Varudhini ’ ? Though but one of the many mere sea¬ sonal brooks from the neighboiu’ing Sirumalai and Ayalur hills, this ‘ feminine river ^ (Nathi) has for centuries brought ferti¬ lity to the place and inspired various aspects of ancient Dravi- dian worship. The ‘Riding Mother’ one cannot miss. She stands in her recent structure of brick and chunnam in the ancestral form of Kottravai, the Dravidian victorious Mother, sword in hand, at the further end of the village, facing north wherefrom came the foe. But though a warrier, riding a horse under the title of ‘ Rasta Kaliyamman she is still the tradi¬ tional smiling benign Dravidian Mother, even if modernity had its say in the addition of a fine Rajapalayam dog by the side of the ‘ donee ’, a turbanned villager with coat and shoes plus a wrist-watch. The many hearths for the Puja in front of a small pagoda to the Mother attest that her worship is not a thing of the past, and the iron-cradles hung from a large ban¬ yan-tree are eloquent witnesses that she is still honoured "as the ancestral goddess of fertility, the Dravidian Mother of the clan and of the village people. We need not wonder, therefore, why a small elephant in stone stands in front of her shrine as her mount. It belongs to the same concept and its presence by the side of the Mother seems to be as ancient as Dravidian iconography. But we soon found much more symbols and survivals of the ancient Dravidian cult. In the fields west of the Riding Mother there stands a dilapidated small structure, the ruined walls of a former shrine surrounding a simple stone upon which the Mother is carved in a seating posture. Her waist is so slender that the slab has broken at the waistband, as if unequal to bear her bountiful breast, her high and large headdress that expands into a glo¬ rious aureola, and her four pairs of arms holding the symbols of her sovereignty. Here again, in spite of all her attributes of power and strength, she keeps her traditional attractive features, characterized by benevolence and benignity. She is the smiling Mother, the classical Dravidian Balamma, the ‘Youthful Mother’, KULATUR,.IN VILLAGE ANTIQtJlTY Still among the same fields we find two other slabs with rude carvings, representing one man and the other two, each standing on one leg as if about to throw to the threatening foe the heavy stone held in the raised right hand. These hero- stones are not out-of-place here, almost at the foot of the an¬ cient palaiyam and in the immediate neighbourhood of the Mother, whom they protect. There is still another hero-stone with an archer about to unbend his bow and let out the arrow, but this is almost in the village between a site of megaUthic dolmens and new shrines to the Mother. In the fields again, to the north of the slab representing the Mother, we visit an unpretentious pagoda-like small struc¬ ture, the Samadhi or tomb of a local Reddi. Inside the narrow square cell with its door ajar, the stone slabs that form the flooring over the grave bear no name, no inscription, no sign of any kind to perpetuate the character and personality of this village worthy, some of whose grandsons we know rather intimately. There is nothing inside this otherwise uninspiring mausoleum besides a typical symbol — a Lingam over its Yoni pedestal. In the simplest and at the same time the most- telling manner, is expressed here the belief that death is not the last word. These symbols of creative energy over a tomb signi¬ ficantly emphasize the whole ancestral cult of the dead and the connected concept of fertility, the very fact that life en¬ dures beyond the grave as it perpetuates itself in the family. And this is not here mere fancy. The cult of the dead and the worship of ancestors are here alive everywhere, and they have, indeed, kept alive from prehistoric days. There is in the village itself, within the Palla quarters, a modern small pagoda surmounted by the usual gaudily pain¬ ted chunnam statuary. It would not be worth mentioning if it were not actually a shrine dedicated to a Pattavar — an an¬ cestor. And this humble shrine is but a contemporary egres¬ sion of an ancestral belief. Broken stone slabs, found here and there on the western side of the village near the river-bank, and other large stones rising from, the ground into which their lower portion is deeply implanted, are without question relics from ancient dolmens. This cult survives again in the small TAMIL CULTURE 124 : dolmen-like structures to be found in tbe Palla quarters, in front of tbe very houses that surround the shrine to the Patta- var. Such symbols, however varied they may be, are aU ins¬ pired by the same concept. These miniature dolmens, that are not larger nor higher than a stone-seat, may look like so many hencoops ; they may occasionally be used for such a purpose, indeed, since in actual life the sacred and the profane are close¬ ly connected. But we know — and we have the assurance of the villages — that they stand as religious symbols, as so many altars upon which vows are made and oaths taken. Similar family dolmens are not uncommon among all classes of people in various parts of the country. Their size may at times not exceed one and a half feet in length like those we saw in the courtyard of Hindu Vanniars of MuUipadi, a village just a few miles to the east, and those built by children in their religious mood in the neighbourhood of the Chettiyammai shrine, north of Eriyodu. This Ammai is the protective female deity of a community of Chetties who dwell at Siluvattur some ten miles to the south. The cult of the Mother must be deeply engrained into the souls of the Kulattur villagers. Not content with all the other exteriorizations, ancient and modern, of their veneration, they have of late raised three more shrines to her. The village Pujari to the Mother may be a Pallar, that is one from the field-menial class as it should, all, Vellalas and Reddiars, have contributed towards the expense of the buildings as they do contribute every year to that of the festival. If whatever con¬ cerns the Mother is the concern of the village community as a whole, her priest is usually taken from the field-menial class since it is the field-menials who know how to approach and deal with Mother Earth, the purveyor of all goods and of all life. To make sure they would not leave out any important aspect of the Mother’s many forms, they have dedicated each shrine to a particular characteristic, Lakshmi as the wife of Vishnu, Kali, the wife of Siva, and Sarasvathi, the daughter of Brahma. The chunnam statues that crown these three shrines that have been built one close to the other, include KULATUR,.m VILLAGE ANTIQUITY 126 v^ious represjBijtations of the Mother and of her son, Mprugan, who is shown both in his youthful and childlike aspects. On the slabs that form the lintels over the only opening to each shrine the Mother appears as she usually does, seated between two elephants with their trunk raised as a mark of honoyr. Two out of the three shrines have a couple of female atten¬ dants while the third one shows male guardians or Virans. . We might have felt some hesitation in attributing to former megalithic dolmens the ancient broken slabs that are still lying about the place in the immediate neighbourhood of the three shrines or used, as we have seen, in the erection of tiny dolmens as domestic altars in front of private houses. But past experience made us expect corroboration from further facts. Unmistakable dolmens slabs of the upper portion of which above ground had almost completely di^px>eared while the lower portion lie deep in the ground, to be found on the western part of the village, and the many laterite boulders we met along the road on our way back to Dindigui, confirmed our surmise. We had missed the boulders along the road or had attached little importance to them, though students of the Dravidian past ought to know better and keep always on the look-out for something to happen or at least to appear. These scattered boulders are but part of a rather large burial site that lies mainly to the north of the Seldammanadhi village, that is the ‘ Femine River of the Caressing Prosperous Mother', which is situated about halfway between Dindigui and Kulattur. Some of these stone circles are almost in perfect condition, showing still inside the rings of laterite boulders many ddbris of a kind of porous sukkam lime-stone and flint-stones, that in some remote century had been piled over the grave. This large burial site has been unhappily di^jirbed in recent times. Scattered laterite boulders are, to be foupd over the place, along the road or in the fields. Many bpuld^ have been removed to the further ends of particul^ plots of land so as to mark) the field^boundarles. Some of the tomi^ have been excavated’ not so long ago and, sony to say, not a lew of them are being used now asmanure pits I !We anyhow, most thankful that so many of these stone mr^es hayo survived so many .centuries fco* us to see. 8 126 T*AM1L CtJLttJirfi Further investigations have broadened considerably for us the area of ancient burial sites in this particular tract of the country north of Dindigul, along the tributaries of the Goda^ vanar river and on the bank of the Gk)davanar itself. Many are, indeed, the places in which are to be found ancient stone slabs that show all the signs of having been removed from megalithic dolmens. They have been broken into pieces to be used as basements to more recent shrines either to the Mother or her companion, the Aiyenar ; they have gone to erect small altars in the courtyards of houses in villages. Some of them ' have been put to profane uses like those black-stone slabs that form now two tubs in which the local Dhobhi soaks in water • j the village dirty clothes at Vaidesvaram near Eriyodu, We discovered several menhirs or raised stones, some small, not higher than four feet and belonging to, a past that cannot be held as very ancient, and others as high as eight feet, rou^, irregular and weather-stained by centuries of exposure. We know of another burial site a few miles to the west of Sellammanadhi, near Malvarpatti, between Marambadi and the Dindigu'l-Vedasandur road, not far from the Godavahar and on the bank of one of his tributaries, the Varattar that brings the monsoon rain-water from the Ayalur Hills. It is usual enough, as is well-known, to find prehistoric burial sites near water-courses or tanks. We are told that a tomb was excavated some years back in a place west of MuHipadi, on the bank of the river that joins further on the Kulattur Sandana- vardhini Nadhi. A large burial urii was actually unearthened. If is still kept in the house of the man to whom we owe the information. • /. , i I Kottaiyur, at about the eighth mile nortb of Dindigul on the road to Vedasandur, is nothing now but an extensive mound of earth covering some twenty to thirty aCTes, on the west of the road and of the Godavanar. Here and there in the base¬ ments of the former mud walls and at the shrine to the Aiyenar in the south-western comer of the fort-area, we foundvancient slabs that foretold a burial site. This was not far to seek. On the western side of .the fort, on a lower plane stands an exten¬ sive waste land with some rare brushwood sluubs aud scattered KITLATUR,.IN VILLAGE ANTIQUITY 12ft debris, slabs, flint-stones and sukkam stones^ Here and there one notices just above the ground the lower portion of dolmen- slabs forming a regular square, and ciroles of boulders — regu¬ lar or disturbed — complete with flint-stones and sukkam stones. Wiile we were going round the place four men were ploughing the land north of the Aiyenar shrine, and four fifTnall heaps of fresh feathers in front of the shrine told their own tale ; one cock for each plough that had been sacrificed that very morning to this deity of fertility as an offering and sup¬ plication for a good harvest to come. Proceeding further we met another burial site near the village of Puliyampatti north of the Vedasandur-Eriyodu road on a high waste land. Under an old and almost dying banyan- tree there stand two large ancient dolmens in perfect condi¬ tion with a smaller and much more, recent one between the two. The place is marked also by several stone-beds made out of very sharp small stones pointing upwards... Ancient burial sites are diversely known in Tamil. Th6 most common appellation in the Pudukkottai country is on® that we found ourselves reluctant at first to use until we were made aware it proved to be the best understood, Kurangu Pat- tadai. Monkey’s workshop. The name must have, no doubt, some connection with the part played in the RcLtnayOtTici by Hanuman in paving, so to say, the way with huge boulders over the Sethu or Ramesvaram strait. Another name is Pandava which is an admitted corruption for Panda KuU or um pit. It simply recalls the fact that the Dravidians buried their dead in large urns which they deposited in tombs. Mu~ dumakshatti or Old Man Urn is also known in Pudukkottai. KdUaToi is used for stone-chamber burial. It has survived in Tamil, and a tomb is still called kallarai even if it is a mere pit. Here, in the country north of Dindigid, those ancient burial sites are collectively known as Pandiya Vidu or Pandiya dwelling. . • But under their varied appellations these ancient burial , pitea have remained in the language of the people as clear sur- TAMIL culture m vivaig from an ancient almost forgotten past. Pandiya Kuli tvhich is, as we have said, a corruption from Panda Kuli or um pit, has its eotmterpart in the so-called Pandava caves, the iiatural cavern whici in prehistoric days served as places of dwelling or shelter before they were actually used by the first Jain monks in Tamilagam. From Panda — to Pandava-Kuli there is but a little step to be taken. And so may bo said as re¬ gards Pandava caves and Pandiya Vidu. Did not commenta¬ tors of ancient Tamil poetry establish links connecting the Pandiya early princes of Tamilagam with the famous Pandava brothers of the Mahabharata ? .... The rich cultural and religious Dravidian past is not far to seek nor as difficult to find as one might imagine. The re¬ search field lies almost at one’s doorstep, as near as the small \dohnens that ate still being erected in many a village and among many a class of people, both Tamilian — or Telugu- speaking, in Tamil Nad. Larger dolmens, though smaller in size than those of prehistoric days, are not uncommonly met near villages or in the open country. There is one such just outside Diiidigul, along the railway line to Palni, about half¬ way between the leveLcrossing north of the burning ghat and the Angtl Nagaram farm.- There upon a mound of earth that has been left from the excavation work that went to make this part of the railway tract, stand the seven erected slabs, the top one lying at the foot of the mound. Further north, at the entrance of the village of Chettinayakkenpatti, there is a simi¬ lar one. Near Ahtoor, on the way to Akkaraipatti beyond the river Godavanar, some ten miles south-west of Dindigul, th^e is oiie under a tree that is still held sacred. It bears the Saiva red and white stripes and is resorted to occasionally by a group of TeiugU-^speaking folk. And whenever we set out investigat¬ ing we find still more siiuilar dohnen-like structures, and raised stotles too, some among them showing unmistakeable signs of antiquity. Hindu burial places, either attached to burning ghats or situated in the village commons, present tombs with raised platforms of rude masonry work surmounted by a large stone slab in the traditional dohnen-shape. Times pass, things KULATUR, IN VILLAGE ANTIQUITY 12^ change but ancient concepts prevail in spite of all, even if modified in the detcdl, even if their ancestral meaning has been lost. jProm! prehistOTic days the cult of ancestors has survived in its essenti^. One’s ancestors may be quite forgotten, or be still honoured as Pattavars — or Pattavala — when he or she has not been actually raised to the honours of the altars > and acquired rank of village of group Mother or Amman, or that or Aiyenar,. More times will pass, more things will be forgotten, and it may well happen ihat one day this village Amman or that Aiyenar will acquire such a fame as to become exalted above all the other Ainmans and Aiyenars, and above all Swamys, and attract the worship of the people of a whole Nad or of a whole district as the ‘ Mistress of the Whole World ’ or as the * True God in our Dark Age *. Any lover of the DraVidian past, however inexperienced he may prove, can easily find by himself, provided he be patient and know how to keep his eye Open, many such survivals from the cultural and religious past almost at his very door¬ step. Once his interest is awakened he will be rewarded beyond all expectation. ^lie ^3mportance ^amii ^pi^rapLif V. I. SUBRAMONIAM B.A., (Hons). E pigraphy occupies a singular place among the sources of History, for it controls to a certain extent all that we can learn from tradition, literature or art. Epigraphs were not inscribed professedly for the purpose of conveying historical information ; on this very account they are trust- ,wprthy for their evidence is free from bias. Most inscriptions ‘are contemporaneous with the events inscribed and memory has very little chance of intervening. In palm leaf manus¬ cripts which are copied from one another there is room for errors in the transcription; epigraphs being permanent re¬ cords have no room for such errors. Even among inscriptions on stones and inscriptions on copper plates, stone inscriptions are more dependable for they are exhibited publicly and are open to daily inspection. On the other hand copper plates like manuscripts are in the possession of individuals and hence provide occasions for forgery and interpolation by interested persons. Without the aid of Epigraphy the chronology of Tamil kings and important events of the Tamil country would still remain conjectures. As C. Sivaramamurti says “The study of epigraphy, therefore, is a matter of vital importance. The inscriptions throw light on the life of sovereigns and the people over whom they ruled. Important incidents are re¬ corded in them. Sometimes they supply or strengthen a weak link in accounts of dynasties known to us from other literary sources. They help us to locate the sites of ancient places by the geographical material recorded in them. They introduce us to institutions prevailing in the country at the time of their record. They supply us with a complete list of the designation of officers of state to whom different funotiong Me importance of TAMIL EPIGRAPay 131 were allocated. The prosperity of the country by sea-borne ’ trade privileges of merchant guilds are herein pictured. The religious faith, toleration or bigotry, endowments and charities for temples, monasteries, universities, etc., are re¬ corded. Maintenance of charitable institutions, hospitals and colleges is herein mentioned: The inscriptions furnish a good deal of information re¬ garding weights and measures ; tables of measures can be made out by a study of the inscriptions where even the smallest measure.is mentioned ; similarly also regarding the weights used for gold, silver, copper and other metals. Just as the measure, drona, was started by the Nandas * NandopaJcramam dronahf, similarly some measures were started by Pallava and Cola kings. Sometimes they were named after the kings themselves like Arumolidevan after Rajaraja or Videlvidugu after PaJlva Mahendravarman or more often after the gods like Daksinameruvidangan and Adavallan. From the inscrip¬ tions we get an insight into the price of articles to be compared with modern prices but it was mostly in terms of paddy, rice, pulse, ghee, oil, etc. Tamil epigraphs are found not only within the limits of Tamil Nad but also in Kerala, Andhra Desa and Mysore, in Ceylon, Malaya and in Takua {Foreign Notices by K. A. N. Sastri P. 19). Commonly copper and stones are used for incision. Hitherto no uiscription is found in Tamilnad on bricks, silver or golden plates or on crystals or bones. The earliest avai¬ lable Tamil Inscription is the one on .the Thirunathar Kuntru. On paleographical grounds it is generally accepted to belong to the 3rd century A. D. Inscriptions written in Dravidic Brahmi script in the caves of the Southern Districts of Tamil Nad are still earlier in point of time. They are not yet deci¬ phered satisfactorily. But scholars like K. V, Subramonia Iyer read them as Tamil and assign them to .ike pre-Asoka period. Others read them as Prakrit. The eaitliest datable ^C, Sivaramamurti, Indian Epigraphy and South Indian scripts pp. 1-2, Madras, 1952. • m TAMIL CULTtJRB inscription is that of Mahendraviurjnftn (615-^0) at Vallam in C3)i»gleput Taluq ; It merely records the titles of the kipg on two pillars {S, I, I. Vol. 2 pt. 3). Only from the 8th century A. D. onwards the practice of recording the date gained currency. Generally the Saka era is adopted. The second popular one is the Kali era. A few Inscriptions are dated in the Vikrama era- In the West Coast the Malabar or Kollam era is very common. Three kinds of scripts are used in the Tamil Epigraphs, The grantha script is used only for writing Sanskrit words or syjlahles — to write Tamil Vatteluthu and Tamil grantha Scripts are used. The earliest available Inscription written in the Grantha Tamil dates back to the 7th century A. D. and the Vatteluthu Inscription from the $th century. There is evidence to show that VatteJuthu script was in vogue through¬ out Tamil Nad. When the PaJlavas dominated the Tamil country they popularised the grantha Tamil script. Later when the PaHava supremacy was displaced by that of the Cholas, they also adopted the same script used by the Pallayas, As a result Vatteluthu was in use only in the Pandya and Chera country. Even in the Pandya country after a few centuries of precarious existence the Vatteluthu fell into disuse. When the Malayalis began to use the modern Arya eluthu script, Vatteluthu was finally discarded in Malabar also. The difficulty in reading this cursive script and the failure of poli¬ tical powers to back its usage were the immediate causes for its falling into desuetude, * Most of the Epitaphs are donative in chgar^cter. They jijAy be about the grant of cows, or about an endownjent to light a few lamps in the temple, for chanting the Vedas or lor • the recitation of Tflavor,om or TfdruvjctymoU verses, or of a donation of land and mojiey to Brahmins, or of a gift of a dancing girl to a temple (M. E. R. 36/1911). Gifts to hospi¬ tals which were called Athularsalai and to Sanskrit colleges are numberless. A few records mention gift -AC. BUKNELL, Elements oi South Indian Palaeography, 2ed, pp. 33 ff, London, 1878. THE importance OP TAMIL EPIGRAPHY 133 to dancers and actOTS. And yet a few register agreements of Sabhas or lay down rules! and regulations for the administra¬ tion of the Village Assemblies. Memorials to heroes record¬ ing their deeds of bravery are not rare. Declarations of women before committing Sathee are also found. A handful of In^ criptions are about the settlements of caste disputes (M. E. R. 479 of 1908) and about the trial by a red hot plough-share. •There are one or two records which give a glimpse of the criminal administration of mediaeval times. One belonging to the reign of Jatavarman Sundara Pandya III (1306) men¬ tions about a number of Brahmins and Vellalas giving up the callings of their castes and becoming high-way robbers at Tiru- kaccur. They murdered the Brahmins or cut off their ears and insulted the Brahmin ladies. They also committed rob- sot the ownership of properties by force and sold them. The offenders were rounded up, beaten, fined and were in im¬ prisoned : but they did not mend their ways. The people complained to Pottappi Rayar who was in charge of the coun¬ try and he sent a chief named Valluva Nattalvan /sfrL-ir&Teuireisr) with a band of Malayalam soldiers to aid him. Many criminals escaped to the hills and even succeeded in rescuing a few who had been already caught by the soldier chief. The king ordered the confiscation and sale of their lands. Of the proceeds the major portion was paid into the treasury in lieu of the fines and the remaining amount presen¬ ted to the temple in the names of the criminals. (M. E. R. 315 of 1909) A record at Attur Taluq in Salem District is about a political pact between four chiefs who vow not to quarrel among themselves (435 of 1913 M. E. R.). Nishidikas of Jaina teachers having their names and vows are also fre¬ quently found in the Tamil land. Early Tamil Inscriptions are short and theii* contents do not exceed a few lines. Later they become lengthy. The auspicious symbols * Swasti Sri ’ which are invariably affixed to the later Inscriptions do not find a place in the early ones, 9 1^4 TAMIL CtJLTURe Some begin abruptly and some only with * Sri [, The auq>i- cious symbol is followed in tlie copper p^tes by a prasastt which may be either in Sanskrit or in Tamil or in both. Tte Tamil prasaati of the Velvikkudi grant of Parantaka Nedun- jadaiyan^ the earliest of its kind (8th century A. D.). The meykkirtti of the etoue records are popular from the days of Parantaka Chola; (9^^0Kitury A. D.) The meykkirtti re¬ cords the exploits of the king almost chronologically. later vwykkirittds are composed by court poets and added to cveiy rojal and private inscription. The prasastis and meykkirittis are not free from self-adulation and exaggeration. The for¬ mer particularly abounds with them. Mythological kings and the deeds of the fore-fathers of a king have also found a place in both. Yet for historical purposes the meykkirtti is more dependable than the prasasti. At the end of the prasasti or’ meykkirtti the name of the king is incised with the year of his reign, the day and the pyosition of the stars at the time of the grant. In the absent of the king’s name and the regnal year, this astronomical detail gives a clue to reckon the date of the record : this clue in many cases has proved to be true and Sri L. D. Swa mikk a nn u PiUai’s ‘ Indian Ephermeris * aids us much in reckoning the dates ac¬ cording to the astronomical details. This introduction is followed by the purpose of the grant and the donation of land or money. Finally the Epigraphs end with a request to posterity for protecting the grant or charity. The common form of such request is that ‘ the feet of these who protected the charity shall be on my head*. str^^irir ereir psSso Qineoear) It may sometimes be joined with the threat that those who failed to observe the conditions of the bequest incur the sin committed by all people living between the Ganges in the North and Kumari in tbe South, or incur the sin of slaughtering a thousand cows on the banks of the Ganges or have the shame of having their mothers as their wives. These declarations end with a curse^that “ anyone violating it shall bear the shoes and betel ba^ botb to his kinsmen and to his enemies’* (M. E. R. 435 of 1913). This is the form adopted in a good number of Epigraphs. THE IMPORTANCE OF TAMIL EPIGr!aPHY 135 The body of the Inscription^ is generally in prose though the M'eykkirtti or Prasasti is in verse or in rhjnned prose. The language of the inscriptions like the language of the legal documents is conventional and involved. Punctua¬ tion is rare. Marking the dots for consonants are also rare. The absence of dots and the punctuation in the Epigraphs enhance the difficulty in reading them. If the scribes are learned, the mistakes in transcription are few. If the mistakes are persistent and regular then they have to be treated as the linguistic peculiarity of the age. In the Anbil plates of Sundara Chola there is inte¬ resting information about the making of a grant. If a grant is to be made, permission is to be obtained from the king. The man who makes the request is called Vignapathi (eQs^tru^) and the man who executes the grant after the king has ordered it is an Anathi or executor. The letter bearing the royal order is to be received by the people of the village assem¬ bled with folded hands. The letter ^aU be borne on the head and then taken out and read. If the royal order is a grant of land, a female elephant is to be let loose to circumambulate in order to fix the boundaries. After the boundary is fixed a record of these is to be incised on a stone or copper plate or on both with the seal of the king and with the signature of the writers and those connected with the document. A palm leaf copy of the inscription was to be sent to the king’s archives. The Tamil epigraphs are of great value in reconstructing the ancient geography of Tamil Nad and in identifying ancient place names. They are equally valuable in reviewing the social conditions of Tamil Nad in the past. For instance the practice of self-sacrifice of human life for varied purposes is spoken of in a good number of inscriptions. The ‘ Tamil and Sanskrit Inscriptions’ (No. 24, Page 100) describes the death of a temple servant who threw himself from the tower of the Madurai Temple as a protest against unfair collection of tax from some tax-free villagers. This incident happened during the time of Chocknatha Nayak and consequently the village ofiicials forthwith abandoned the collection of tax. Another inscription of 1768 A, D. speaks about a similar incident during TAMIL CULTURE 136 the Muslim rule. An European Regiment invaded Madurai, destroyed the temples, seized the town and was advancing fur¬ ther. Kutti, son of Vairavi Muthukaruppan at the request of the temple Manager and local people threw himself down from the tower of the Tirupparamkunram Temple in order to stop the enemy from further progress. The grateful people, as a reward, gave his descendants some lands and ^ares in the temple offerings. They undertook even to pay the taxes on the endowed lands. (Tamil and Sanskrit Inscriptions No. 28). Yet in another inscription this practice of self-sacrifice is men¬ tioned in connection with the completion of a mandapam (M. E. R. 119/1906). This superstitious belief led a Vijaya- nagara king to slaughter 60 convicts for the construction of an irrigational canal. . I Equally helpful are the Epigraphs to reconstruct the economic condition of Tamil Nad. An Inscription of Raja Raja Deva III, for instance, enumerates all items of village revenue. They are divided into two heads. (i ) Nellayam (Qjseoeo/riuui) i. e. in kind and (ii) Kasayam (aira^n-iuth) i. e. in cash. Under the fost head are noted pati kaval (um^ s/reueo) Cilv^i (Q^6u/FIJ Etuthukotti (erQ^^sGsinLi^) Arimukkai etc. Under the second head are included Kartikai Airisi (smr^^es)s Kartikaikkasu sir&r), Karti- l^ippaccai (sirir^^esisu Velippayaru (Q apu u/rtLi—ui) ^ Thattarappatam (pd-i—mru uiriLi—ui) ^ Asuvak- kadamai (j>j3reus si—mui), Cekkukkadamai (Qa^), Ermnn Kasu ('©•/fi sirsr), Inavari (^jneuiR)^ PattOlaikkasu (uiLQi-ir^s .sir&h) etc. (M. E. R. 74/75 of 1887). • The implications of many of the taxes are not clear. However, the incidence of taxation must have been heavy as shown by the number of taxes, too numerous for a period when State responsibility was limited. THE IMPORTANCE OF TAMIL EPIGRAPHY 137 The neglect of Tamil Epigraphy by Linguists, is sad indeed. Linguists of Tamil Nad confine themselves to litera¬ ture. The language of literature is refined, embellished and archaic. The changes that occur in the day to day speech sel¬ dom find a place in literature. The Linguist who is content with the study of literary language is like a Zoologist satisfied with the analysis of an old fossil of a living specimen. In a scientific study of language the living sp>eech diould form tlie main basis of investigation. The language of the Epigraphs is not literary Tamil. Nor is it very colloquial. It can be considered as the standardised spoken tongue of the day with minor dialectical peculiarities of the place where the epigraphs were incised. How far the Epitaphs can aid a linguist may be proved with the help of Veera Soliyam, an eleventh century Grammar. It states that diphthong ai f^) and au are pronounced not as a single sound but as two sounds as ay (^i^) and av (^<^). Evidence for this practice is little in contem¬ porary literature but is plentiful in the Epigraphs. The ques¬ tion whether old Tamil had both sonants and surds, or surds alone, can also be successfully answered if the epigraphs are phonetically studied. To write the history of the Tamil language and to set¬ tle the chronology of the undated Tamil works, the language of the Epigraphs can be of great utility. This was foreseen by Prof. P. S. Sundaram Pillai, pioneer in the field of Epigraphy in Travancore, and by Shri K. Venkayya. Epigraphs are priceless guides in giving the exact in¬ terpretation of words that occur in literary works. In Kcding- attu parani for example, the word Velam (Qeuetrih) occurs in Velam puku madavvr kadai Thiramine (stanza 40, kadai Thi- rappu). An annotator thought that the word should mean an elephant and corrected it as Velam (Qeyi^il) without know¬ ing the real meaning of it. The correction was indeed a mis¬ take. The work Velam (Ceuefrdi) is often found in Epigraphs where it refers to a private house where the wives of vanquidi- ed kings are kept. 138 TAMIL CULTURE A North Arcot record belonging to the 13th century, gives a clue to the date of Meykanda Deva, the author of Sivagnana Bodham and thus becomes important to the history (‘f Tamil Literature. A stanza of Thevaram the Thiruvidai- vayl Thevaram ■— hitherto unknown is brought to light by an Inscription. In Trichy on the walls of the rock-cut caves an Anthathi running into 104 stanzas is found inscribed. “ But for the Epigraphs nearly a hundred poets and more than two thousand poetic pieces would not have been known to us”, writes Shri M. Ragava Iyengar in his Thamil Sdsanankka- vikal.' Tamil epigraphy is yet a rich field for study, and it is hoped that this article will stimulate interest in epigraphy even among the lay readers. Note the Cattle brand-marks of bow and arrow and bugle ^ke ^octoio^^ ^a^^na— Dke flaLver cut dDkeJ(c oviar * M. D. RAGHAVAN A n unexplored field lies before the inquiring student of society ^d culture, in the cattle brand marks of Ceylon. In these cryptic symbols stamped on the animal are revealed social origins and functions otherwise obscure. The marks illustrated are the cattle brands of the Nalaver of Jaffna_ the bow and arrow on the hind quarters and the bugle on the forepart. The Mukkuver have the mark of the chank; the Karaya, the boat; the Potter, the pot; the Pallas, the plough ; the Parayer, the drum ; the Dhoby, the cloth bundle and the Barber, the pair of scissors. The Vellaler and the Koviar have the same cattle brand mark, a standing brass lamp, a mammoty (spade) and Arukal Vathurai, the six spoked chakra (wheel). These symbols stand out as the vay badge of the groups. The bow and the arrow — HTtvputn vH- lum, and the bugle of the Nalaver recall the tradition that they were the bowmen in the army of the Tamil Kings. The bugle is the virutu kuzhal or virutu kalam, the sounding of which .calls the troops to battle or announces victory in the battle field. Story goes that they once showed the white feather in the face of an advancing enemy and retreated. This earned for them the scarcely complimentary name Naluvinaver the men who withdrew. Bow and arrow and the bowmen have been a feature of the armies of mediaeval days of all lands, vanishing under the changing conditions of later days. It is thus easily credible that in the normal course of events, the bowmen of the Tamil army would have lost their place in the rank and file of the army without engrafting the story of a withdrawal to account for the name. That they took to the *M. D. Ra^avan is retired Ethnologic and Assistant Director, National Museums ol Ceylosi. 140 'TAMIL CULTURE coGoanut and the palin3Trah for a living failing their martial role may also be understood, displacing the Shanars, the origi¬ nal climbers of the palms as they still are in South India. The Nalaver have ever since been the toddy drawers of Jaffna. This has occasioned another story spun round the “ peculiar ” mode of climbing trees, though it is hard to see wherein lies the peculiarity. As one watches the Nalaver going up the palm, it does not strike one as anything different from the South Indian mode or even of the rest of Ceylon. A third interpre¬ tation, is that of “ shuflaing ” talkers, from Naluwal or evasive talking, implying that the words of a Nalava are shuffling or evasive. Yet another line of thought credits them as the origi¬ ns Malaver, functioning as soldiers. These many versions ^e an index to the interest the people have evoked. Amidst these varied versions the tradition that the Nalaver were the traditional bowmen of the Tamil army gains in credence, sustained by the objective symbolisms which their cattle bear branded on their haunches, symbolisms eloquent of their past functions, standing out conspicuously as the very badge of the tribes. As fighting men, they were reputed to be the Nambis who came to Ceylon with the early Tamil kings and in the re¬ tinue of the Vanuiyars from South India who swarmed into Ceylon from about 100 A. D. The tradition finds mention in ihe Yalpana Vaipava Malai in these words :— “ Karaip-piddi-vanniyah resided temporarily at Kan- tharodat then called Odaiklrarichehi. He had sixty Nambis in his pay who served him as his swordsmen. Having violated the chastity of a daughter of one of these Nambis, he fell by the hand of the girl’s enraged father who took him by surprise while he was engaged in prayer. His Vannichchi not knowing what to do with herself ran out into an open plain and there stabbed herself to death. The murder of the Vanniyan was avenged by the hand of the law, but his wealth was transferred to .the royal treasury. The remaining Nambis sent to Sana- r^-kuppam, a neighbouring village, and, having no means of livelihood, hired themselves out to the Sanar and were trained by them in their her^tary occupation, namely, that of climb¬ ing the palmyra palm. From the circumstance of the Nambis THE NALAVER AND THE KOVIAR 141 having thus degraded themselves they came to be called Nalu- var, from naluvukirathu, to fall off, now COTrupted into Nala^ var ; and these NaJavar have ever since taken to climbing as their caste occupation. More than any other single factor, what differentiated Jaffna Tamil society, was the institution, of Eudimakkal, which held sway over the lives of the peoples regulating the inter¬ relation of the higher and lower groups functioning in a strati¬ fied social structure. Of the incidence of this system prior to the Thesawalamai code of 1796, nothing much is known. Codi¬ fied for the first time by Claasz Isaacs at the instance of the Dutch Governor Simmons, the Kudimakkals of Jaffna figure in the code as the Koviar, Chiandos (Shanar), Paller and Nala- ver. How far the Kudimakkal concept prevailed in early Tamil society to the extent that it is revealed to be in the Dutch times, we have no positive knowledge. That the Kudimakkal constitution was obviously not of a uniform pattern, but varied with the varying epochs, we may rightly conclude. Tolkappi- yara speaks of the Parayer, the Paner, the Kadamber and the Tudiyar as the four Kudimakkal. The Portuguese and the Dutch were both interesting in fostering a ^stem which suited their own needs, pressing into the service of the State every able bodied man, extracting labour largely from the reputedly lower classes functioning under the powerful land owning Vel- lalas. Of the four groups mentioned in the Thesawalamai, .the Shanar have obviously had little of the slave in him, impli¬ ed in the remarks ^ that they were *'but few in number and such of this caste as were in slavery were not registered in the Thombo as Chiandos but under the denomination of cowias ; so that the refining part of them are free, and perform Gov¬ ernment services in the same manner as the Bellalas and per¬ form their ordinary Olian or Government services during on© day every month. ” Shanar may thus be disregarded as one of the Kudimakkal group. The Pallas and Nalavas are stated to have been “ slaves from their origin and remain so till the 1 BRITO — C ; 1879, Yalpana Vaipava Malai, p, 34. ^ MUTTUKRIsmA, HENRY F. ; 1862, A New Editon of the Thesawalamai, Section VIII, p. XXVI. 10 142 TAMIL CULTlTRSl present time, unless any of their masters out of compassion happen to emancipate them which very seldom takes place. ” Both the Nalaver and the Paller seem to have taken jointly to the industry of the palmyra and cocoanut palms. Too nume¬ rous to be absorbed by this one and only avenue of employ¬ ment, many obviously attached themselves to the Vellalas in the role of domestic slaves. The Kudiipakkal concept in its essentials, corresponds to the essential functional equipment of early Tamil society with a plurality of interacting groups oriented to the socio-economic structure of the Tamils. These functions involved obligations on the one part and rights and privileges on the other. Their role in the society of the past and to a modified extent in the present has been of an institu¬ tionalised character with a differentiation of functions. Gene¬ rally speaking the functional classes are to-day under the influ¬ ence of forces which quicken a reorientation of social values. The Nalaver are no longer dependent solely on their tradi¬ tional role of toddy tapping, employment in casual labour stepping up the economics of their Hfe. - Theirs is a free life promoting a growing sense of social independence, a free static out of tune with the Kudimakkal concept. And yet the past is still with the present animating their daily lives. He does his duty by himself and by the society. Nalaver women were the midwives of Jaffna in the past when there were no licensed mid¬ wives. Even today she has her role as the midwife in villages not served by licensed midwives, staying in the house of con¬ finement attending on the mother and child. On the eleventh day she performs the ceremony of expelling the Kothipai. Placing the child in a winnow the woman sings its praises, after which the soiled stuff in the room is collected in the win¬ now and taken out with food stuffs, a young cocoanut and a lighted torch, and left in a gap in the hedge. This simple ritual safeguards the mother and child against evil influences. The gods of a people often reveal something of their character. In the cult of the Annamar, the NaJavar have fostered a mode of worship pecuUarly their own. A Nalava man performs the puja. Offerings to the Annamar are not food and drink, but wooden clubs about 21/2 feet long, or the gata. .THE NALAVER AND THE KOVIAR 143 The traditions of this folk cult are for further study. That it is prima jade a warrior cult seems obvious. It is possibly reminiscent of the cult of the spirits of the ancestors or depart¬ ed heroes. The Nalaver have their own washerman, the Thurum- ber — a word possibly derived from the Malayalam word tirumbuka, to wash, — who are the washermen for the other lower groups also. The Koviar enjoy a social status higher than the Nala- var. The comparatively higher position is implicit in the observations of the Thesawalamai code that “ It would be a matter of great diflSculty to find out that they were slaves from their own origin, though the greatest part of them are slaves at present ”. In the social life of the Vellaler, the Koviar has a large part to play. At Vellala marriages, he acts as the media¬ tor. Both the bridegroom’s and the bride’s party repose confi¬ dence in the Kovia intermediary. Preliminary talks are carri¬ ed on and the terms of the dowry considered and settled through him. In the marriage procession he holds the canopy over the bridegroom. As the bridegroom arrives at the bride’s house, a Kovia woman performs the simple but essential ritual of Alathi waving a tray of lighted wicks before the bridegroom. This dispels the evil eye and everything evil. Kovia women prepare the Poothathalam, for the ceremonial rice feeding of the couple and a Kovia woman attends on them at the cere¬ monial feeding. In Vellala society when a girl attains age, a Kovia woman serves as her companion and helpmate through the period of* her seclusion and the whole duration of the pu¬ berty ceremonies. Rasanayagam no doubt had these and other customs in mind when he summed up the social standing of the Koviar in the words that “ their original status was equal to that of the Vellaler as can be inferred from certain customs which are still in vogue in Jaffna. ” Of the two tests of caste •reciprocity, the higher castes have commensality with the Ko¬ viar, stopping short of connubium or inter-marriage. Both the Nalaver and the Koviar give their services to the Vellaler at funerals, The Koviar take a leading part. 144 TAMIL CULTURE They bathe the body and carry it to the cremation groimds. The principal mourner who is to light the funeral pyre, walks under a canopy held by the Koviar. The Nalaver cut the fire¬ wood and prepare the funeral p 3 T'e. They head the fimeral jjrocession, carrying billhooks and mammoty, symbolic of agri¬ culture in the life of the Vellaler. Notwithstanding these ser¬ vices it will not be right to designate the Nalaver and the Koviar as Kudimakkals of the Vellaler. At a Vellaler funeral on the eighth day of the funeral ceremonies, the Vannan, the jVmbattan and the Parayer receive cash presents, the Kudi- makkal kasu, and these sit for meals on the day in the same panthi. Nalaver do not as a rule eat at the house of the dead until after the 31st day ceremony. The essentially functional services of the Nalaver and Koviar and their integration with the Tamil Social system precludes speculations of origin. And yet theories and suppo¬ sitions have been rife. Thus Rasanayagara speaks of the Nalaver as renmants of the Sinhalese climbers who received the Tamil name on account of their way of climbing trees. That- the socio-economic groups centering round the palms and their products, known under the several names in Ceylon, Travan- core, Malabar and S. Kanara developed an affinity in culture, does not warrant our jumping to the conclusion that any sec¬ tion is a “remnant” of the other. Widespread migrations and diffusion of culture have been dynamic in the life of peo¬ ples of contiguous lands from the prehistoric to the middle ages, leaving in their wake a certain correspondence of traits and habits of life. Of a piece with the handling of the Nalaver, has been the wielding of the Koviar problem. Turning historical inci¬ dents to suit his theory Rasanayagam pronounces his obiter dictum on the Koviar in the following words :—“ After the massacre of the Christians, Sankili’s insane fury longed for more victims and he fell upon the Buddhists of Jaffna who were all Sinhalese. He expelled them beyond the limits of the country and destroyed their places of worship. Most of them betook themselves to the Vannis and the Kandyan kingdom and those who were unable to do so became .the slaves to the .THE NALAVEB AND THE KOVIAR 145 _ { Tamil'chieftains and are now known as kovia, a caste peculiar to Jaffna. The term is no doubt a corruption of the Sinhalese word Goviya or Goiya and that their original status was equal to that of the Vellalas can be inferred from certain customs which are still in vogue in Jaffna.”^ If Koviar as a group emerged only from the time that they became enslaved to the- Tamil chiefs, following Sankili^s campaigns, they could not have been both slaves of the Vellaler and at the same time co-ordinate with them in status. If, as Rasanayagam admits, their original status was equal to that of the Vellaler, it would have been no less so in the later days judging from what it is to-day and from their present social functions and services. These customs obviously go back to early ages and go deep into the social structure of the Tamils. It little avails to fit the name to speculative derivations. And according to Rasa- nayagam there were no Koviar as such before Sankili’s times, (early Sixteenth Century), but only Sinhalese Goigama, who as a group are distinct from Tamil VeUaler, between whom no question of status would arise. Others too have indulged in fanciful derivations at the expense of the Koviar. Thus the author of Yalpana Vaipava Malai theorises* that “the name is a corruption of the word Kovilar, i.e. slaves of the kovils, for these people had been originally servants of the templeis, is a corruption of the word Kovilar, i.e. slaves of the temples, but afterwards through poverty sold themselves as slaves to temples. When the temples were destroyed ^y the Parangis, the temple-managers sold the Koviar to private purchasers as they had no occasion for their services. Sometime after this a number of poor but good caste people were brought from Vadathesam and sold here for slaves and they have acquired the name Vadasiraik Koviyam. As the slave trade increased gradually, the Government have taken it into their own hands in order to increase their revenue. ” If they were already ser¬ vants of the temple, it is scarcely credible they would have sold themselves as slaves to the very temples which .they served. 1 RASANAYAGAM — Ancittit-Jafitoa — 1926. p. 382. 2 3RITTO C. ~ Yalpana Vaipava Malai, 1879, p. 56—57. 146 TAMIL CULTURE Speculations apart, let us examine the philological deri¬ vation of the word Kovia a little closely. Goigama and Kovia are both traceable to the same root — go in Sanskrit, or “ ko ” in Tamil. Go ” or “ Ko ” means cow, cattle, and by exten¬ sion has come to mean cultivation, intimately related as it is to cattle, Gopalar or Kovalar means herdsmen. A synony¬ mous term for herdsmen is Kovinter. Gopiko is a farmer. Koviar may just as well be derived from the root “ ko ” as Goi¬ gama from “ go Neither is a coruption of the other. Spe¬ culative derivations are a smoke screen to cloud the issues. That Koviar were the original herdsmen and served as such in the economy of the Tamils is the most sensible view that we can take of the group in the context of the Tamil social sys¬ tem of the early days when each group severally fulfilled its function to the community. That both have the same cattle brand mark to-day — the standing brass lamp, a mammoty and the arukal vatturai or the six-spoked wheel, goes to show that the Vellaler and the Koviar are associated units, two bmbs of the same body. The same washerman serves the Koviar, Vellaler, Vanniar and Chettiars. The guardian god of the Koviar is Virapattira, whose vahanam is the dog, and a dog vahanam is the offering to the deity. To the herdsmen that the Koviar are, the dog is an appropriate symbol. Besides the play on the word Kovia, that it is a corrup¬ tion of the Sinhalese word Goviya or Goiya, Rasanayagam^ speaks of what he considers as “ the peculiar dress of Kovia women who wear the inner end of their cloth over the shoulder in a manner quite strange to the genuine Tamils The refer¬ ence here to “ the genuine Tamils ” is hard to understand. Vellaler women too may occasionally be seen draped in the same manner as in Vadamarachi division, the end part of the sari wrapped over the breasts, tying a corner of the cloth either on the necklet or knotting a key or coins in the corner of the sari and throwing the end over the shoulder. No far-reaching conclusions can be drawn on a single trait of culture, which may very possibly be an instance of cultural diffusion, even assmning it to be a Sinhalese influence. Considering that it ^HASANAYAGAM C. Ancient-Jaflfna — 1926 — page 384, TliE NALAViiR AND THE KOVIAft 14? has had a wider vogue among the poorer classes even of the higher castes, it is more likely to have been a local development than an extraneous trait. Speaking on “ the women’s fashion of dressing their cloth across their breasts ”, does not Rasanaya- gam express the opinion that it is a custom introduced by the Malabar immigrants ? Rasanayagam will be equally justified therefore to call them Malayalees, as to call them Singhalese. It is obvious no conclusion can be drawn turning round this trait. The story of early Jaffna has been a favourite topic of versifiers and composers of an age noted for its singers and poets. Most of these early compositions have been lost. A few have survived, reposing in certain families who treasure them as the verj'^ epics of groups of peoples in the Northern and Eastern Provinces, One of these early compositions is the Vaiya Padal by Vaiyapuri Aiyer, the court bard of King Sekharaja Sakera, singing the traditions of the early colonisa¬ tion movements. Four of the verses are quoted below :— esieuujirLf/f}'^ujir ^lupfSluj csieuiuir uirLjio 50 ^lEJssuesr e^i—LS^&x^LfL-Qesr Qtup^a Qi—iu eu^G^iuirs^ ^tj^sunr atrem/r oj/ripsifQu^ e9^e06vir<9s&riru9Q(Q)irsGir ^rrara airirir Omefru^ ojiriiisir Qa^irdoeo^'iu QuiBes)jemL^ir, QaireQis^ir, ^esreueosCevir, (^Lsuir, uireoir, Qs/reueOir, QstruTeUfr, , ^tuir, Q^rrjii&jir. ^ 6 ;nt_iuir. Taken individually all the thirteen names are more or less synonymous, signifying the group of shepherds and herds¬ men. Among the names are Kovalar, Kopalan, and Idaiyar. The teim Kovalar would in time have lent itsdlf to be turned into Kovilar falling into the error of fabricating an association with kovils or temples. The truth is, the root “ ko” meaning the cow, has given rise to several group names, with the func¬ tion of cattle-rearing as the common cultural factor. In fine therefore, a functional approach to the subject leaves the Koviar in no doubt as the herdsmen of the Tamils, the people tending the cattle, a function which is not altogether absent to¬ day, when the strictly functional structure of society is chang¬ ing fast. In the village of Tunnalai as elsewhere, people who prepare and sell curds in the market are the Koviar. These discussions should not blind us to an understand¬ ing of the economics of the groups, which varies from village to village. So far as the Nalaver are concerned, the economics of their life largely turns ori tapping for toddy. The Tree Tax 150 TAMIL culture sj^tem which obtains in Jaffna from 1937 abolishing tavern, has been the silver lining hi the bleak Hves of these people, givmg them a certam measure of economic relief. The tapper sells the toddy direct from the tree to the consumer without passing through the toddy renters and tavern keepers, who ‘^'Isewhere fatten on the labours of the tapper. Each man is licensed to tap twenty trees, and on the proceeds of each he makes a margin of profit. The opposition this has evoked re¬ flects the conservative reaction, raising the cpr of increased and widespread drunkenness, an allegation which is not borne out by facts or by observations on the spot. The condition is certainly better than what prevails under the obnoxious sys¬ tem of. public taverns. The present condition of the Koviar also presents a variable picture. Education is exercising its own levelling influence,.advancing them socially and economically as seen in 'Weligamam West, North and South. Among them are proc¬ tors, doctors, Government officers and teachers. Elsewhere the social position remains largely static. Whether Nalaver or Koviar, no one who visits their villages can leave them with¬ out the feeling that their great need is land, land for housing relieving their crowded settlements and land for cultivation. Another of their great needs is freedom of worship, which they greatly deserve as children of the soil leading clean and honest .lives. These are but a few of the many aspects of welfare planning, which calls for a co-ordinated approach educational, social and economic. The progress of a land is the progre^ of every element in its social structure. THE REV. H. HERAS, S. J. A PROBLEM of divine filiation occurs in Hinduism which has not received due attention up tp now : the existence of two sons of Siva in the mythological figures of Ganapati and Skanda. I THE SON OF GOD IN THE VEDA The existence of one son of God is for the first time announced in the 10th mandda of the Rgveda :— m Anit avdtam svadhayd tat ekam Tapasah tat mahind ajdyata ekam^ ; which verses mayi be translated into English thus :— “ That breathless one by his own nature breathes ; By his great thinking he generated one. ” Some commentators of this passage are of opinion that the “ one ” mentioned in both these verses is one and the same person, thus the second verse would be an expiration of the generation of that one whose self-subsistence is pro¬ claimed in the first. But this view cannot be maintmhed seriously, for in this very second verse two persons are clearly brought forward, one who generates and another who is generated and naturally the generated one cannot be the same as that who generates. In point of fact this generator is not generated at all, according to this text. He simply breathes, anit, i.e, exists, and that by himself svadhayd without the intervention of any other person. » R^eda., X, 129, 3-4,. 153 TAMIL CULTURE That this is the real meaning of this passage later vedic literature clearly evince6._ The Satapatha Brdhmana describes more minutely this generation of the son of God'in an unmistakable way : He (God) loved (akdrnayata) : * that a second myself (dvitlya dtma) should be generated (jdyeta) from me.’ (Consequently), as the fruit of his intellect ivmnasd asandyd) the Word (Vdcam) not spoken (mithunan) appeared * In a parallel pa^ge we read : “ Prajapati, the Lord of the whole creation, Wed (koTnayate) : 'That I could be more than one ; that I could reproduce myself. ’ And then he made Brahman the first of all. ” ® These two passages leave no doubt as regards the dif¬ ference between the generator and the generated ; they are two clearly different persons. What is the nature of the generated one ? The same as the nature of the generator. He is dvitiya dtma, “ a second myself ” ; a reproduction of the generator. A son generally resembles the father ; but in oiu* case it is something more than a resemblance. It is equality, " a second Himself. ” That is the reason why this generated one is styled rupam, an image, a reflexion^ ; but this image and reflexion must not be a dead image or a dead reflexion, as is the image of a person reflected in a mirror, for in that case the generated would not be a second generator, absolutely like him. It must therefore be a living image and reflexion, for being the generator Svayambhu, life is the foundation of all hi^ characteristics. The generation described in these three passages is be¬ sides most extraordinary, for if we pay attention to the words we find that no woman or goddess is ever mentioned as a necessary counterpart of the generator. This after all is but Jiatural; for God is sexless {alingd).^ The generation is therefore spiritual, as God is a pure spirit {dtman). Hence the 2 Satapatha Brahmana, X, 4, 5, 6. « Ibid., VT. 1. 1,8. * Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, I, 6, 3. « Maitri Upanisad, VI, 35 (Hume, p. 449). isa ITHE PROBLEM OF GANAPATl generation is done by the mind, by his great thinking, tapasah tat inahina, as we read in the Rgveda. Consequently the generated one is called “the fruit of the intellect” (manasd asandyd) in the Brdhmana, or simply mdnasa putra, “ son of the mind”®, or manobhuta “generated in the mind”^ or lapaso jdtam, “ generated by brooding ”«. Though a spiritual generation, this generation is a real one, as all these texts clearly show, while using verbs coming from the two roots jan, “ to be born, to be generated ” and bhu, ‘ to come into existence. ” Consequently the person generated is a real son, and as such he is called in the Uparn- sads : “ God is a witness of the generation of his son ” ® ; and accordingly the son calls God his Father : “on. the world's EUinnnt I bring forth the Father ” After all we are used to speaking of our own literary productions as the children of our intellect, generated by us through thinking. Thus finally this son of God receives the name of Fdc, that is ‘ the Word,' but as the Satapatha Brdhmana puts it, “ the word not spoken. ” The Sanskrit word mithunam is thus translated by Dr. Ananda K. Coomaraswamy. Mithunam in fact means something which is a necessary complement of another thing. Now the unspoken word, that is the mental thought, is the necessary complement of the spoken word, because without the former the latter cannot exist, while the former may exist, without the latter. “ The mind (thought) is the earlier form, speech is the later form ” When you pro¬ nounce a word a thought corresponding to that word has already been issued by,your mind ; but if the word is not pronounced at all, your internal word, your thought, remains ® Visim Purana, II, 7. 7 Mchdbhurata, Santi Parva. 12005. ** Katha Upanisad, II. 4, 6. 5* Svetdsvatara, Upanisad, V, 2. w Rgveda, X, 125, 7. '' Coomaraswamy, A New Approach to the Vedas, p. 22. Aitareya Aranyaka, III, 1, 1. 154 TAMIL CULTURE unmanifest. Such is God’s Word, Ydc, internal, avyakta. That is the reason why it is said that “Prajapati moves within the womb, invisible but evidently generated ; and again : “ He who is the unborn image (ajasya rupa), ” These are very high metaphysical conceptions which the human mind may hardly attain by itself, without the help of God Himself. This is one of those truths which must have been revealed by God Himself in the beginning of the history of man and which Indian sruti has diligently kept for the instruction of future generations. Some ancient Sume¬ rian texts also speak of a similar conception among thd Sumerians. They call it enem, which is translated as “ word It is the voice of the god Enlil, 'the creative word, the most important primitive source of the New Testament conception of the logos. ^^ Even our vedic Vac has been rightly equated with the Alexandrian logos. In the same way in the Egypt¬ ian Triad, Thoot is supposed to be the son of Ra and is called “ The God-word ”. His eternal generation was well known to the Egyptians.^® II THE GENERATION OF THE SON OF GOD When did this generation of the Son of God take place. The Katha Upanisad says only that the generation was “ very old, ” purvam, or in the beginning. ^ The beginning of this generation is further specified by announcing that Vac “was '3 Atharvaveda, X, 8, 13. Rgveda, I, 164, 6. Diirr, Die Wertung des gottlichen Wortes in Alien Testament und die antiken Orient, pp. 158-159. Cf. Weber, “Vac iind logos”, Indischen Studien, tX, pp. 473-480. Wallis Budge, From Fetish to God, p. 14. ^8 Roug6, “Explication d’une inscription egyptienne prouvant que les anciens Egypti^ ont connu la generation etemelle du fils de Dieu”, Annales de Philosophic Chr4tienne, 1851. Katha Upanisad, II. 4. 6, *0 /bid., IV, 6, THE PROBLEM OE'GANAPATI 165 born from Brahma before the devas. ” That is to say j before the devas or angels were created,®* the generation of yoc was already a fact. The epic says that He is ** the first who sprang into existence”.*® But this generation is not like the generation of other children. They were generated at a certain time and then the generation was over. The gene¬ ration' of ydc never ends. “He is already generated, and He win be generated in future Origen explains this endless generation of the Word most beautifully. “ The Word was not generated by the Father in a temporary maimer, .but He is continually being generated. He is the refleaon ef the glory of the Father ; now this reflexion is not generat¬ ed by the light once and for all ; and then stops being gene¬ rated ; for while the light shines, this light continually pro¬ duces the reflexion. In a similar way the reflexion of the glory of God is being generated eternaly”.*® The Svetdsvatara Upanisad, which is relatively one of the most recent among the thirteen principal Upanisads, contains nevertheless very old doctrine. We have already referred to the Upanisad several times explaining these high mysteries of the life of God. In connection with this genera¬ tion of the Word the Svetdsvatam informs us of the wave of dnanda existing between the Father and the Son. “Isdna (the Lord) contemplated Hiranydgarbha (another name for Vac) while he was being generated. ” *® In this contempt tion there could not but be much pleasure of the Father while seeing His Son. This pleasure is still revealed in a higher degree in another text, already partly quoted • ** God .is.ihe witness of the generation of His Son, who is a seer ■ VajascLneyi Scmhitd, XXXI, 20 | Katha Upcnisad, IV, 6. 22 Cl. Heras, “The Devil in Indian Scriptures”, XXVII, p. 216.: 2* Mahabhdrata, Vana Parva, 12602. 2* Svetdsvatara Upanisad, II, 16. 25 Origenis, In Jeremiam, Horn, IX, 4; Mignc, P.G., XIII, cols 356- 357. 2* Svetdsvatara Updnisad, TV, 12. 156 TAMIL CULTmuS of golden colour, and nourishes him with wisdom”.®^ The text signifies how iiie Son appears to the Father, as if He were golden, that is bedecked with the best possible material apparel ; and the Fa;ther, seeing Him so beautiful and rich, feeds Him with the best possible food. Kings choose the most precious and substantial food to be given to their sons. God selects for His Son the best food imaginable considering his spiritual nature. Such food is wisdom. This is to say that the Son is the repository of the Wisdom of the Father. Two marvellous words of the Upanisad summarise this tale of wondrous communication between the Father and the Son. The Father is named hhoktd, “ the one who enjo3rs ” ; and the Son is called hhogyam, “ the enpyed one “ As if it were saying : “ This generation of the Golden Son is the cause of great enjoyment in the Father. He communicates all his wisdom to Him. For the Son being the joy of the Father, the Father does not know any other enjoyment than the Son. ” Of this divine dnanda, the Son also participates, for if He is the joy of the Father, the Father is also the joy of the Son. That is the reason why it is said that Brahma is Vac pa/ramam vyorria, “ the highest heaven of Vac ”, ^ that is to say the highest aind purest enjoyment of the Word. Vedic literature still gives us a few more details about this generation. When sons are bom to the kings in thi« world, they are not bom kings themselves, but they are babies like any other babies in the world. The kingly blood is their only difference, princely upbringing develops that royal element little by little and only when their fathers die, they nmy finally become kings. But it is totafiy different with our Vac. “In the beginning rose Hiranyagarbha, bom only Lord of all created things. ” At the time of his generation He was already the only Lord of the whole creation ; that is .the reason why. He is often called PrajdpaU. Again Hie ” Ibid., V. 2. 28 Ibid^ I. 12. 28 Rgveda, I. 164, 35. /bid., X, 121, I; Vajasaneyi Samhita, Xm, 4; XXXIII, 1. 167 THE PROBLEM OP GANAPATI f Svetdsmtara ^ves the Father and the Son two names wMch are full of extraordinary meaning. The Father is called Isa, “the Lord.” The Son is styled Anisa,^^ “one who has no Lord ” “ ; now “ one who has no Lord ” is one who is the Lord himself. Hence the Upanisad by giving them two dif¬ ferent names, openly declares that the Son is different from the Father ; but while studying the meaning of the Son^s. name one easily realizes that even the Son is as good Lord as the Father is. Even in this is the Son a perfect rupam of the Father ; both are Lords of the whole creation.. But the relation of to the whole crea,tion is still deeper. “ Everything was made by Vac. ” ** He is “ that one who as the unborn's image hath established and fixed firm these world's six regionsFor Vac being the image of the Father is the prototype or model of the whole creation. So He, as “the unborn's (Father's) image, established and fixed finn these world's six regions.'' Hence it is said of Him that “ the Babe unborn {garhha) supported this world’s burden. ” Vac himself is once introduced saying :— “ Through me alone all eat the food that feeds them ' each man who sees, breathes, hears the word outspoken ; They know it not, but yet they dwefi beside me. Hear, one and all, the truth as I declare it. ” ” On account of this intimate connection of the creation with Vac, the latter is called the creation archetype, visvacah- and more commonly Hiranyagdrbha, “the golden seed ” for He is the seed out of which the whole universe Svetasvotara Upanisad, 1,-8. 32 Ibid. 33 Satapatha Brahmana, VIII, 1, 2, 9; IX, 1, 5, 18, 81 Rgveda, I, 164, 6. 33. .Such is Griffith's translation, according to Sayana’s interpretation; “ garhha does not mean “ seed ” here, but foetus.” 36 Rgveda, I, 152, 3; Atharvaveda, IX, 10, 23. 87 Ibid., X. 125, 4. 38 Ibid., X, 81,1. 33 Passim. Dr. Ananda K. Coomaraswamy, op. cit., p. 82 calls the Son of God Visvatupa, “ the Form of tlie Universe.” 12 158 TAMIL CtiLTUKEj has sprung, a denomination which may be equated with the "'logos spermatikos ”, “ the seminal word, ” of the Greek phi¬ losophers. The Rgveda treasures a hymn in honour of Hiran- yagarba, as one of the most precious poetical s^cimefis of the whole book. III THE PHILOSOPHY OF GOD'S PATERNITY A few philosophical notions concerning the life of God will be of ^me‘ help to understand the fact of God’s Paternity. There is no doubt that the Paternity of God (not the paternity concerning all creatures by virtufe of the creation, on account of which he is called Prajapati ; but the Paternity concerning this Son whose filiation we are stud3ring) is a Paternity totally different from the paternity in human gene¬ rations. God is proclaimed aluiga, sexless and it diould be so being a pure spirit.^ From the moment myth introduces sex in the sphere of the godhead, truth is being besmeared by the .darkness of ignorance. Moreover there cannot be any doubt either about the intellectual nature of God. The Creator of the wonderful machinery of the whole world must be endowed not only with an omnipotent power by which every thing has been created, but also with an eminent intellectual vision by which every thing was planned with unparallel wisdom. “The supreme Brahman ”, says Sankara, “ is eternal knowledge St. Thomas Aquinas avers that God is a pure intellectual act, ** i.e, that He is eternally thinking without potentiality or power to think, but actually doing so, for otherwise there 40 Rgveda, X, 121. 44 Katha Upanisad, V, 8. 42 Maitri Upanisad, II. 5; VI. 15; Svetisvatara Upanisad, VI, 16. 43 Saijkara, Brhaddranyaka Upanisad Bhasya, II, 9, 28, 7. <4 |5t. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica, I, q. 3, a. 2, in c. i5d THE PHOBLEM CF GANAPATI would be a change in his mind, which cannot be conceived in the Immutable ; and, indeed, thinking not a succession of thoughts which cannot exist in eternity, but having always one and the same thought. Ancient Indian philosophers substantially agreed to tiie views of St. Thomas when they crudely but truthfully stated that God is unable to think, for He has no potentiality. God is being introduced saying : “ I am without all things headed by intellect {i.e. intellectual operations). I am the highest, •the greatest of the great. I am always the form (rupa) of thought ; I am without thoughts. ” They admit moreover that he is in eternal meditation (tapas), that is to say eternally thinking without interruption, and consequently without succession of different thoughts, having always one and the same thought. For since Brahma is in reality nirguna, with¬ out qualities, this thought is not a quality attached to Him, but it is Himself, his own Being. ’We are now in a position to underetand what is the subject of this thought. God eternally knows Himself, neither is there anything worthy of his thought beyond Himself. “ It knew only Itself as ‘ I am Brahman ’ ”. And Sankara agrees : “The Supreme Brahman, being eternal knowledge, ever knows itself as Bliss Absolute. ” It is essentially the knowledge of the Oneness. Otherwise there would be a suc¬ cession of thoughts which cannot exist in the Eternal. This thought of Himself is the knowledge he has of Himself, known philosophically as the Word, the logos in Greek, Vac in Sans¬ krit. That is the reason why St. Paul calls the Word “ the splendour of God’s glory, and the figure of His substance ” ; .and also “the image of the invisible God”^® ; and the Brdhmana calls the Vac of God, “a second Himself,”®® for ^5 Maitreya Upanisad, III. 10. Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, I. 4. 10. Sankara, Brhadaranyaka Upanisad Bhasya, III, 19, 28, 7. ■*3 Hebr.j I. 3. Coloss., I, 15. Brfiodaranyaka Upanisad,, I, 6, 3, 160 TAMIL CULTURE ^'Vac, the World, does not say but what the intellect contem¬ plates “It is essentially the knowledge of the oneness ofSeH”.“. Now the knowledge that God has of Himself being niost perfect, the Word must) be a most perfect image of Him¬ self, without any blemisli or flaw, just as He is “ a second Himself. ” In this world when a portrait of a person is taken, there is always room for improvement ; there may be another photographer who may take a better likeness than the preced¬ ing one. This is the reason why many portraits of the same person are taken. Moreover persons change, grow mature and old. That is another reason why many portraits of the same person are taken at different stages of one’s own life. But such reasons cannot be given in God. There can¬ not be any improvement over the reflexion and portrait of God, which is called the Word, Vac. And since God never changes nor does He grow old, there is no room for a second portrait either. Consequently there is no need of a second Vac ; one is enough. ■ Now this Word is produced in such a way as to receive the full substance of the Divine Intellect in himself, and thus this may be rightly called “generation”, which is but the transference of a being’s own life into that of another. Thus the Generated Word may fully be called the Son of the Generator, who is therefore his Father. But this generation never ends, for it is eternal. “ He is already generated, and He will be generated in future”, says the Svetdsvatara. In this world once the generation of a. son is finished, there may be room for the generation of another son. Not so in God, for the generation of Hi s Son is never finished, it is eternal. There cannot be a new son generated while the generation of the first son is still going on. Hence God' cannot have more than one Son. •' Satapatha Brdhmana, V, 6, 7, 10. •yi M^ri^Ukya Upankad, 7, Cf. Sircar, Hindu Mystickym, p. 64, THE PROBLEM OF GANAPATI I6l This is not to say that the paternity of God is limited. The Word, because it is infinite (the same as the Father), is complete, so to say; we may even say in a human way of speaking that the infinite capacity of God, after the genera¬ tion of his own knowledge, is fully exhausted. In the genera¬ tion of His Son God has displayed His infinite fecundity, ior the Son is as infinite as the Father. IV. THE BEGINNING OF THE INDIVIDUALIZATION OF THE SON OF GOD Between the early age of theological conceptions and the much later period of mythological development of epic and puranic literature, there is a transitional period when myth is already introduced into philosophical speculations as an embroidery to enliven a dry subject. The abstract metaphysical ideas of the early philosophical period were not ea^y grasped and not remembered without difficulty by the common man in the street. The personal individuali¬ zation of those ideas with proper nouns and characteristic actions was equivalent to communicating life to dry bones, making them live. In this period the Son of God is called Sanatkumdra, that is “ the eternal Son ”, or “ the ever virgin ”, The earliest mention of Sanatkumara is found in the very Upanisadic period. The Brahman N^ada wants to know the doctrine of the Atman, and, in order to obtain this knowledge, goes to Sanatkumara, who enlightens him ac¬ cordingly. In this passage this Sanatkumara is styled “ the God of War. ” But in another passage of the same Upanisad, he is identified with Skanda which identification is confirm¬ ed by Sankara. “This same Sanatkumara, people also call the deity Skanda—^people who know his real character.” The Chandogya Upanisad, VII, 1, 4. M Ibid., VII. 26. 2. • 55 Ibid., Sankara, Bhdsya, p. 412, 162 TAMIL CULTURES same identification is found in the epic.®® And a modern commentator Shri Hari Narayan Apte confirms this identi¬ fication wihen affinning that Sanatkumara is supposed to be the same as Karttikeya. Now Skanda and Karttikeya, are two different names of the son of Siva, otherwise called Subrahmanya, Kumara, Murugan, etc. It is after all natural that the Son of God, so much spoken of in the Vedic period,, should correspond to the son of Siva of the epic and Puranas. For the latter do not mention any son of Visnu. This would incline us to- believe that the doctrine of Yac and his generation from God is one of the dogmas that Vedic books derive from the old Dravidian religion. In point of fact, it is only mentioned in the last two mandalas of the Rgveda chronologically speaking^ ac¬ knowledged now as influenced by Dravidian thought, and in later Vedic literature. . ■ ' \ Why is Sanatkumara given the little of “God of War” on this occasion ? Sanatkumara’s identification with Skanda explains this title quite well. The Puraiias and the epic introduce a lengthy account of the war waged by Tarakasura And Grasana against Siva. In this war Skanda is finally deputed by his father to march on the enemies of God, and he succeeds in defeating and killing Tarakasura. ®* In the Rgveda there seems to be an allusion to this event when Vac says : “I bind the bow for Rudra, that his arrow may strike and slay the hater of devotion. ” ®® This heroic feat, which seems to take us to the first times after the creation, *® sur¬ rounded Skanda with warlike reputation, which jseems to be totally different from his original attributes. Mahdbhdrata, Salya Pan^a, 2716. Cf. Sorensen, Mahabharata Index, p. 461. 57 Apte, Chdndogya Upanisad, p. 180. 58 Mntsya Piirnna, CliTII-CXL; Mahdbhdrata, Anusasanika Pai’va, 4212. Rgveda, X, 125. 6. Cf. Heras, “ The Devil in Indian Scriptures ”, J, B. B. R. A. S., XXVII. p. 225-226. ®o Cf. Heras, “ The Devil in .Indian Scriptures ”, JBBXXVII <1952), pp. 227-228, THE PIIOBLEM OE GANAPATI ■ • ‘i . ' ' Sanatkumara is also often called in Sanskrit literature, “the son of Brahma.”*^ In this transitional period God is still at times called Brahma, as in the Upanisads. In the Tejohindu Upanisad Siva says ; “ I am Brahma, ” or “ I am Brahman”, or “I am the sole Brahman”,®* or “All this is Brahman alone. There is none other Brahman and that is ‘ I' ” The SJcanda Upanisad referring to Achyuta (the Imperishable), says : “He is Mahadeva (Siva). He is Parabrahman ”. ®® At times He is also called Siva or Visnu, according to the sectarian influence of the writer. Hence Sanatkumara, who is supposed to be the son of Siva, as he is identified with Skanda, may also be called son of Brahman. In fact, he is styled “ the mind’s son of Brahma, ” his mdnasa putra,^~‘ which denomination establishes a perfect equation between Sanatkumara and the son of the mind of God ^oken of in Vedic literature. Sanatkumara is always associated with light, for being the son of God’s mind, he is evidently the Wisdom of God ; and wisdom is always the source of enlightenment. In ihie epic he is said to be “ bright ”. In the Digha Nikdya “ light and radiance ” are described as appearing before Sanatkum^a, as if they were his heralds.®® Similarly in the Samjyutta Nikdya, when once Sanatkumara appears to the Buddha on the banks of the Snake River at Rajagrha, he is described as “shedding radiance by his effulgent beauty.”^® Markan- deya relates the epiphany of Sanatkumara to him, thus : “I saw....the divine Aditya (the sun) and an effulgent being, bright as fire itself, and small as a ^ger. The sun and Cf. Keny, “The Nagas in Magadha”. J.B.B.R.A.S, XXVIII, pp. 163, 168, 168. Tcjobindu Upanisad, II, p. 85. (Aiyar’s ed. Madras, 1914) Ibid. Ibid., lU, p. 85. «5 Ibid., p. 86. Skanda Upanisad. p. 41. Visnu Purdna, II, 7. ®® Mahdbhdrata, Sauptika Parva, 636. ®® Rhys Davids, Dialogues of the Buddha, II, pp. 243, 264. Samjyutta Nikdya, I, 62. (Kindred Sayings, I, p. 191.) 164 TAMIL ClfLTtJllEl this being together looked like twin fires, one joined to the other. ” This second being manifests himself to the sage as Sanatkumara, “shedding almost incomprehensible lustre, like a second fire-god Quite reasonably therefore did Narada go to Sanatkumara to receive from him enlightenment concerning the doctrine of the Atman. In fact among all the qualities of Sairatkumara, his wis¬ dom is especially emphasized. He is openly called “ the preceptor ”. Consequently even the ancient sages are said to go the Sanatkumara to consult him about their doubts. And Sanatkumara himself is often introduced giving instruct¬ ions to different persons. Now it is Pururavas who is taught by him on different occasions ; .then Visvavasu is also instructed by him.; here M^kandeya gets the solutions of seversd problems from Sanatkumara ; there Govinda, the steward of the kingdom of Kosala, is enlightened by Sanat- kmnara about the advantages of world renunciation for reaching the heaven of Brahma. Vrtr^ura, Sankhyaya- na, Vyasa and the rsis also received lessons from this foremost among gurus. Even Prajapati and Rudra learn the essence of religion and philosophy from Sanatkumara. The Chdndoya Upahisad relates that after N^ada had been cleansed of all impurities “ the holy Sanatkumara shows to him the opposite side (bank) of darkness”,®' bank Harivamsa, Harivamsa Par\'a, XVn. (Bose’s, p. 51). « Ibid., XVIII (Bose’s p. 58.) Mahdbharata, Sabha Parva, 441. r* Ibid., Aranyaka Parva, 12700. Ibid., Adi Parva. 3145-3147; Visnu Purdna, HI, 14. Mahabhdrata, Santi Parva, 11784. ft Harivamsa, loc. cit., and XIX. 78 Rhys Davids, Dialogues of the Buddha, II, pp. 272-274. 79 Mahdbharata, Santi Parva, 286. 89 Bhdgavata Purdna, XIU, 8, 7. 81 Wilson, op. cit, p. LXXXVIII. 82 Mahdbharata, Santi Parva, 227. 83 Ibid., 13587 ; 8* Ibid, Anusasanika Parva, 165-169. 88 Chdndogya Vpanisad, VII, 26. 2. THE PROBLEM OP GANAPATI beyond darkne^. This darkness, is, according to Apte, the darkness of ignorance. Prom which it is clear that Sanah* kumara has .the power to di^ipate the darkness of ignm’ance with the light of his wisdom ; for God’s “self effulgence al¬ ways dispels the darkness of ignorance On another oc¬ casion th© same f^arada learns the science of the Atman (God) from Sanatkumara, as commemorated above. h;. , ' . One of the most favourite subjects tau gh t by Sanatku- m^rais the subject of world renunciation in order to reach God. With Vrtra he discusses the subject of emancipation.«« On a certain occasion he tells Narada : “ Do not be so taciturn j be joyful in your mind. There is means to acquire happiness here. And then he teaches him the secret of bhakti-jnana, accompanied with disgust for all material pleasures. To Markandeya Sanatkuih^a conferred " spiritual vision ”, ** that knowledge which was difficult of attainment even by the devas In the Sekha-Sutta of the Majjhima Nikdya the Buddha quotes, eiqjlains and praises a sloka of ascetical meaning said to have been composed by Sanatkumara.** Fhe epic has happily kept a lengthy discourse on eman¬ cipation and asceticism, which according to tradition had been given in ancient times by Sanatkumara himself. *2 Our limited space does not allow us to quote this passage. We shnll only transcribe the summary of Sanatkumara’s doctrines as given by Prof. R. D Ranade.' “In th© first place”, says he, “ Sanatkumara seems to teach a spiritual hedonism. Happi¬ ness r— and in Sanatkumara’s hands, happiness becomes the equivalent of spiritual happiness — is the spring of all action ; «« Apte, Chandogya Upanisad, pp. 179-180 (1915). Bhagavata Purono, I, 1, 1. Ma^Mbharata, Sand Parva, 10030-10086. S8 Padma Parana, Uttara Knanda. CXC. 54-64. 88 Barivamsa, Harivamsa Parva, XVIII. Chalmers, Further Dialogues of the Buddha, 1, p. 258. The follo^dng works go on as written by Sanatkumara; Vdstruidstro, Sanatkumara ^ SoTnhita, SanatkumdraTtantra and Sanatkumara-kalpa, Cf. Sai^. Prdcina-Caritrafooso, (In Marathi), p. 603, w Mahdbharata, Sand Parva, 9990-10097. 166 TAMIL COLTCBH action is the cause of faith; faith, of belief; when a man believes, he thinks j when he thinks, he knows f and when he knows, he reaches the truth. In this way, happiness, action, .faith, belief, thought, knowledge and truth constitute, in Sanatkum^a^s hands, a moral ladder to realisation. SecontUy, it is Sanatkumara who teaches the doctrine of Bhuman. Bhuman ** is that infinite happiness which arises by the vision of the divinity all around. "V^^en anything else is seen, that is "cdpa’*. Thus all possesions in the iiape of cows and horses, elephants and gold, servants and wives, lands and palaces, are of little consequence as contrasted with Bhu man . Thirdly, the realization of Bhuman occurs when an experience such as is implied in the expression ** Sohamdtma is attained. Lastly, Sanatkumara teaches, that Atman is the source of all things whatsoever. From Atman spring hope and memory ; from Atman spring space, light and- waters; from Atman everything unfolds, in Atman everything hides itself. Atman is the source of all power, all knowledge, all ecstasy Sanatkumara, being the rupam of God, is accordingly held as Brahma himself. Govinda, the steward of the king¬ dom of Kosala, enters into a retreat to finally receive a reve¬ lation from Brahma. Yet Brahma does not appear to him,. Sanatkumara appears in his stead, and yet Govinda is as satisfied as it the revelation had been of Brahma himself.®* To see Sanatkumara was the same as to see Brahma. In point of fact the Buddha calls Sanatkumaxa Brahma. ®® Again the Mahdbhdrata states that Siva himself among the yogins is Sanatkumara, thus showing in a practical way that Sanat¬ kumara is a perfect image of his father Siva. There are some texts which speak of other sons of the mind of Brahma, mentioning them, besides Sanatkumara. They are five in all and are mentioned by their respective Ranade, A constructive Survey of Upanisadic Philosophy, pp. 52-53. r *‘Maha-Govinda Suttamta” : Rhys Davids, Dialogues of the Buddha, II, p. 273. »5 Ibid., p. 264. Cf. J.R.A.S., 1894, p. 344. M Mah&hhSxata, Aausasana Parva, 916. THE PROBLEM OF GANAPATI 167 names. They are Sananda, Sanaka, Sanandana or Sanatana and Ribhu. Rather than four different brothers of Sanatr kum^a, they seem to be four different names of the same Sanatkumara himself. As regards the fifth Ribhu, this word happens to mean “ clever, ” “ skilful, ” “ inventive ” and “prudent”, which are all qualities that befit SanatKumara in bis special attribute of wisdom. Moreover these additional four sons of Brahman are always spoken of as great ascetics, in the same way as Sanatkumara. Besides Sanandana is said to be a great sage, ®®, and is described as being in profound meditation, ^®® and always living in Janaloka ; which details fully agree with the characteristics of Sanatkumara. Also Sanaka is said to be living in Janaloka. It is also of interest’ to know that the Harivamsa limits the primogeniture among these five sons to Sanatkumara : “I am the first bom of Brahma, ” he himself says to Markandeya. Sanatkumara is, in fact, the most spoken among the five sons of Brahma. This seems to suggest that he was supposed to be the only son of Brahma in ancient times, and that at a later period, four other sons, doubles or replicas of the first were added. Besides the suspicion that these four names might have originally been four different names of Sanatkumara or Sfcanda, which finally became four different personages (a not Wilson, Vishnu Purana, I. p. 77. note 1. 98 J.R.A.S., 1895, p. 344; 1897. pp. 385-388. 99 Visnu PuTdna 1, 4. 109 /bid., V. 101 Ibid.. I. 4; II. 7 ; Skanda Purdna, Kasu -Khanda, XXII, 8-9. 102 Visnu Purdna, I, 4. VI, 4. 103 Harivamsa, Harivamsa Parva, XVII. 104 The Linga Purdna. I, 170-171 makes Sanatkumara and Ribhu the first born of all. Cf. Wilson. The Visnu Purdna, I, pp. 77 ff. Since Ribhu in Sanskrit means clever, skilful, invoative, and prudent this perhaps may suggest that Ribhu was originally an epithet of Sanatkumua, which was filnally taken as the name of another son of Brahman when the other three replicas were added. Thus . the five mind-bom sons of Brahma may finally be the personifica¬ tion of the five characteristics of Banatkum^a: 1. He as a man ; 2. He as a sage: 3. He as an ascetic / 4, lie aa a prophet j 5. H© a# having divine nature, TAMIL CULTURE 168 uncommon phenomenon in ancient mythology) ; there may be, if we understand properly ancient Indian customa and ideals, a very reason for the introduction of these other four sons. Number five in ancient India means * plenitude * and * fulness The eastence of five mind-born sons of Brahma seems to suggest that it is the fulness of Brahma’s sonship, and since all five seem to be equal, that is to say, four being equal to the first, who is Sanatkumara, one may easily understand that Sanatkumara is the plenitude and fulness of Brahma’s sonship; iii other words, that he is the only son of Brahma and that there cannot be any other one. This seems to be the august mystery hidden behind the S 5 rmbolical number of five mind sons of Brahma. The epic informs us that all creatures will merge in Sanatkumara at the time of the dissolution of the world. This privilege of being the end of all creatures is based on the fact that he is the individualisation of Vac Hiranyi^arbha. Himself being the Golden Seed, the Archetype, after which all the creatures were made, all will return to him. He is the beginning and He will be the end, V MURUGAN = SKANDA IS THE SON OF SIVA The identification of the only son of the mind of God spoken of in sruti with Sanatkumara of the transitional period, 108 Cf. Heras, “India, the Empire of the Svastika,” Coronation Sou¬ venir, Bombay, p. 40. 106 At a later period the number of sons of Brahma increased. Since they were five great rsis, and the seven great rsis were already traditional in India, the mind-sons of Brahma became seven. Th^ are also mentioned in the Padma Purana. Cf. Wilson, op. cit. II, p. 200, n. They are also spoken of in the Mahabharata, Santi Parva, 13077-13080. Later one more is added. Sanatkumara him- seJf says : “ I have seven brothers all younger to me ” (Harivamsa, Haiivamsa Parva. XVII). These seven brothers united with Sanat¬ kumara hims^, make eight, which is a consecrated ntunber in the history of Saivism. Siva is ostha murti. An, his protohistoric counterpart, had el^t forms. Of. Heras. “ The Religion of the Mohenjo-Daro People”, Journal of the University of Bombayt V, PP. 7-9V 1®^ Mahabharata, Santi Parva, 12907 (Calcutta ed.). 160 THE PROBLEM OP GANAPATI leads us to identify the former once more with Skanda dr Subrahmanya, son of Siva, in the puranie'emd epic period* Sanatkumara beeing already acknowledged as Skanda. The Indus Valley inscriptions also speak of one son of An (the pro- iotype of Siva), who receives the names of Anil, “the son of An ” Muruffon, " the boy ” and Velan, “ one who holds the trident. ” The equation therefore is perfect idirough- out the religious history of the country: Smti period Indus Valley period Transitional period Puranic and epic period Isvara lAn Brahma Siva Mind-bom son Vic ) 1 rAnil -v 1 Murugan [ (.Velan J 1 * Sanatkumira 1 r Skanda 1 SubrahmaxQra 1 Kiunira ^Karttikeya Of all these names of the Indus Valley period the most typical and characieristic seems to be Murugan. Anil is only a record of his diVine filiation; and Velan a description of his likeness. Murugan has remained unchanged in South India. The Tamilians call Subrahmanya Muruga, which, according to them; means * the tender child \ and is represented as" a beautiful child or at most a youth, thus emphasizing the idea that he is “ the son ” of Siva. (Figure 1) Dr Karm^kar is of opinion that Murugan is spoken of in the Rgveda under the name Mwradevah. ^ This view seems very probable, for he ,is called a “foolish god” one of “fools* gods” about whom the Aryas pray to Indra : “Let the fools* gods with bent neck fall and perish and see no more the sun when it arises”. Sayana calls him a Raksasa. Karmarkar’s 108 Heras. op. eit., p. 29. 10“ Heras, “The Velalas in Mohenjo-Daro”, I. H, Q. (Calcutta), XIV, p. 53. 110 Ibid. pp. 52-53. Karmarkar, “ The Vratyas in Ancient India ”, Jour'iial of the Untoer- sity of Bombay, XI (N.S.) (1942), p. 83; “Muruga or Karthikeya Journal of the Rama Varma Research Institute ”, XII, pp. 12-13. Rgveda, X, 87, 2. Ibid., VII; 104, 24. 170 TAMIL CULTUKE views are not improbable for, as seen above, the Rgvedic rsis of a latter period knew of the spiritu^ generation of God’s son, recorded his name Vac, and even commemorated his participation in the victory over “ the hater of Brahma, ” who is referred to as Tarakasura in the epic and puranic period. The Aitareya Brdhmana unhesitatingly affirms that “ Subrahmanya is Vao Three definite characteristics are mentioned in relation to Murugan :— 1. His association mth Wisdom ; Mythology states that he issued from the frontal eye of Siva as six sparks of fire, i.e. born of Siva’s head, having an extraordinary radi¬ ance from the very beginning. Accordingly he always holds .the Trident, which typifies his energy of wisdom (Jndna- sakti) . That is the reason why he is called Velan, from the Proto-Indian times, and also Velayudha, “He who carries a vel” (Fig. 2). Subrahmanya therefore represents God as a guru, the teacher of the universe. He is the embodiment of Jndna-sakti, and is as such called Kumdra-Guru-Para, * the Supreme Son Teacher ’. He is said to have taught the sage Agastya and other rsis. In order to show the excellence of his wisdom they affirm that he even declared truth to his own father Siva. Some of his images, as he is being worshipped in Palni, depict him in kataka-hasta, the gesture of communica¬ tion, by which he is imparting the fruits of his wisdom to others. 2. ' His unilateral birth : Vedic works clearly declared his generation from the mind of God, without the intervention 114 Cf. above, p. 70. 115 Rgveda, X. 125. iw Ibid., X, 125, 6. Cf. Aitareya Brahmana, III, 4, 39 ; Jaimimya Upanisad Brahir.ana, I. 18, 5 ; Jaimivlya Brdhmana, I. 60, 1-7 ; Heras “ The Devil in Indian Scriptures”, J.B.B.R. A. S., XXVII, pp. 225-226. Ill Aitareya Brdhmana, VI, 1, 3. I' 118 Somasundaram Pillai, Palni: The Sacred Hill of Muruga, p. 12, n. I. 119 Ibid., p. 10 n. 120 Shivapadasundaram, The Saiva School of Hinduism, p. 184, Muruga, as worshipped in Palni Indian Historical Research Institute, Bombay. Fig. 2 Velan Indian Historical Research Institute, Bombay Fig. 4 Shanmukha on the Peacock Indian Historical Research Institute, Bombay. THE PROBLEM OF GANAPATI 171 of any goddess. This great dogma of God’s life is reflected in tlie mythological mirror in different ways. According to one story, which we referred to above, Subrahmanya was born from the eye on Siva’s forehead. Another legend says that the seed discharged (^shannci) by Siva, produced a svetd (white) mountain where Skanda was born. In this case Par- vati is reported as bitterly complaining that she was denied the pleasure of becoming a mother. Another account avers that Siva s seed was transferred to the six Krttikas (the Pleiades) ; when the latter went to bathe, each of them conceived and begot a son j all these children were combined in one, when Parvati embraced them all together. ^^2 That is the leason why he is called KdrtiheycL and ShcLmnukha, or A.ru~ viugan (in Tamil). (Fig. 3.) The idea of these six heads may also have sprang, from the tradition of Subrahmanya’s embo¬ diment of wisdom. Great sages are often endowed with big heads. Six heads must therefore be the seat of divine wisdom. (Fig. 4) 3. His peTpetudl sonship : He is ever called Kumdra and Murugaii. He is shown as a very little boy between Siva and Parvati in the beautiful group of the Dravidian Triad known as Somaskanda (f.e. Soma = Siva -f Uma + Skanda). (Fig. 5 ) In the stone carvings the little boy is shown seated on one of the knees of Parvati. Three of these remark¬ able sculptures may be seen at Mahabalipuram. (7th and 8th cent) (Fig. 6 and 7) In the metal images, Skanda is ^own standing still as a little boy. The Madras Museum has a most beautiful specimen of this group. Another one may be seen in the Museum of the Indian Historical Re¬ search Institute. (Fig. 8) Accordingly Subrahmanya is supposed to be a Brahmachari (celibate), and he is as such shown as a young boy, his head being shaved, a tuft of hair only being left, wearing only a kauplna, (small cloth), a 2 /a;- nopavita (sacred thread) and a maunji (grass girdle). This statues, which axe very rare, depict his left hand in Katyavd^ 121 Ramdyanaj Balakanda. 122 This association with Parvati is purely accidental. In another article may develoo “ The case of the Mother Goddess m TAMIL GULtURB lambita-hasta. We possess one in the Indian Historical Re¬ search Institute!^^^ (See Fig. 1) Mythology shows him living a life of celibacy in Mount Krauncha, adding the dramatic trait that this was as an effect of disappointment after the marriage of his brother Ganapati. Perhaps on account of this association with Mount &auncha, he in the Tamil coun¬ try, receives the titles of Kurinji Anduvar, “ the Lord of hill¬ tops”, Kurinji Vendan, “the King of hilltops”, Kurinji Irai- van, “ the god of hilltops ” and Kurinji~man, “ the one of the mountains. ” Many of his temples in South India are on the tops of hills, Palni, Tiruparankunram (Madurai), Tiruve- rangam (Malabar), Swamimalai (Kumbakonam), Tiruttani, etc. The last but one canto of the Tamil poem Tirumurugdr- ruppadai is entitled Kunruthoradal and describes Subrahman- ya “ sporting on all hills ”. At a later period the purity of this tradition concerning the celibacy of Kumara was darkened with the faked account of his marriage first to Devasena ; and then in South India to the Kurava girl Valli-amman. Accordingly when he is depicted as Sendpati he is often shown with one wife Devesena. The Madras Museum has a beautiful stone specimen in which ■Senapati is riding the peacock, his usual vahana. In South India he is at times shown with his two consorts Valli-amman and Devayanai, of whom the former rides a lion and the latter an elephanti Specimens of Subrahmanya with these two spu¬ rious wives may be seen at the Nagesvarasvamin temple of • Kumbakonam or at the Siva temple of Tiruvorriyur (Fig. 12). U., « I ' - 4. His Leadership of the army of the Devos : Vrtra, the opponent of Indra in the Rgveda, becomes Tarakasura ■in the epic and puranic period. When he, helped by Grasana, arises against Siva, Indra was feard not to be a match for them. Siva was in need of a son to oppose the evil one. It •was then that Karttikeya was born. In the Mahlsamardhini Cf. reproduction oi a popular picture in Jouveau-Dubreuil, Icono¬ graphy of Southern India, pi. XXXII. • Siva-Mahapurdna, Rudra Samhita, Kumara Khanda, ch. 20. 3omasundaram Pillai, Palni, pp. 44-45. Fig. 5 Somaskanda, from the Mahisasura Mandapa, Mahabalipuram Copyright, Archaeological Survey of Indi Fig. 6 Somaskanda, from Sea Shore Temple, Mahabalipuram Copyright, Archaeological Survey of India. AViS* ■ mm fell ‘-am ■•^ /'j// ' ■JSbk m < amm Somaskanda, from Dharmaraja’s Ratha, ^'ahabalipuram opyright, Archaeological Survey of India. I 8 'ifi Somaskanda (Bronze) Indian Historical Research ^f. Institute, Bombay. THE PHOBLEM OF GANAPATI 17$ cave of Mahabalipuram there is a large panel representing this scene. It has generally been wrongly described as Narayana or Sesabh^van. (Fig. 9.) Tarakasura and Granana are shown as two colossal giants plotting to destroy Siva while the latter is peacefully sleeping on Ananta (eter¬ nity). On this occasion Skanda is born. He is seen in front rising from the earth ; his thighs are still half hidden in the ground. He wears the yajndpavita, the maunji and the kauplna. He holds the sakti, a weapon he is going to use against the asuras, in his right hand. He is talking to one who is half kneebng to his left, probably Indra or Agni, while a devi, probably Parvati, is behind him in a worshipping posi¬ tion. The epic narrates that when Indra heard of the birth of Siva’s son to defeat Tarakasura “ he was troubled thinking that his kingdom was taken away from him” ; but he re¬ covered his peace of mind when he heard Siva saying to his son Skanda : “Thou wast born in order that thou mightest slay Taraka and protect the realm of Indra. Therefore do your duty. ” Then Skanda received from Agni a weapon of extra¬ ordinary efficiency, the sakti, for his combat with the asuras. It possessed great lustre and seemed to blaze with light ; when during the conflict Skanda repeatedly hurled this blazing missile, meteors and thunderbolts dropped upon the earth and millions of darts came out of it. Thus Skanda reduced millions of asuras to ashes and finally killed Taraka- sUra, their leader. That is the reason why he “ was parti¬ cularly hated by all the daityas ”. When Skanda is depicted 120 The cave is a pi'rely Saiva cave nor would a Vaisnava argument have been depicted in such a prominent place v/hen Visnu himself is shown as a small deva, in the same v/ay as Brahma, in the background of the Somaskanda shrine. Cf. Keny, “The Image ol Narayana,” Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, XXIX (1948), pp. 215-226. In the so-called Ananta-Sayana group of the Undavalli cave, near Vijayavada, the two giants Tarakasura and Grasana are also seen at the feet of the supine god. They are in the same inimical attitude. In fact the Mahabalipuram asuras seem to have been copied from these. 127 Mdhabhdrata, Aranyaka Parva, 14311-15, 14402, 14368-86 ; 14423-38 ; 14520 14627 ; Salya Parva 2455-61. 2498, 2523, 090-94 ; Santi Parva CCLXXXI-CCLXXXII; Anusasana Parva, 4212-14 ; Mdtsya Purdna CLIII-CLX; Skanda Purdna, XX-XXIX; Katha Sarit Sdgara, (Tav/ney’s ed.), I. p. 5 ; II, p. 102. Venkatakrishna Rao, “The Qanapati Cult”, Q.J.M.S., XLI, p. 99, m "tAMiL GULTXJR]^ as TdrakaruSubrakmanya he is shown riding on a peacock hold¬ ing the vajra and the sakti. There is a remarkable specimen of this image at Aihole, Bijapur District. In connection with these military activities he receives the names of Mahdsena, ‘ great Captain ’ and Tdrakajit, ‘ the slayer of Taraka. * It is undoubtedly on account of this leadership of the hosts of heaven that Kumara is also called the leader or the lord of the ganas, the attendants to his father Siva. Hence the title of Ganapati was also born by Kumara. When the ganas were defeated by Arjuiia, Skanda is depicted addressing them as his subjects, enthusing them to fight courageously and not fleeing away from his enemy like cowards. As leader and protector of this army of celestials, whom he hides and shields against the asuras, Skanda is also called Guha. The cult of Subrahmanya seems to have been very old in South India, specially in the Tamil-nadu. He is very often mentioned in Sangam literature, being called the ^‘Red god.” He was especially worshipped in the mountainous region of the Kuravas, whose orgies in his honour are described in the Tirumurugdrruppadai and in the Pattupattu. His main shrine in Palni dates from a very early period. He was not only worshipped by jungle people but also by high class people, as the name of Vijaya Skandavarman, one of the Pallava Kings,' clearly shows. These kings carved his image in the shrines of Mahabalipuram. In an old Pallava relief embedded in the Rajarajesvara Temple of Tanjoi^e there is a unique representation of Kumara. The relief reproduces Bharavi's story of Arjuna's penance. Next to the images of Siva and Parvati on Mount Kailua one sees this couple going Bharavi, Kiratdrjuniya, XV. 13ft For instance in the Kumara Sambhava, Tolkdppiyam, por. 5. cf. Somasundaram Pillai, Paint, pp. 44-47. 133 Pattupattu, I, 220-249. is^ I owe this information to my intimate friend Shri T. N. Rama- chandran, .Joint Director General of Archaeology, whose knowledge of South Indian temples and iconography is unparallelled. I un¬ derstand that a book on Arjuna’s Penance in Tndiani Art by Mr. Ramachandran will soon be published. Kumara seated on the Peacock on a coin of Kumara Gupta I Shanmukha on a coin of the Yaudheyas Courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum, London wv.*.sv.v. AW. ''a Fig. 12 Karttikeya seated on the Peacock and a Naga, with his two wives (Copper Plaque) Indian Historical Research Institute, Bombay^ THE PROBLEM OP GANAPATI 175 to' the forest where Arjuna is performing his tapas. Parvati is, on this occasion, shown holding little Kumara on her right arm. The same composition is repeated next to the field where the fight between Siva and Arjuna takes place. Parvati continues holding Kumara, when witnessing the fight. This attachment between Kumara and Parvati is all the more significant in the growth of Kumara’sm 5 rth, if one considers the unilateral birth of Siva’s son. But his earliest representation and the earliest dedication of a separate temple to Siva’s son was at Kannanur (old Pudukkottai State), which belongs to the early Cola period. Not less known was Skanda in northern India in ancient times. Patanjali mentins Siva and Skanda. Numismatic evidence declares him as a popular deity in the beginning of the Christian era. One silver coin of the Yaudheyas, of the 2nd century A. D., (Fig. 10) bears his six-headed, image, holding a-long spear in his right hand, the left resting on the hip. The inscription say^ : “Of Brahmanya (a name of Karttikeya) the divine lord of the Yaudheyas’’. Another inscription says : “ Of Kumara, the divine Lord Brahmanya- deva”.^^® The country of the Yaudheyas was called Rohitoka. This country of Rohitoka was said to be especially favoured by Karttikeya. A seal of Maharaj a Gautamiputra who had conquered the Vindhyas, avers that he “had made over his kingdom to the great lord Karttikeya ”. The Gupta family was apparently much devoted to this son of Siva, as among the six great imperial Guptas, three bear names of this God, two Kumara Guptas and one Skanda Gupta. One of the former in one of his inscriptions mentions a temple of Swdmi Mahdseria (another denomination of Skanda) to which a. grant had been made. Even a thief is spoken of by the W3 Soundrarajan^ ‘‘ The Joint Development of the Early Tamils ”, Journal of Indian History, XXXI (1953), p. 255. Patanjali, On Pdrtini, V. 3, 99. ^37 Banerjea, The Development of Hindu Iconography, pp. 154-160. 738 Allan, Catalogue of Coins of Ancient India, pis. CXLIX, CL. i3s» Mahahharata, Aranyaka Parva, 1442. 7*0 Banerjea, op. cit, p. 156. 141 pieet, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, III, pp. 44-45. 176 TAMIL CCJLTURE name of Sarvilaka who used to invoke the blessings of Skanda before beginning the work of his profession. Kumara Gupta I’s coins bear the image of Kumara seated on the peacock on the reverse. (Fig. 11) Finally the famous Mahdkavya of Kalidasa, the Kumara Sambham, which poetically narrates the birth of Skanda, and the Skanda Purdna highly testify to the veneration of this son of Siva in northern India. In particular, according to Kalidasa, Guha seems to have been the only son of Parvati (sic), certainly the first.A very famous stele, owned by the Bharata. Kala Bhavan of Banaras, is a further iconographical evidence of this venera¬ tion. (Fig. 12) Skanda is shown in the mahdrdjalila pose, seated upon his vahana, the peacock, whose tail, spread be¬ hind the god, forms a sort of prabhdvali for the figure. Skanda has the sula or javelin in his left hand, while the right one holds a fruit, which looks like a pomegranate. The peacock, resting on the ground, wants to eat the sweet grains of the fiuit. Skanda is shown wearing a low but ornate headgear, large circular earings that come down upon his shoulders, and a rich necklace out of which two decorative tusks and a cakra are pending. The face of the god is youthful, peaceful and very pleasmg. And yet at a later period all devotion of northern India to- Skanda or Karttikeya died out. In some places it is surrounded with a certain superstitious fear. In the Bombay State no woman whose husband is alive would ever visit a temple of Karttikeya Swdmi. “ In Bengal it is stated that the. temple of Subrahmanya is favoured by disreputable wo¬ men on certain. occasions for favour peculiar to their inte- r^t ”, P® Thus Skanda is now almost exclusively a South :: x Sudraka, Mrccha Katika III, 14, 1. This very thief calls all thieves “Skanda putras,“ “the children of Skanda.” (Ill, 12, 2). One wonders why Skanda is made the patron of thieves. The oldest ms. of the Skanda Parana has been found in Nepal. . It is in Gupta script of the 7th cent. Cf. Wintemitz. History of Sanskrit Literature, I, p, 71, n. I. Kaiid^a, Kumara Sambhava, V,14. Gopinatha Rao, Elements of Hindu Iconography, II, pt. 2, p. 415. Mahadeva, “Lord Subrahmanya: His Many Names,” The Hindu Organ (Jafftia, Ceylon), 1937, April 13, p. 1. Fig. 13 Kiratarjuniya Panels in the Second Gopuram of the Brihadisvara-Tempie, Tanjore (Parvati holding Skanda in her arms is seen in the middle and last row) Copyright, Archaeological Survey of India. Fig. 14 Skanda on his Peacock r ourtcsv of the Bharuta Kala Bhovnn, Batiaras THE PROBLEM OF GANAPATI 177 Indian deity. “ There is not a village, however small, which does not possess a shrine for Subrahmanya. He is, in fact, adored at times as the supreme God, “ the all pervading spirit of the Universe, the Essence from which all things are evolved, by which they are sustained and into which they are involved. What a contrast with the indifference of northern India ! VI THE APPEARANCE AND DEVELOPMENT OF GANAPATI But we have now to account for another element in the worship of the Son of God ; for in the historical period of India, both in epics and Puranas, Siva is supposed to have two sons, Ganesa and Karttikeya. That is the great problem, which we have to solve. Who is Ganapati and where does he come from ? A few very early facts of what we may call the pre- histpry .of Ganesa may help us to find the final solution to this problem. Some names of Ganapati are heard in the literary history of India before he actually appears in our great sub-continent. It appears for the first time in the Rgveda. Brahmanaspati is given the title of Ganapati, ‘'the lord of the Ganas, ” gandndm tvd ganapatim kavdmahe, the latter forming the host of demigods, which were later, on supposed to be the attendants of Siva. Brahma or Brahmanaspati is naturally proclaimed their lord and king from very early 14T Ibid. Somasundaram Pillai, Palni p. 32, n. 1. Among the Grama-Devatas or village deities of South India there is one called Ayanar, who also claims to be the son of Siva and of Visnu, under the form of Mohini. Accordingly he is called Hariharaputra. Though he seems to be an old indigenous deity, some characteristics are typical of Murugan. He has a trddent upon his head always. He is supposed to be a soldier Nallasevaga, but he also uses a stick only used by ascetics. Rgveda, II, 23, 1. TAMIL CULTURE 178 days*. ' In tJie same way Indra is also called * Ganapati among the Yet the title migrates to indicate Siva at a later period, for in the epic Siva is styled Ganesa and Ganes- vana, (“the lord of the Ganas.”)• By an extraordinary antithesis the other name is attach¬ ed to four demons by the name Vinayaka, malignant beings who created obstacles and difficulties, but who were easily propitiated. Puranic literature of a much later period ex¬ plains that the group of four Vinayakas was merged into one definite god whom Rudra constituted the “Leader of the Ganas, ” Ganapati. Was this Ganapati — Vinayaka al¬ ready .endowed with the elephantine face as in the later icons ? It seems so, for in the Taittinya Aranygka there is a mystical prayer addressed to a god called Danttn, “ the one of the tusk, ” who, is said to possess a twisted trunk (vakratunda) and who bolds a corn-sheaf, a sugar cane and a club.^®^ The description is so characteristic of Ganapati, that we cannot resist to accept his full identification with this Vedic Dantin, a name which is also given to him in the historical period, After this reference, a decorative frieze round the Kantaka Cetinga stupa, near Mihintale, in Ceylon (a monument which is mentioned in inscriptions - of the 1st and 2nd centuries) depicts a double procession of dwarfish ganas, carrying gifts, converging to a central point, wherein there is. another dwarfish figure with the face of an elephant, with his trunk turned to the left, as most of his images of a later period are.'®® This undoubtedly is the Ganapati — Vinayaka having a vakratunda, of the Taittinya Aranyaka. In the Smrti of Yajnavalkya, written in the 6th century, he is definitely mentioned as a demon exalted to the rank of a deva ; but Ibid., X, 112, 0, Aitareya BrShmana, I, 21. Bhandarkar, Vaisnavism, Saivism and other Minor Sects, gp. 147-8. iM Ibid., p. 148. XB4 • Toittiriya Aranydica, X, 1, 5. iw Getiy, Ganesa. A Monograph on the ElephardrSaced God, p.' 25, pi. 22, c. iM Bhandarkar, op. cit.* p. 148. THE PROBLEM OF GAHAPATI 170 he is not described as elephant-headed till the eight century. This is a veiy humble origin of the great Ganapati. As leader of ganas, he was supposed to be an aspect of Siva and he appears as distinct from Siva, endowed with divine qualities, in the introduction to the north India recension of the Mahdbhdrata. In this work Siva himself is named as Ganesdna, thus still showing his connections with our Ganesa. Accordingly in the rock-cut temples of Aihole, which are supposed to be some of the oldest Of India, he is 'shown as an attendant of Siva.This lowly origin of Ganesa is corroborated by this statement attributed to Manu: “Sambhu (Siva) is the god of the Brahmans, while Ganesa is the god of the Sudras. ” Considering all these points Miss Getty is led to aflfirm that he “seems only to have been known to the uneducated classes up to the sixth century ”, But precisely in this century, during the Gupta period, the first image of Ganesa appears in India, and that with very remarkable features. The image was discovered at Bhumara, a village in the old Nagaudh State, in Madhya Pradesh, and is now in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Three of his hands hold the axe, his broken tusk and a modaka (or cake), the fourth being round the safcti (his fingers ap¬ pear touching her left breast). The most extraordinary feature is the safcti or devi, seated on the left thigh of Ganapati. She .offers him a bowl of ladhus (sweets), which he takes with his trunk. " The right upper corner of the stone behind the image is broken, but on ^e opposite side one sees a gam, which image .makes one think that the sculptor still wanted to.emphasize the fact that this god.was the “Lord, of gatm WT Ibid., p. 179. iw Getiy, op. HU, p. 2. . iw Ibid., p. 28. ■ ^*0 Hopkio^ Religions of India, p. 487. Getty, op. cit., p. 2. 1*2 Coonaaraswamy, “ The Origin and use of Images in India^ '* Inter¬ national iStudio, 1929 (b^), 23. ISO TAMIL CtJLTUE^ This image discloses an extraordinary development round Ganapati not only in the sphere of art, but in the very world of religious speculations. The appearance of his saktl oil this occasion clearly suggests the existence of other images and texts concerning Ganesa, which have not come down to us up to now. It was precisely at about the same time or a little earlier than the sect of the Ganapatyas arose in Northern India, though they came into evidence only in the 10th century with the appearance of the book Sankaradigvijaya, written by one Anandatirtha, which discloses the history and tenets of the sect. It was undoubtedly this sect that gave an extra¬ ordinary impulse to the cult of Ganapati in Northern India. The Ganapatyas worshipped Ganesa, as the “Lord of the Universe ” with the exclusion of all other gods, even Siva himself. Such was one of their prayers: “ Praise be to thee, Ganapati. “Thou art the visible Reality. Thou art the Creator, the Preserver, the Destroyer, the Supreme Brahma, the ■ spirit Manifest. The universe is born from thee. The Uriiverse is manifest in thee : earth, water, fire, air and ether. Thou art Brahma, thou art Visnu, thou art Rudra. Thou art superior to the Trimurti. “ Om ! Praise be to thee, Ganapati The Ganapatyas worshipped the saktl of Ganapati as well as his linga ; some phalic images of this god connected with his saktl, which will be mentioned later, may be the product of this double additional cult. Even after the division of the sect into six sub-sects, all acknowledged Ganapati as ,the First Cause “through whose may a, Siva and the other gods were created.” Accordingly they worshipped him endowed with ten pairs of arms and holding his saktl, styling him Paramatma (Supreme Spirit) and Mahdganapati.^^^ (Fig. 15.) Ganesa, being thus the supreme in the Indian pantheon, could reduce all other gods to nothingness. The Ganesa '163 Sankaradigvijaya, pp. 106 ff. (Bibl. Ind.,Calcutta, 1868). l«4 Colebrooke, Miscellaneous Essays, I, 212 (London, 1837). 7 Dancing Ganapati Indian Historical Research Institute, Bombay. Fig. 18 Nataraja with Ganapati learning his Father’s Dance (Aihole, 6th cent.) Copyright, Archaeological Survey of India. THE PROBLEM OF GANAPATI 131 l^urdna relates that he once granted Tl'ipurasura to conquer tho three worlds. Accordingly he conquered Brahma and yisnu ; when he requested Siva to descend from Mount Kai- lasa, he was not obeyed immediately. Instead Siva, accom¬ panied by Bralima and Visnu appeared to Ganesa to save them from utter distruction. They finally succeeded owing to Siva's faith in Ganesa’s power. It was doubtlessly the influence of this sect that intro¬ duced Ganapati and his myths into the Puranas, which were finally redacted all along this period. The Brahmavaivarta Purdna contains many stories about him {Ganesa Khanda)}^^ The Agni Purdna speaks of his cult (Ch. 71). The Vamana Pwrdna narrates the origin of the god. The Vardha Purdna refers likewise to his birth. In some recensions of the Srsti Khanda of the Padma Purdna there is also much about the cult of Ganesa. The Garuda Purdna includes him among the five gods whose rules of worship are declared, viz. Visnu, Siva, Durga, Surya and Ganesa. Needless to say that the Ganesa Purdna is fully a fruit of the spirit of the Ganapatyas. Siva is introduced in it as waiting on Ganesa with the most austere devotioji for a stretch of ten years and thereby winning from him the boon of victory over the demon Tripurasura. The influence of the ideas of the Ganapatyas was so great that they made him, as it were, at home in every other sect, combining him with almost all other gods, so that now “ all sects unite in claiming him as their own ”. Thus Saktism adopted Ganesa as their especial deity with the exclusion of all other gods even of Siva and Parvati.^®® We have seen how Ganesa appears with his sakti even in the first image we have of this god. In EUora there is a figure Ct. JMAJS,, VIII, (1845), pp. 319-323. 166 c£^ Wilson, Essays on Sanskrit Literature, J, pp. 103-106. A very good amlysis of this Upapurdna may be seen in Stevenson, “Analysis of the Ganesa Parana”, JMA.S., 1846, pp. 319-329. Srikanta Iyer, “The Popular View of Ganesa in Madras,” Indian Antiquary, XXX, p. 255. 166 Cf. Getty, Ganesa, p. 20. m TAMIL CttLTUEJJ of Uma (Parvati), having four hands, in the upper pair of which she balances a small statue of Ganesa in one and a hnffa, in the other, thus equating Siva and Ganapati. At Bhera-ghat, near Jubbulpore, there is a temple where there is a female form of Ganesa, a Ganesani, whose left bent leg IB supported by a small Ganesa, half kneeling underneath. I'his is the only image of a female counterpart of Ganesa in the whole of India ; but female forms of Ganesa are known in Tibet.”* The sakti accompanying some of the images of Ganesa is at times called Lakshmi, thus showing this god invading the boundaries of Vaisnavism. Such is the eight-handed Ganapati accompanied by Lakshmi, which is found m the Visvanatha- svamin temple of Tenkasi in the Tinmelveli District. More clearly Vaisnava is still a pre-Angkorian figure of a standing Ganesa in Cambodia, whose two upper hands hold the cakra and the sankha of Visnu. Our little god is also much at home in Krsnaism. The Brahmavaivarta Purdna equates Ganesa with Krsna himself originally in the human form. Accordingly in the Ganesa Khanda^ Radha, Krsna’s wife, is being depicted adoring Ganesa. In the spirit of this identification a Ganesa Gita was likewise produced, which is not different from the Bhagvad Gita, the name of Ganesa being only substituted for that of Krsna. Consequently it is not strange to find icons of Bala Ganesa crawling in the same way as Bala Krsna, or deno¬ minations as Navanita Ganesa, which has given foundation to one of the subsects of the Ganapatyas. Ganapati is also being worshipped by some Jainas of Gujerat in some rock temples. The Museum of our Indian iTO Burgess, Report on the EUira Cave Temples, pt XXX. fig. 2. m Getly, op. ctt.; p. 40. ^7* Ibid; p. 43. ITS 50^ pl^ 250. 7^74 cfr. Wilson, Essays on Sanskrit lAterature, I, p. 117. 175 Monier^lH^pUianis, Indian Wisdom, p. 139 (London, 1879). 176 Qetty, op. dt., p. 8 and pi. 15 b. THE PROBLEM OF GANAPATI 183 Historical Research Institute possesses a few metal images of Ganesa which came from pUces of Jaina worship, among them one of Maha-Ganapati with his saktl, of which the Museum is rightly proud. (See Fig. 15). These Jaina images have their prabhdvalis always crowned by a kalasa. . The cult of Ganesa has especially been spread by the Buddhists. Their devotion is founded upon a mystic mantra, called the GanapaUhrdaya, (“ the heart of Ganapati ”), which was supposed to have been given to Ananda by the Buddha himself, but who^ origin is evidently much later. The mantra in question contains an invocation to be used at the time of the dedication of a status of a dancing Ganesa, endowed with three eyes. Ganesa being thus officially, though surreptitiously introduced into Mahaynna Buddhism, it is not strange to find his images ornate with Buddhist charac- ^stics ; one of CJhampa has the usnisa or skull protuberance (one of the mahdpurusa-laksanas adopted by the Bud¬ dhists) ; in another Ganesa is seated in padmdsana, as seen in statues of Gautama ; a third one depicts him in hhumispa^samudrd, so often reproduced in the figures of the Buddha. „ • The cult of Ganapati travelled on Si Mahavana Buddhist ticket to very far foreign lands. Burma, S’am, CSiampa. Cam¬ bodia,-Nepal, Tibet, C^iinese Turkestan, Khotan, China, Mon¬ golia and Japan admitted Ganesa into their pantheon, spread his cult throughout and created new artistic manifestations of his in sculpture and painting. How deeply did Ganapati go into the heart of the people the following legend will show. Before the. birth of the Tibetan saintly missionary P*ags-pa, who carried Mahayana Buddhism to Mongolia and converted Emperor Kublai Khan to the new faith, in the 13th century, Ibid., p. 29. «« rbid., p. 23. Mitra, The Nepalese Buddhist Literature, p. 89-90; Bhattachars^ya, Indian Buddhist Iconography, pp. 157-158. (London, 1924). 180 Getty, op. cit., p. 52 and pi. 24 b. Ibid., Ibid., p. 53 and pi. 24 b. Cf, Ibid., pp. 37-54; 67-87 end pis, 24-39. 184 TAMIL CULTURE it is said that his father invoked the assistance of Ganesa' The latter appeared to him, took him up with his trunk and carried him to the top of Mount Meru and showing him the country of Mongolia, announced to him : “ Thy son will subjugate this whole country. This successful intrusion of Ganapati into the Buddhist' pantheon, provoked nevertheless a reaction. He was finally shown as a demon under the feet of other deities. In Nepal he appears trodden by Vighndntaka, the “ Destroyer of obstacles. ” The irony of fate ! It was Ganapati’s own title ! In Nepal and Tibet he is shown under the feet of goddess Apardjitd, who is consequently styled Ganapati- . sgmdkrantd, “she who tramples on Ganapati.”^®® Again in Tibet he is also depicted under the feet of the black Manjum, the Tibetan god of wisdom possessing three eyes, again a title.and endowment which appertained to Ganesa himself. Once more in Tibet he is shown under the feet of Mahdkdla Who crushes h’m “ as the Hindu demon Vinayaka, ” thus finally coming back to the original state of his existence. This was a crushing defeat for the little elephantine god who knew only of successes in his daring career. Yet these were not the only foreign lands visited by him. On the ships of the Hindu merchants and settlers he voyaged to die far off islands of Indonesia, Java, Borneo and Bali, v/here he was also worshipped by the Buddhist. Some of Ganesa’s images of Java, both in stone and in bronze, are among the most ornamented icons of this god.'®®. If Ganapati has been so successful even in the realm of other religious sects, it is no wonder that he should have thriven within his own Saiva sect. His attempts at conquer- Griinwedel, Mythologie des Buddhismus, pp. 64-65. (Lupzig, 1900). Gefpr, op' cif., "p. 43 and pL 43 a and b. 188 Ibid., pp. 8 and 43. njid., p. 44. Ibid., p. 42; i8» Ibid., pp. 55-66 and pis. 29-34, THE PROBLEM OF GANAPATI 18$ ihg the highest post in Saivii^, by supplanting his suppose father, are clear to the student of Hindu iconography. He haa, little by little, adopted all the characteristics of Siva making them his own. Uchchhista Ganapati is shown with the urdhva lingd, *®® as some of the images of An (the proto¬ type of Siva in tiie Indus Valley) and some of the Bengali images of Siva are represented. Siva*s third eye on the forehead app)ears in many statues of Ganapati : Uchchhista Ganapati,Haridrd Ganapati,Laksmi Ganapati,^^^ Tantrio images, Nepalese images a;nd a recently discovered image at Pahaapur, Bengal. We have also some in our Indian Historical Research Institute museum. Siva is depicted with three faces as Mahesamurti; Ganesa is shown in IncHa with two'faces in icons of Ganapati Jayatiti ; and with three faces in Japan. More common are, especially in Nepal, the images of Heramha Ganapati having five heads, four facing the four cardinal points and a fifth one on top. This is precisely the very way how the five heads of Sadasiva are ranged, or at times the other way about, displaying four faces directed to the four'cardinal points' on a sort of hair-knot upon’the head. Heramba Ganapati is usually riding on a lion, which he seems to have borrowed from Parvati. ' (Fig. 16) ' Yet very far from' Nepal in Tiruvannaikkaval, Tirudiirapalli District^ a five headed Ganapati, called Pancamukhi Ganapati^ is being worshipped; He is represented without a vehiele. We have already seen how Ganapati is very ^of ten represented with his sakti in the same way as Siva Like Siva he-is-at Gopinatha Kao, Elements of Hindu Iconography, I, *1 pt. p. 58. See . one in the Nagesvaraswamin temple, Kmnbakonam. , . ... tsi Battasali. Iconography of Buddhist and Brahmanical Sculptures, pis. XLV, XLVI, XLDC (a) and L (1). ^•2 Gopinatha Kao, loc. ciL, Getiy, op. cit., p. 16. w* Ibid, p. 38. m IWd,^;. 59. i«« Ibid., p. 53. Dikshit, Excavations at Paharpur in Bengal (M. of the A. S. I.).; No. 55, p. 40, pi. XXXn d. Getfy, op. cit, p. 14. Ibid,, pp. 14-15. =0® Ibid, pp. 39-40. m TAMIL CULTURE times wearing a jatd~mukuta, viz. made with his own hair. Not a few images of Ganesa both in India and abroad, in Nepal jand Tibet, display him dancing in the same way as Siva when dancing the Tdndava. He is, as such, styled Nrtta- Ganapati. (Fig. 17) The museum of the Indian Historical Research Institute possesses five of these images. The dance of Ganesa is totally different from the dance of Krsna, in his Venugopal images. Ganapati stands on one leg as Siva does. Outside one of the Siva rock-cut temples of Badami, of the time of Pulikesi I, one of the earliest rock-cut temples of India, (Fig 18) there is a small figure of Ganapati, shown in a slightly dancing pose, as . if he were learning how to dance from his supposed father. In fact the dance of Gana¬ pati is Siva’s dance. Finallv in the same way as Siva is at times represented nude (Bhairava, Biksanamurti, linga of Gudimallam, etc.), Ganapati is also shown nude. As regards apparel, Ganesa is also given the jewel head- dreas of Siva, as well as the erpacput: wh?le his hands hold Siva’s symbols, the trident, the nnkusa and the rosary. In Nepal and Tibet, some images of HsTiesa carry the dntd- Tnani, or svmbol of the germ of life. whose significance is not very dissimilar from the meaning of the Unna. In Jaya there is a statue of Ganesa that holds a small Nandi, the ydhana of Siva. His hips are in India at times covered with s tiger skin, which is very dear to Siva in his role as a yooin. Many images of Ganapati found in Java are ornamented with skulls,^®* which is one of the symbols of Siva as the Destroyer. Just as Siva usually has the Nandi, his vdhana, m front of his temples, Ganapati also has temples with the *01 JMd., pp. 57. *0* Ibid., pp. 38 and 45. *03 Banerji, The Haiheyas of THpuri, (M. of the A. S. No. 23); pL XXXIV; Getty, op. ctt., p. 19. *o< Getty, op. cif., pp. 39-40,- 57; *08 Ibid., *00 Ibid., p. 19. *0T IWd.,p, 57. *03 pp. 40 and 57, pis. 30 a and 34 a and petssim. •vXs V^V Fig. 19 Ganapati on his Vahana, the Rat Indian Hislorical Research Institute, Bombay. Fig> 21 Sivapanchayatan with Ganapati, a Naga, Anna Puma, Bala Krsr and Siva’s Linga with the Nandi Indian Historical Research Institute, Bomba Fig, 22 Siva and Parvati with Ganapati and Shanmukha (Marble sculpture) Indian Historical Research Institute, Bombay, Fig. 23 Sasivikallu Ganesa from Vijayanagara, Hampi opyright, Archaeological Survey of India. the problem of GAHAPATt 1S7 rat in front of the entrance door. (Fig. 19) Miss Getty finally affirms in this connection : “ In all countries, where he has been worshipped, images of. Ganesa have been found in which he is identified with his father Siva. ” He is also supposed to be a transformation of Bhairava.^^® Like Siva, Ganapati also is proclaimed to be the “ Protector of Cow¬ herds”. Popular worship impersonates him in a shape¬ less stone, called svayambhu murtl, in the same way as Siva himself. Needless to say that the cult of Ganesa spread parallelly to the cult of Siva all over India. In South India, in all the Saiva temples there is a shrine dedicated to Ganesa. The largest of all these temples is at Tiruchirapalli. It is called Ucchipillayar KdvU. It comprises the whole area of the famous rock in the centre of the city, and the main shrine dedicated to the elephant god is on the summit of the rock. In Malabar there are special shrines where special sacrifices are offered to Vinayaka for the prosperity of the country. They are called Ganapati Homos. Occasionally much greater celebrations are being held at a great cost, which are called Maha-Ganapati Hovias, “great sacrifices of Ganapati”.*^® The largest images of Ganapati are found in South India in the neighbourhood of Hampi. They belonged to the old city of Vijayanagara. One of them 20 feet high, called Kadalaikallu “ the grain-of-gram stone ” is enshrined within a beautiful Dravidian temple of almost classical appearance. In its vicinity stands the other, also ironically called Sdsimkallu, “the mustard-seed stone. ” (Fig. 23) It is a monolith 30 feet high, which could not be enclosed within a temple. It is only covered by a several-plain-pillared mandapam. Both are on the saddle of the rocky hill overhanging the Pampapati temple of 208 Ibid., p. 40. 210 ibid., p. 13. 211 yogel, Indian Serpent LorCt p. 253.; Getty, op. cit., p. 32. 212 Srikarrta Iyer, “ The Popular view of Ganesa in Madras, ** Indian Antiquary, XXX, p. 255. 213 Trovancore State Mannual, II, p. 51 (1906). 214 Ldnghurst, Hampi Ruins, pp. 97-88. Ida TAMIL cDi/rmiB Honipi. Among the temples of Northi India we may mention one of Banaras- called Sakhi Vinayak, which is the 'last temple visited by the pilgrims who go to the sacred Ijrty. It Was built by a Maratha in 1770.*“ But the most famous temple of Ganesa in northern India is at Chinchvad, near Poona, where a kind of living incarnation of Ganesa dwells. The dimity is hereditary in the family for the last three hundred years. The importance of Ganapati in the Saiva temples is evident from the fact that his images are often catved on the dedicatory block and above it at the entrance to the shriiies of Siva, thus Ganapati becoming like the guard at the entrance of his supposed father^s house. i:p1g, 20); It is not only this public cult, but even the private per¬ sonal devotion to this god that discloses the influence he has exercised in modem Hindu minds. In South India he is invoked the first of all’ the gods at the morning ablution^ and again at noon and at night before going to sleep.”* Ganesa is the god whom the pious Hindu “invokes when he begins afll sacrifices and religious ceremonies,” feays a Hiridu author, “ all addresses even to superior gods, aU serious compc^tions in writing and all worldly affairs of moment”.*^ Every morchant,” says another author, “ enters on his busi¬ ness after first propitiating this deity. In marriages and in T» Kl. ■ —-=>-• . ■ ' ' . Greav^, KasM, the City niustrUms, or Benares, pp. 63, 81, 84,’ , . (Benares, 1909).. Ppo^ Gaz^eet, m, (1885), pp. 125-127. Getty, op. ciUf pp. 31 and 42. Actually Ganesa is found as Dvlbra- pala at the entrasice of Buddbist monasteries in N^ial. Getty', op. cit, p. 40j and above the main entrance to Buddhist and Brahmanic temples .in Tibet. Ibid., p. 42. In Halebidu. Mysore, his image .is ^ s^ 'just outside the entrance to the Hoysalesvara ten^le to the left. - ' ' *1* Getty, op. cifc, p. 23. »» Gopinatha Rao, Elements of Hindu Iconography, I, pt 1, p,. 46, THE PROBLEM OF GANAPAOi 189 every kind of religjoue ceremonies Gsnesfl is the first god wboee help is mvcdced”.“® In the month of September the feast of Ganesa is ce¬ lebrated through the country, as an official feast even with the honours of a ^ Bank Holiday/ In the South, it is caUed Vinayacavuti ; in the north Ganesa Cathurti. Clay or mud ima^s of the god are installed in the houses and adwed and feasted with merriment and joy. After that the image is immersed into the sea, tank or river. In the South the domestic feast lasts one day only. In Maharastra, several days, up to a fortnight. The preaching of the great Indian leader Shri Bal Gangadhar Tilak made this feast very popular in the whole of Maharastra. Thus now Ganesa is worshipped in company of the great deities Visnu, Siva, Parvati and Aditya (the sun), symbol of Brahma. His image is not uncommonly found in the so-cadled Sivapanchayatans,. little altars of adoration for the house¬ hold (something like the old Penates for the Romans). (Fig. 21) When Ganesa is chosen as the main household god he is placed in the centre of the altar, Visnu to his right, Siva to his left, Parvati to the right of, or in front of, Visnu and Aditya to the left of, ot in front, of Siva. Ganesa has finally become " the moat popular of all the domestic deities of India ”.221 A modem Hindu writer pro- anta Iyer, «The Popular view of Ganesa in Madras,” fndian ^iquary, XXX. p. 255. This author gives a levir specimens of prayere. ^dressedt to Ganesa. This, is one : “ Who ridesi on the rat, who has a modak in his hand, whose ears are uir^ fly-wisks who wears a long sacred thread, who is dwarfish in sue. who i^ the son of Siva, who dispels difficulties, salutation to his feet.” nfid., p. 255. This is another prayer of a Brahman boy: “ The eiephantrfaced’ god who is accompanied by the group of beings wha eata^ exc^eot fruits like the fcopito and gwaba^ the son of Uma who destroys misery. I salute the lotus of the Lord of diffl- cnltie*” (Vinayako^r Ibid. As may be easily seen there are no theological conceptions at all in the wording of-such prayers. 221 Srikanta Iyer, “The Popular view of Ganesa in-Mhdras.*’ Tndian Antiquary, XXX, p. 255. 190 TAMIL CtlLTIiRIi* claims him as “ the Primordiai essence ; the absolute supreme principle by which the wlhole universe is regulated is named Ganapati... The supreme being who protects the collection of all things is Ganapati. The leader of angels and other such beings is also called Ganapati.... He who presides over the assemblance of the transcendental and perceptible ele¬ ments is Ganapati... He who rules over all the aspects of Brahma, whether manifest or unmanifest, is Ganapati”. VII SKANDA AND GANESA And what were in the meantime the relations between Ganapati and his supposed brother Kumara, Karttikeya, bkanda or Subrahmanya ? Purposely we have avoided speak¬ ing of this subject in the preceding pages to study the ques¬ tion here as thoroughly as possible. This second son of God who appears in the puranic and epic period seems to be, let us put it clearly, an intruder- How does he behave with •the real son of God ? That is the question. The study of Saiva myth and art will disclose many interesting revelations. Miss Alice Getty after the study of numerous images of Ganesa, both, in painting and sculpture, draw's this final con¬ clusion :— “ Parvati holding the child Ganesa on her lap is practically never found either in stone sculptures or in Kangra minia¬ tures, for although Ganesa and Karttikeya were often re¬ presented with Parvati, it is invariably Karttikeya who is seated on her lap while Ganesa is playing beside her”.^* This is the relative position of the tw'o brothers in two Kangra paintings of the Indian Museum, London, which are -worth a detailed study. In both Karttikeya as Shen the other hand_represents the ap¬ peal to the spiritual force in the course of the soul towards Uberation”.”* % The fact is that in Northern India, Skanda, Kumara or Karttikeya is absolutely overlooked in the religious life of the people. For the majority of the people Siva (baa only one son and that is Ganesa or Ganapati. Accordingly he receives the titles of Sivaputra, Sambhutanya and Sambhusuta: Two specimens of the Museum of our Indian Historical Research Institute ^ow Ganapati in this last stage of hb successful career. (Fig. 29) One is a copper image of a four¬ armed Siva, coming from the southern Maratha country.. It' is dated 18th century. The two upper hands of the god hold the trident and the damaru (drum). With the other two hands he embraces Parvatl to his left and Ganesa to his ri^t, who are thus seated on his legs. The other specimens is a very modem oue. (Fig. 28) It is a group, in ivory imitating the statues of the Hoysala school of sculpture representing Siva, Parvatl and Ganapati dancing. It has been carved by Shri Anandu Manjanath Shetty, a teacher of the Sir J. J. Jeejibhoi School of Art, Bombay. i . W'e have been studying the sudden rise of Ganesa in the Indian pantheon, his early humble appearance, his daring attempts against Skanda, his final ousting him from popular H^du mind and worship. His whole career is a great mystery which we shall try to unravel in the following pages. Perhaps the secret of this mystery had to be coimted amongst those which could not be pronounced in front of Ganesa and Skieinda .themselves, as narrated in the Mahanirvdna-txintroL Parvatl ^ Herbert, Ganesa, prSeSdi d’une 4tude stir Diets ehez Us HUndtss, p. 23. (Lyon. 1946.) TAm- much ti:oubl^ with doubts aud luiud obsoority once ap> proached Siva and said : " Who dse but thee, O Lord of the three Worlds, is able to solve these doubts of mine ? Thou who knowest all” Siva then replied : ‘*,What is that thou sayest, 0 Great Wise one and Beloved of my heart ? I will tell you anything, be it ever so bound in mystery^ even that which diould not be said before Ganesa and Skanda. The Skanda-Purdna reveals the deep feeling of the votaries of Skanda against the growing cult of Ganes£^ whsi it depicts the crowds of unworthy people, 8udra9 and bar¬ barians worshipping Siva at Soninath in order to attain to the heavens of the devas. The minor deities headed by Indra protested to Mahesvara. 'The latter then weated Vinayaka, the “Lord of Obstacles” to impede those low people to enter heaven. VIII THE STORY OF GANESA'S ORIGINS Several theories have been advanced to explain the origin of Ganesa, as he is the only animal-headed god in the Indian Pantheon.**® It h^ been supposed, that Ganesa is a Yaksa, one of the! attending on Kuv^.. ft is. mostly admitted, that the lower part of his thick-set lx)dy'may he the body of a yaksa ***; but ast a whole Ganesa is not a yaksa in the least: none of his names are found on yaksa 'liste, nor is he associated with yaksas in. any puranio myths*** 289 Axolan,. The Great hiberotioji, (Sieccfad, p. 5 (JSIadrasi 19220 The: animal avatdras of Virau, Fisb, Toxioiae, Boar,. I4on., ar»= of . a different character. They are only manifestations of God. The •uohajxas are not sods-. CpomaraswaixjR Yaksa,. Fart 1,. pp. T-14; 2« Deb, “The Durga Pooga: a Federation of Divinitiesi,” Cttictttto Municipal Cazzette, 1932, October. 248 Getty, op. cit.,' p. 13. p. 271 THE PROBLEM OP OANAPATI IW / / Miss Getty is inclined to believe that “he was primarily the totem of a Dravidan tribe ”, ^ 'But there is no evid^oe concerning the existence or such totem. There certainly existed in India the-^tribe of the Odjas or Kasas, who vay likely had an elephant as their Idncana, but there was never a composite idncana partly human and partly animal, re¬ sembling the figure of the elephant god. Similarly it has been said that he originally belonged to an animal cult. And Miss Getty seems to like the theory “since his image is found in Hindu temples worshipped in company with the animal avatars of Visnu But there is no clear evidence of any animal worship in ancient India. The very serpents were never worshipped, but propitiated only. Some authors believe that Ganesa was originally “a Dravidian deity worshipped by the aboriginal populations of India .*** We must say first of all that the so-called aboriginal populations of India are different from the Dravidians. There is certainly not the least evidence of such a divinity in the Proto-Dravidian cities of the Indus Valley ; nor have anthro¬ pologists ever brought forward such an elephantine god from any aboriginal tribe. A South Indian legend describes him as a demi-god who threw his broken tusk to a giant demon named Gaja- mukhasura; the latter forthwith became a rat which was token by Ganesa as his vdhana, The eiarly stages of the career of Ganapati which were described above show him Ibid., p. 1. The rat, Ganesa’s vahana, seems to have been a totem among the Mundas and othar aboriginal tribes of Qiota Nagpur. Cf. Risley, Tribes and Castes of Bengal, II. p. 113 (1891). Crooke, The Popular Religidn and Folk-lore of Northern India, I, p. 184. 248 Getiy, op. ctt., p. 1. 24» iWd. 280 Jouveau-Dubreuil, Archeologie du Sud de VInde, H, p. 44 (Paris 1914). TAMIL CtLTUBJB) m indcsd in tliis character of deim-god of the legend, but this does not explain his origin in the least. Nor is the opinion of those who call him a “Dravidian Sun-god ” satisfactory. Certainly the Proto Dravidians worship- pea the Sun, but it was identified with An, the Lord, the Proto-type of Siva. Nor had any of the eight forms of An any shape similar to an elephant. Very recently Mr. T. G. Aravamuthan has propounded the theory that thou^ Ganesa as worshipped now is not found in Vedic works he is “ in spirit ” in the very Rgveda, because his powers and names are associated with the Maruts-Rudra- Brhaspati- Indra conceptions.^®^ Yet his argumentation is faulty, because since Ganapati w‘as admitted to the Hindu pan¬ theon, he naturally was in the course of time given different powers which were conceived as divine powers from very an¬ cient days ; but this is on no account a proof that Ganesa is a very ancient Hindu deity as he affirms. All these opinions about the origin of Ganesa which we have recorded try to explain the beginnings of this puzzling god by facts which are obscure and unknown, as the nature of the yaksas and of the totems, and the prevalence of animal cult in .the aboriginal rites. It is not a satisfactory method. An unsown thing naust be explained by well known facts and clear ideas. Otheiwise the mystery increases and the problem becomes more entangled. We shall follow this method. Of the three names that are given to the son of An (the proto-type of Siva) in the inscriptions of the Indus Valley there is one which, as seen above, doubtlessly identifies him Tsith Skanda = Subrahmanya. That name is Murugatif the oldest Dravidian name of Subrahmanya. But there is another name which is worth- studying while looking into the origins Aravamuthan, “Ganesa: due to a Cult and a Culture^ Journal of Oriental Research, XVm (1949), pp. 226-280, 233. THE PROBLEM OF GANAPATI of Ganesa. Murugati is also called Anil. What is the meaning of this name ? Anil simply means “ the Son of An.” It is a clear con¬ fession of the divine filiation of Murugan. But dne may also mean “elephant,” and the suflfix added to a noun (now il has become in) means “ of. ” Thus dneil would mean “ of the elephant.” This compound word, after the usual vowel eli¬ mination, becomes anil. So the name Anil besides meaning “the son of An” may also mean “of the elephant.” This double meaning of this name seems to have been the origin of Ganapati. That this meaning was understood for some time in connection with Ganesa, the Sanskrit name of this god Gajasya clearly shows. Ga-jasya means “ of the elephant.” It is a perfect translation of anil. This meaning given to the name Anil was the cause of the production of images of the son of An having an elephant's head. Naturally the whole figure could not be an elephant, because' the son of An w'as the son of God, and God was con¬ ceived and represented in human form. The image therefore was the image of a god, in hmnan form, having the face or head of an elephant. A series of names, both in Dravidian and in Sanskrit shows this composite nature of this new pro^ duction. They are al names by which Ganesa is mentioned :- Dravidian ‘. Anaimukavar, “ One with the face of elephant ” f Ndgdnana, “ One having the face of elephant ” Gajdnana Ditto Gajasya Ditto Hastinmalla “ One who has the cheek and temples of an elephant” Gajamukha “ One having the face of an elephant ” Karimukha Ditto Gajavaktra Ditto Gajavadana Ditto This new image adorned with the face of an elephant was Sanskrit not, it is understood, in the beginning, a new son of An, dif¬ ferent from Murugan. It was the same Murugan, the only son of An, with a new appearance, with a new face. Soo TAMIL OTLTUEB This phenomenon of face changing is hinted at in several myths concerning Ganesa. Parvatl, it is said, was in despair for not having had offspring from Siva. After many prayers and sacrifices she heard a voice from heaven which advised h» to betake herself to her appartments where she would find her son. She full of joy ran to her own room where rfie found a beautiful youth whom she and Siva accepted as their son. To commemorate this great event they celebrated a feast to which they invited all the gods. All were admiring the beautiful youth, excepting Sani (Saturn) who had his eyes fixed persistently on the ground. Parvati could not stand this indifference. She bade him gaze upon her son. Hardly had he raised his eyes when the head of the youth was converted into ashes. Great was the consternation in that assembly of gods ; but Visnu, mounting on Garuda, his vdhana, flew to the banks of the river Puspabhadra, where he found an elephant asleep. He cut off his head ; flew back to where the gods were assembled and putting the head on the shoulders of ^e beheaded youth, return him to life. -I. f ■ Another story says that Siva himself cut off the youth’s head while fighting with him not knowing that he was the son of Pm^ati. Then on learning the truth he ordered the devas to cut off the head of the first being they would find near by, which happened to be an elephant, and placing that head oh the headless trunk, Ganesa was produced. A third myth says that after the emanation of this son of Siva from his mind, when Parvati saw him produced with¬ out- her participation, she cursed him; as a result of this curse, the elephant’s face appeared. These three stories clearly show that the god whom we now call Ganesa had originally a man’s head, which was at a later period substituted for the head of an elephant. 2*2 Brahmavaivarta Purana. 258 Siva Purana. 254 Varona Purana, Cf. below, p. 207 'THE PKOBEEM OF GANAPATI Who made this substitution ? or in other words.: Who were the first who produced images of Murugan with the he^ of an elephant ? Besides the so-called aboriginal tribes of India and the Dravidians who appeared at a later period, there was in India an ancient nation of very high civilization, of extra-^ ordinary intcfllectual attainments which we have now to acknowledge as one of the foundations of Indian culture. That is the Naga nation.^*® The Nagas, or Serpents, were spread all over India. A number of tribes are now acknowledged as Naga tribes; the Garudas (hawks), the Makaras (cro¬ codiles) and the Gajas (elephants) undoubtedly belonged to this race. In fact the word naga also means “ elephant in Sanskrit. The idea of giving the head of an elephant to Skanda, the God of War, according to the meaning of the name Anil, is not so extraordinary after all. Th^^lephant ”, says Dr. Gokhale, “ is one of the most celebrated animals in the litera¬ ture of ancient India. His strength, majesty and wisdom, and also his terrible madness are of common reference in literary texts ”. Socially the elephant was considered one of the most useful animals in creation, and even from the, aesthetic point of view the elephant is held as a type of beauty- down to the present. It is not therefore strange that one day was set appart every yeaf* in Ancient India to commemorate all these ex-' cellent qualities of this pachyderm. The feast was called Natti-maha. It was the feast' of the elephant. Accordingly ^ The present writer alter protected studies in that ancient period is now fully convinced that the Nagas were different from the Dravi¬ dians, thou^ they were soon mixed with'them. Naga traditions and recollections are faithfully recoded in the Mahabharata. ^ Mahabharata, Adi Parva, 1235-1303. Cf. Heras, Studies in Proto- Indo-Mediterranean Culture, 1, pp. 361-395. Gtokhale, ‘Some Obscure Cults.” JB£JtJLS^ XXVII, p. a70. Cf. Blochmann, Ain-i-Akhari, I, p. 121. ■ Commentary on the PSli Jataka, No. 455, ^ 1'AMIL CULTURE the four genii wio were supposed to support the heavens had the shape of elephants, creatures of great strength. These four dig-gajas were probably at a later period identified with the four Vindyakas, or demons who created obstacles, about whom we spoke above. In a place called Ghatiyala, 22 miles north of Jodhpur, there is a column on whose top there are four images of Ganapati facing the four quarters of the earth. Evidently they are the four dig-gajas. And yet the inscription engraved on the column opens with an obeisance made to Vinayaka. The four so-called Ganapatis are therefore the four dig-gajas and the four Vinayakas, There was beades the giant-demon caJlled Gajamukhasura, “demon with the face of an elephant,” '^om Ganapati defeated, as seen above. All this elephant mythology was most likely the product of the activity of the Gajas, the Naga tribe of ancient India. It is our considered opinion that the first images of Skanda or Mmugan having the face of an elephant were imagined and produced by sculptors of this tribe. And it was after the production of these images, when they were numerous all round, that some stories about the origin of this elephant god sprang among the people. This Anil or Gajasya was the son of an elephant to whom Parvati had given a potion of her own confection. Parvati claimed the child as her own offspring, and Siva accepted him as a son of P^ati. The popular mind realized that Siva had already Murugan as a son. He could not have another. This elephant-faced boy was declared to be the son of Parvati, and a queer son, at that. Yet this was to admit that AniI=Gajasya was different from Murugan. There were therefore two gods, one the son 25* Epigraphid Indica, IX, pp, 277 flf. (Bhandarkar, Vaisnavism p. 148-9) Althou^ the date ot the inscriptiion is very late, viz 862 AJD^ they fibres and the invocation may chrystalize an earlier idea descended to the people of the 9th century by tradition. 281 Jacobi, ** Brahmanism, ” in Hastings, Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, p. 807, TSaE PHOBljBM 6^ GANApATI m of Siva, the other the son of Parvatl. Yet a new myth pro¬ claimed the new elephant god to be the son of both. Siva himsdlf is introduced explaining to Ganesa why he is Gajdnana: “ I, in company with Parv'^ati once retired to the forest on the slopes of the Himalaya to enjoy each other’s company, when we saw a female elephant making herself happy with a male elephant. This excited our passion and we decided to enjoy ourselves in the form of elephants. I became a male elephant and Parvati a female elephant and we pleased ourselves; as a result you were born with the face of an elephant We may besides recollect the fact that according to the myth related above, when Ganapati lost his original head by the destructive influence of the gaze of Sani, the one who brought the elephant head to the beheaded boy was Visnu. Now Visnu has in modern times been acknowledged as a non- Aryan god ; and owing to his many connections with Nagas (Sesa-Bhagvan, Kurinavatara, Varahavatara, etc) we may probably assign a Naga origin to him. This is again a new connection between Ganapati and the Nagas. Ail this development of the figure and myth of Ganesa, seems to have taken place within the Naga nation. TVaces of this Naga participation in the early evolution of Ganapati may be easily discovered in the later images of this god. The majority of these images bear one of two snakes round the belly and round the neck of Ganesa. (Fig. 23) Miss Getty refers to “ the serpent Sesa (one of the famous Nagas of epic reputation) adopted in Nepal for certain representations of Ganesa in dancing attitude Besides she publishes a drawing of a metal image of Ganapati worshipped by the esoteric sects, that has a five-headed naga overshadowing his head. 2«2 Gopinatha Rao, Elements of Hindu Icdnografhyi I, pt. t, p, S3. Cf. Homell, “The Chank shell Cult of India,** Antiquity, XVI, pp. 113-133; Prziluski, “The name of the God Visnu and the Krspa- Legend, “ Q. J. M. S, XXV, pp. 39-48. Cf. Zimmer, Mythis and Symbols in Indian Art and Ctoltization, pp. 59-68. SM Getty op, cit, p. 39 and pi. 18c. Ibid., p. 17. 264 t AMlL CtJLTtiaE In the collection of images "of Ganapati, of the Museum of our Indian Historical Research Institute, we have several specimens (Figs. No. 31, 32) one of them very primitive, with a Ndga spreading its hood oyer the head of the icon. In ‘another image the heads of two noflros appear froiri behind the elbow of the two arms of the god. Miss Getty also notes that when the images of Ganapati are found in the open under trees or in. the fields are very often accompanied by Naga slabs. We may also remark here that the image of Ganapati is associated with crocodiles both in EUora^®* and in Burma. The tribe of the Makaras is one of the ancient Naga tribes. That the Nagas were well acquainted with Ganapati is ■ well proved by the fact that even Naga kings were named after him. One of the kings dethroned by Samudra Gupta after returning from his southern expedition was called Ganapatinaga.^^® IX GANAPATVS CONNECTIONS WITH SKANDA Inspite of the extraordinary development of Ganapati, his cult and his myths in the course of centuries, we may still trace numerous traits of his original days when he wias one with Murugan = Skanda. Those original! characteristics of Skanda have been inherited by Ganapati and have been kept round him with very suggestive persistency. We shall study the^' traits presently. • ^\ • Ibid., pp. 12-13. 288 Cf. Burgess, Report on ithe EUora Cave Temples, pi. XXX, flg. 2. 269 Getty, op.'diL, p. 29. 270 Allahabad Pillar inscription oi Samudra Gupta: Fleet, Gupta In¬ scriptions, p. 6. Fig. 29 Siva with Parvati and Ganapati Indian Historical Research Institute, Born Fig. 30 Three Eyed Ganesa standing with a Naga coiled round his belly Indian Historical Research Institute, Bombay. Fig. 31 Primitive Gane«a protected witi hood of a Five-Headed Nag; ItidiLii Historical Research Insti THE PROBLEM OF GANAPATI 205 1. Names of Ganapati (а) PUlayar. This is a Tamil name of Ganapati. It means “Noble Child.” This is exactly the meaning of the Sanskrit word Kumdra, one of the names of Skanda. (б) Makan. Another Dravidian name meaning “son.” It is also the meaning of Kumara. (c) Vindyaka. It means “ Lord of obstacles, ” but the Vdmana Purdna gives another meaning, viz. Vi~ndyaka, “ One who has no Lord ”. This is precisely the meaning of the word Anisa which the Svetdsvatara Upanisad gives to the Son of God. (d) Ganapati, “ the Lord of Ganas.” Karttikeya or Skanda is supposed to be the Lord of the heavenly hosts in his fight against the asuras. (e) Visvaksena. This is a title Ganapati is given in some Vaisnava temples of South India. It means “the Lord of all” Cf. (d). 2. Position of Ganapati Generally he is shown seated but Miss Getty remarks that “ in his most ancient images he was more often figured standing (Fig. 31) The Madras Museum has a beautiful specimen of a standing Ganapati. (See fig. 25) Such images 271 Prof. Bagchi, “ Some Linguistic Notes ”, IX, p. 263, says that this is not the original meaning of the word pillaiyar, for in Pali the word pillaka means “ a young elephant.” Hence according to him pille originaUy meant “ the young of the elephant.” Pillaka does not mean “the young of the elephant” in Palli, but “the young one”. In the “Vaddhakisukanaiataka” the sukanapillake is mentioned, i.e., “the young of the pig.” The Jdtaka, II, p. 406. The word pilla in Palli is evidently derived from Dravidian. 272 Vamana Purdna Cf. Aravamuthaii, “ Ganesa ; Clue to a Cult and a Culture”, Journal of Oriental Research, XVIII (1949), pp. 229 and 241. 273 Cf. above, p. 157. 274 Srikanta Iyer, op. cit., p. 255. 278 Getty, op. cit., p. 19. TAMII^ CmiTUB^J m are called Prasanna Ganapati, when he is shown perfectly erect. The Museum of our Indian Historical Research Insti¬ tute has also some specimens. The images of Munigan or Palni Kurinji Andavar, which are some of the dde^ images of Subrahmanya^ show him always erect in this position. 3. The arms of Ganapati In India it is customary to represent the ^ds with four or more arms. Ganapati is often shown with four, six,^ eight, ten and mca-e armsbut a number of very primitive images of Ganapati, following the type of the carving of the Man- taka Cetinga stupa of Ceylon, are two armed only. Miss Getty publi^es four of them which are very characteristic. One is Singhalese, two are from the Nahar Collection, Calcutta, a fourth one is in die British Museum. The Museum of the Indian Historical Research Institute has one image with two arms only, which is not so early. (Fig. 34) His left hand is in abhaya-mudra. We consider it to be a South Indian speci¬ men dated 16th cent. It is an atavic manifestation of an early form. The earliest images of Skanda as Kurinji Andavar have always two hands only. So is the stone carving from Banaras described above. Apparently the early Ganapati had two arms in the same way as Skanda 4. The five heads of Ganapati. The images of Ganesa as Heramba having five heads have already been described, four in the four directions of the earth, and the fifth above ; but we know one coming from Munshiganj District, Dacca, which has the five heads in the same tier, as the six heads of Shanmukha. 5. Gai^esa bed We have seen how Skanda is called the Red God.” The images of Ganapati are supposed to be painted red. In the Rajput watercolours Ganapati is always painted red, at kast his face. are Getty, op. dit., pis, 2b; 13b slid d; 13a. 207 THE PROBLEM OF GANAPATI 6. Ganapati the son of the mind of Siva Certain Hindu sects look upon Ganesa as born from Siva’s mind, so as to be the personification of Siva’s divine manas or mind One of the myths recorded in puranic literature is a crj’^stallization of this idea. It is said that while Siva was immersed in profound thought, a great radiance issued from his forehead and there sprang into existence a wonderful youth endowed with all the qualities of Siva. "V^en goddess Uma saw this Son of Siva created without her participation he pronounced the following curse : “ May thy head resemble that of an elephant, and thy body be deformed by a huge belly.” This curse was accepted by Siva and the elephant¬ faced dwarfish Ganesa is the result of it. This myth reflects the vedic ideas concerning the fiUiation of God’s son; he is mind-born without the participation of any goddess. This son of God, moreover, endowed with all the qualities of Siva, was “ a second himself,” to use the expression of the Satapatha Brdhmana. 7. Ganapati the god of Wisdom (We saw how Murugan or Skanda, being born from the mind of God, was supposed to be “ the Universal Guru.” Ganapati is called “ the God of Wisdom He is also styled Kavim Kavinam Vipratamam, “ the wisest of the wise He is, in fact, supposed to be a “ fountain of knowledge ”, “beaming forth light and knowledge”.®®^ In many of his statues one of his hands holds the modaka, a large cake which is the symbol of M.(iho,-Buddh& (Supreme Wisdom) In some of the Vaisnava temples of South India 2 TT Getty, op. cit., p. 52. 278 YarSha Purana. ' Srikanta Iyer, op. cit., p. 255, Cf. Bhandarkar, Vaisnavism, Saivism and other Minor SectSy^p. 149. Bhandarkar’s view nevertheless does not seem to be correct. 280 Venkatakrishna Rao, “The Ganapati Cult”, QJJMTJS., XLI (1949), p. 98. 281 Ibid., p. 99. 282 Getty, op. cit., p. 18.' 18 208 TAMIL CULTURE) Ganapati is w^orshippcd undor tliG dGnomination of TuTnhikhdi AIwclt, which means ** the Sage with the elephant s tooth . In the same wiay as in the case of Sanatkumara he is also surrounded by brilliancy and light. One of his titles in Nepal is Surya Ganapati. ' The very head of an elephant with which he is endowed is said to be an emblem of sagacity. Ganesa, therefore, being the god of wisdom is supposed to be “ the Patron of letters. He is, as such, invoked in the beginning of any writing to insure literary success. “ Almost all the standard works in the Sanskrit and vernacular lan¬ guages begin with an invocation of the help of this God of Wisdom In fact all Hindu books generally commence with these words : Ganesdya navmh, “ Reverence to Ganesa.” In many parts of South India and especially in Travancore State, children on being put to school begin their writing lesson with a similar invocation : Harih IShri Ganapataya namah, “Hari, Reverence to the Holy Ganapati”.^®® Some of his images represent him holding a book. Ganapati, being the Patron of all literary, work, easily became himself a scribe, an as such he has been represented writing (at times using his owm broken tusk as stylus) , in India, ^®® Nepal and Indo-China. In the Mahdnirvdna- tantra he is described as writing down the Tantras at the dictation of his father Siva. In the same way he is said to h 9 ,ve been writing the Mahdbhdrata at the dictation of 283 Ibid., pp. 1 and 39. 284. Srikanta Iyer, op. cit, p. 255. 285 Getfy, op. cit,, p. 5. 286 Ibid., p. 23. 287 Srikanta Iyer, op. cit, p. 255. 288 Travancore State Manual, II, p. 51. 289 Getty, op. cit, 4. 280 Ibid., 281 lbid.,'p. 18i In Egypt, the Egyptian got Tooth, the second god of the triad of Thebes, himself also considered as the God of Wisdom, is also depicted as a scribe and supposed to be the inventor of writing and patron of letters. (Cf. Getty, op. cit, pi. la). r\^ k^Mrm Xs\y<*; V"^'' AW ^ mmm^^ ^•4$'" ■■ J r< •iJ* \v ^ nV/'-'s Fig. 34 Two-Armed Seated Ganapati with his left hand in Abhaya-Mudra Indian Historical Research Institute, Bombay, Fig. 33 Standing Ganapati Courtesy of the Curator, Madras Museum /-«>s Fig. 35 Gsnspsti scstcd on the Rat, this being upon the Peacock, Kumara’s vahana Indian Historical Research Institute. Bombay THE PROBLEM OF GANAPATI 200 Vyasa. It is narrated that while Vyasa was praying to Brahma asking for help to write his poem, Ganesa appeared to him. He offered himself to Vyasa to write the whole poem at his dictation ; a task which he accomplished with extra¬ ordinary speed. There is a Rajput painting showing this scene in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. His'character of God of Wisdom makes h’m also con¬ nected with agriculture, as the latter is the fruit of wisdom. His title of Vighnesvara, “ Lord of Obstacles ”, is also founded upon wisdom, for wisdom, surpasses all difficulties. The same is the or%in of his other name Siddhiddtd, “Bestower of Success.” 8. Ganesa a Brahmacabi'n He was supposed to be a Brahmacarih, according to an ancient tradition. So was also Murugan. But legend gave him two consorts Buddhi (wisdom) and Siddhi (succe^). The latter is some times, called Riddhi (perfection). Such was also the final fate of Subrahmanya, -9. - Ganesa worshipped in .I'he, Mountains An in^ription of Champa speaks of a donation made to Ganesa of Candanagiri (i.e. “ the Sandal Mountain ”) . ^^ In fact there exists a tradition in India that his cult is.practi^d 292 A1 Biruni, India, (Translated by Sachau), I, p. 134. 299 Winternitz, History of Indian Literature,. I,p.. 468, n. 4, opines, that the passage containing this legend in some copies of the epic is an interpolation. The legend does not seem to be earlier than the 9th century. 294 Coomaraswamy, in Bulletin of the Boston Museum of Fine Arts, XXVI. p. 30. 295 Cf. Gupte, “Harvest festivals in honour of Gauri and Ganesh,” Indian Antiquary. XXXV. 1906, p. 36. 26 « Getty, op. cit., p. 35. “La couleur rouge de son corps est celle quo • donne aux grandes yogins la pratique intense de la meditaticm.’’ Herbert, Ganesa, p. 27. Bergaigne, Inscriptions Sanscrites de Campi, p. 362, 210 TAMIL CULTURE in mountains, a tradition which accompanied him from India to Japan. Such is also the cult of Murugan. 10. A NEW Vahana op Ganapati Thou^ the rat is supposed to be the vahana of Ganapati, yet at times he is also represented riding on a peacock, Twaj/ilra, the vahana of Kumara. On such occasions he is styled Mayu- raganapati,^^^ An image in the Museum of the Indian Historical Research Institute displays him riding on his rat, who is likewise placed on the peacock of Kumara. The rat is busily engaged eating a ladhu of his master, as he is not engag¬ ed in locomotion (Fig. 35). 11. The Dignity of Ganapati The main dignity of Ganapati, his essential character I should say, is that he is the Lord and Leader of the ganas. Even this character seems to have been usurped, for Kumara had also been the Lord of the ganas before him. So Ganapati seemed to have been promoted to the position of the leader of the ganas, which Skanda had held so far. Ganesa therefore was originally the same as Anil=Muru- gan. The different shape his images took at an early period was the cause of the later differentiation. Yet this second god kept many characteristics of the first. X TRUTH ABOUT GANESA*S BIRTH The myths of the birth of Ganesa, in the midst of much useless foUiage, discover some extraordinary truths in their background which are worth serious consideration owing to its persistency. 208 Getty, op. cit., p. 54. 29» Venkatakrishna Rao, “The Ganapati Cult”, QJMS., XU, pp. 95 and 96. 300 Ibid., pp. 93-94. Cf. above, p. 174. THE PROBLEM OF GANAPATI 211 1. Ganesa made by Parvati without the INTERVENTION OF SiVA. One legend says that Parvati after gently rubbing her body caused a youth to be produced, who had four arms and the head of elephant.*®^ Another story relates that Parvati made Ganapati out of the impurities of her own body giving him the face of an elephant; but it was only a lifeless figure. Then she sprinkled it with the water of the Ganges, which communicated life to it. In a third story i^iich we have already related Ganapati is said to be the son of an elephant to whom Parvati gave a to drink. One of the carvings of Elephanta seems to represent the birdi of Ganesa in Mount Kailasa. A nurse carries the little eh^Aant child to Parvati who is seated on the same level as Siva bat at a oortain distance from him as showing some (ha- agreonent. ^ The artist evidently wanted to show the Siva had noriiing to do with the birth of the elephant god. The flculptiHu is much damaged, but even as it is the picture is full of feeling. 2 . Ganesa produced without the intervention OP Siva and Parvati We have already narrated the puranic story that relates the appearance of Ganapati as a beautiful youth in the private apartments of Parvati. He was finally accepted as theh son by Siva and Parvati.*®® Skanda Purana MStsya Parana »«« Cf. above, p. 202. Cf. Sastri, A Guide to Elephanid, pp. 45-40, ^ Cf- above^ p. 200. 212 TAMIL CULTURE Even in far-off Nepal the advent of Ganesa was supposed to have taken place without the intervention of Siva and Parvati, for he, of his own accord, became visible in a ray of sunshine. The Brahmans sayed that he appeared in this shape as an incarnation of the son of Brahma. Thus puranic myths and popular legends testify to the falsehood laving behind the popular belief, that Ganapati is the son of Siva. Not only Siva cannot be called the father of Ganesa, but not even Parvati herself may be called his reail mother; for even in the two cases, which emphasize the non-intervention of Siva, the action of Parvati in relation to Ganesa is not generation in the least, but a mere external production. On the contrary there is a South Indian story which is narrated to explain the name of Palni, the main ^rine of Subrahmanya, which accidentally shows that the only and real son of Siva was Murugan or Skanda. Once upon a time, they say, Siva had a beautiful fruit in his hand, paZa “fruit.” (It happened to be a pomegranate). His two sons Skanda and Ganapati wanted the fruit each one for himself with exclusion of the other. In order to settle the dispute Siva told them that the fruit would be given to the first who would go round the world. Skanda ascended his mount, the peacock, and started his long journey. Ganesa, on his rat, oonscdered himsdf totally unfit to compete with the peacock of his brother. Accordingly he went round Siva himself, saying : “ Thou art the world.” Siva much pleased with the sa^uiity of Vinayaka, gave him the fruit. When after many years, Skanda arrived he was very angry against his brother who had won the contest owing to a trick. But Siva told him. “ Do not be angry for having lost the fruit. Thou art the fruit. Palor-m/* Skanda is therefore the real fruit of Siva, Ganapati is not his fruit, that is, his son, 306 L4vi, Le Nipal, II, p. 384-8. It may be remembered that Sanat- kumara is also said to have appeared tO' Markandeya in a ray of tbe Sun, Cf, above, p. 163-164, TIDE PROBLEM OF GANAPATI XI CONCLUSION Ganapati is a deity without a foundation in the Veda. He has supplanted his supposed brother and has the tendency of supplanting his own father, Siva. In fact he was actually succeeded in his attempt, in some quarters. The very character of the development of his person, his myth and his cult discovers the doubtful beginnings of his existence. He puts on the apparel of other gods and prides over the raiment borrowed from others. But in the midst of all this confusion created by his deeds, one discovers a few facts which unveil his life of mystery :— 1. In the period which we may call Ihe pre-history of Ganapati, he had not the head of an elephant. His face was the face of a beautiful youth. 2. The appearance of the head of an elephant seems to have been due to the action of the Nagas. 3. He keeps many characteristics of his supposed brother Skanda; one, most important, being that he is the son of the mind of Siva, without any female inter¬ vention. 4. Yet in this elephantine form he 'is clearly said not to be the son either of Siva or of Parvati. 5. While comparing him with Skanda or Subrahmanya, the latter is the only son of Siva. 'i M %>¥■•?/ f^l'. .'T'/.v,‘?'A^»s*.‘'I's'^^ vX A‘i •* » ^ ■•x;x-;.'- ■.•••ivv OCJTOBER, 1954 VoL.. in Nob. 3 4 TAMIL CULTURE A Quarterly Reriew dediee^d to the study of Tan^lcma TAMIL MANUSCKIPTS'IN EUROPEAN LIBRARIES ■ Xavier. Thani Nayagain 219 MANIKKAVACAKOPANISAD G, t's^imikanathan 231 THE CONCEPT OF ANAVA IN SAIVA SIDDHANTA D. I.'jesudoss 2S0 PARANAR C,* Jesudasaa 26£f •THE TRAGEDY OF AHALYA E» T. Raj^ari 286 ISLAI^IC POETRY IN TAMIL M. Mohamed Uwfee *292; BESCHIJ THE TAMI&^CHGLAR. AND POET Thofoas Srinivasan 297 BHARATHI’S POEMS Kamil Zvelebil 314 CASTES IN SOUTH INDIA : M. Arokiaswami 326 HISTORY OF TAMIL LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE . S. Vaiyapuri Pillai 331 Rs. 5 yearly All Rights Reserved VUL. m MOS. 4 ^OOTdlOBtti TAMIL CULTURE A Qmrt^ly Review defeated to (he study of Tamili ana. unudcriptd in M. med -XAVIER S. THANI KAYAGAM F RO^ tijne t6 time various scholars have suggested a com¬ plete cataloguing of the Tamil manuscripts and printed Tanul books available both in India and Geyjlon as well As" m foreign countries, but hitherto only some prepaa^toTy wi^^ a Latin grammar and the contents showed the division of Tamil nouns into five declensioiis and of verbs into nine con¬ jugations. Examples ai-e often written in Tamil but . more often transliterated in Koinan characters. The giramniatical rules are all given in Portuguese and often interesting com¬ parisons are made with Portuguese and Latin grammars. For a better understanding of Tamil grammar, the student of Tamil is urged (page 7) ,to compare it with any Latin gram¬ mar, and he who is ignorant of Latin to compare^ with tlie Portuguese grammar written by Joam de Barros.® In the examples given, the place Punnacayil is mentioned mfore than once e.g., Eu estou pera ir cedo a punicale (Portuguese) Nan punicaligu curuku poga irugiren (Tamil). ' Both from internaf and external evidence, it is clear that this is a manuscript copy of the first Tamil grammar known to be compiled by a European, and is the work of the Jesuit missionary, Henrique Henriquez (1520-1600) who writing to St. Ignatius on the sixth of November 1550 from Punnaca 3 dl, South India, mentions his having completed two books:— (а) Arte da grammatica da lingua malabar. (б) Vocabulario da mesma lingua.^ (2) In the same biblioteca nacional da Lisboa was a copy (Res. 248) of the Tamil translation of the one hundred and fifty psalms printed in Tranquebar in 1747. The title page reads /sir^Q^^Qpeuir pikai^esiL-iu Qu/r^pssih^ ^jraari—irui . pjrjBia^iJirtjJi9Q&d s JOAM DE BARROS, Grammatica da lingua portugueza, Lisbon, 1540. * See J. WICJKI, Monumenta rnissionum, Documenta indica relative to the sixteenth century; S. G. PERE21A. The Jesuits in Ceylon, pp. 156-157. Madura. 1941. (3) in the same library (Biblioteca nacional) was a book in Maiayalam printed in Rome in the year 1772 (Res. 499). Its title page was in Latin and reed Compendiosa Jegis explanatio omnibus Christianis sdtu necessana malaba- rico idiomate That the copy came from India is evident from a note made in ink “Ex libris Archiepiscopi Granga- norensis, Donum Congregationi missionis Lisboni”. (4) The Miiseu etnologico di Belem, which as its name shows is only a museum of ethnology, has in its iron safe a copy of the earliest printed work in Tamil. This is a bro¬ chure of thirty-eight pages and contains “briefly all that a Christian should know for his salvation It was printed by order of King Joam III of Portugal in the year 1554 in Lisbon. The Tamil portion is printed in Roman characters with an interlinear word to word Portuguese translation. It is a magnificent specimen of sixteenth century printing, and as such has a prominent place in the history of printing in Portugal.® A manuscript copy of this same brochure is said to exist in the municipal library of Oporto.® This brochure is, according to the. Prologue, the work of three Tamil-speaking Indians, Vincente de Nazareth, Jorge Carvalho and Thome da Cruz. The prologue also says that Fra Joam de Villa Conde (the Franciscan friar who laboured in Ceylon in the first half of the sixteenth century) super¬ vised the work,' The history of this particular copy should make fascinating reading.*^ (5) Arquivo historico do Ultramar has two manu-. script copies, of the explanation of the Gospels in Tamil, ^rsQQeQiRj!5^ies)jr written by J. Gonsalvez* Oratorian mis¬ sionary in Ceylon. * See Diccionario bibliograflco portuguez, Vol. II, p. 216; Vol. VII, pp. 433, 434; A. J. ANSELMO, Bihlioarafia das obras impresas em Portugal no secolo XVI, Lisbon, 1926. ® AMERICb CORTEZ PINTO, La famosa arte da imprimissao, Lisbon 1948, Plates XVII—XX—at p. 358. « SOVSA VITERBO, Diarig do^matkias; 16/3/1909, FRANCE Paxis and London are the two foreign cities which'con*- tain the largest number of Tamil literary manuscripts and rare printed books. The catalogue sommaire des manuscrites indiem de la hibliotheque nationale, (Paris, 1912) is now out of print. The reference copy in the Bibliotheque nationaJe contained a great number of corrections and more accurate entries which had been made subsequently by better-inform¬ ed curators. There is, however, need for a complete revision of the catalogue, and for identifying the numerous palm-leaf manus#ipts that have not yet been studied. (1) The catalogue contained the titles of several palm-leaf manuscripts of the Tolkappiyam, the Tirukkural, the minor didactic works, the Kambaramayanam, as well as titles like :— (sl) " ^pe^u ”, (h) eiju9^^uju)”, (a) '' L^^<9=Q&^fltuu)iLdr (Su^ed (d) "Q&JiBSSis e_sO/r ✓ (f) (g) (p/seuLciTfiir iStsirdstr^ ”, (h; plTLSIXi (i) ^^^irsQiuira- euirsFauuir**, (}) "iLu98so suire^Meuirar fk) “ffl/Sa-ias Ljjriremui’\ (2) The Bibliotheque nationale contains a great num¬ ber of manuscript dictionaries, published and unpublished, of incalculable value to the study of T amil lexicography. The dictionaries compiled in Latin and Portuguese by Joseph Constantine Beschi fori the Ji^ifary language and the collo- MAWTJ8ORIPT 0 in BURQPBAI^ LIDnAllIE &m. quial dialect are to be found in this library, as well as French translations of these dictionaries. Manuscript " Indien No. 226” is.a very valuable French-Tamil-Telugu Dictionary.® (3) Manuscripts “Indien 222” and “Indien 223” turned out to be two of the most interesting finds of the tour. They were entitled respectively “ Vocahidario Tamulico Dim- tano ” and “ Vocabulario Lusitano Tamulico The first manu¬ script is a Tamil Portuguese dictionary of two hundred and twenty pages of folio size, each page divided into two columns, and has about seventy words per page. The second manu¬ script, a Portuguese Tamil dictionary, bore evidence of ex¬ cellent'penmanship and consisted of one hundred and twenty- seven pages written in two columns. I was subsequently able to identify these manuscripts as copies of a Tamil-Portuguese. Portuguese-Tamil dictionary that was compiled by Pr. Antam de Proenza and published at Ambalacadu, near Cochin, in the y^ar 1679. A great number of rare printed books connected with y^amil studies are to be found in the Library of the Eoole des langues orientales vivantes, in Rue de Lille, Paris. The following rare books of this library are among those which seem worthy of notice by scholars. (1) Carolus Graul, Bibliotheca Tamulica, sive opera praecipua Tamuliensium, edita translata adnotationibus glossariisque instructa, Leipzig, 1854-1865, 4 Vols. (2) Vocabulary of English Sinhalese and Tamil Ian- gudges, 64 pp., Colombo, 1877. (3) Bunyan^s Pilgrim Progress in Tamil and Engli^, Madras, 1826. (4) R. Graul, Tndische Sinnpfiamen und Blumen, 1865. • For the different manxiscript copies of Beschi’s dictionaries in the Biblioth^ue natiohale and in other libraries, see L. BESSE, Father Beschi. His times and Ms writings^ pp. 222-231, Trichino- ^ poly, 1918. -0d4r JgR UtfIIr0BiyiTOE (5) E. Lamairesse, Poesies Populaires de Sud de VInde traduction et notices, 364 pp. Paris, Lacroix, 1867. (6) N. E. Kindersley, Specimens of Hindoo literal iure: consisting of translations from the Tamil language, pp. XIII, 335, London, 1794. (7) Le livre de Vamowr de Tirouvalluva, tradvit d^ Tamoul par G. De Brrigue de Fointaineau, Paris, 1889. This book is a translation of the Kamattupal, and has a preface written by Julien Vinson. Professor Vinson states that about the year 1761, a complete French translation of the Kural made by a native of Karaikal was deposited in the Royal (now National) Library by a Colonel of the French Army. No trace has been found so far of this manuscript. VATICAN CITY The manuscript section of the Bibliotheca Apostolica Yari^^a contains some rare Tamil books which are not found in othe^\ libraries of Europe. The manuscripts and books pertaining to India have not been catalogued with any pre¬ cision, and hence it took time and a great deal of co-opera¬ tion on the part of the staff to have access to soine of the rare books treasured within the walls of the Vatican library. (1) Borgiano Ind. 12. This proved to be the printed copy of the manuscripts found in the Bibliotheque nation- ale, Paris, under “ Indien 222 and 223 The title page read as follows : Vocabulario Tamulico com a significagam Portu- gueza composto pello P. Antam de Proenza da companhia de lesu missionario da Missam de Madurey. Na imprensa tamulica da Provinda do Malabar, por Ignacio Aichamoni impressor della Ambalacatta em SO de lulho, 1679 annds. The writer identified it as a copy of the famous dic¬ tionary printed at Ambalacadu in 1679 at the Tamil Press set up by the Jesuits. The mentions in his preface a dictionary compiled by Fr. Ignacio Bruno (1579—1659) in Jaffna, Within the covers of the dictionary is a manuscript of Tamil grammar entitled “Arte Tamulica”,^ (2) Vat. Ind. 24. This turned out to be the far-famed Flos Sanctorum by Henrique Henriquez published on tiie Fishery Coast in the year 1587. Though several authors on the missions have mentioned this work, this particular copy had remained unidentified. It contained a Spani^ intro¬ duction that was hand-written and the title read “Libro do vidas di algunos scmtos trasludadas en lengua mala- kar”. It is a magnificent volume of six hundred and sixty pWes, and feu* the first attempts at Tamil printing it is a majst^rly achievement. It contains the lives of the important saints of each month and reflections on the chief feasts and "mysteries celebrated during the year. It is the greatest at¬ tempt of the sixteenth century to express Christian thoughts .through the medium of Tamil. (3) Borgiano Ind. 7. This is a copy of the New Tes¬ tament printed in Tamil at Tranquebar in the year 1714. It consists of four hundred and ninety-four pages and is de- - . ‘ .^1 ® The Tamil Lexicon, University of Madras, 1936, in Introduction, pp. xxxvi, xxxvn, speaks of Fr. Antam de Proenza’s dictionary, as well as of three of Father Beschi’s dictionaries as being unavai¬ lable. The Kodumtamil — Latin dictionary is available with a number of persons. The present writer saw in 1945 at least forty copies of the work at Bishop’s House, Trichinopoly. A copy with the present writer is entitled Vulgaris Tamulicae linguae diction- arium tamulico — latinum, auctore P, Constantio Josepho Beschio S.J, Trichinopoly, excudebat Pakkiam Pillay, filius Veda Naya- gam Pillay, Typis South India Times, dictis, 1882- D. FERROLI, The Jesuits in Malabar, Bangalore City. 1939, in a note on the first printing presses in India, ibid. p. 470 quotes Bishop Medlycott as writing in the last century (the date of the note is not given) : “ In 1679 Fr. Anthony de Provensa printed at St. Paul’s College, Ambalacad, the first Portuguese-Tamil diction¬ ary, possessing this peculiarity that the Tamil section was en¬ graved on wooden blocks, while the Portuguese was printed in movable type. The appearance is smudgy. I saw a copy with my late secretary. Bishop ^j^gjgg^eri, at Trichur”. dicated to Frederick TV of Denmark. The dedication ia sign¬ ed. by Bartholomaeus Zigenbalg and loharmes Emestus Griindler. (4) Borg. P. F. Ind. 6. is an interesting poem en¬ titled ue^etflu L/syrSyriufr/r It is written in ink on tMck white paper and probably belongs to the sixteenth' or seven¬ teenth centuiy. (5) Borg. 29 and 30 are brochures printed at Tran- C[uebar. Borg, 30 is a ij^^sFiribsui of sixteen pages for the year 1792, and was probably printed in 1791. Borg. 29 is a brochure of seventy two pages printed in the year 1772, and deals with the problem of the salvation of the gentiles. (6) Vat. Ind. 18 is a palm-leaf manuscript of the lives of the Twelve apostles in verse, and is a hitherto un¬ known composition. (7) The Library of the Ckingregation of the Propa¬ gation of the Faith had at one time several Tamil manu¬ scripts and printed books which were sent later to the Vatican Library. At present a copy of an English translation of the Nannool is one of the more rare books — “ English transla¬ tions of the Nannool. Designed jor vse oj University stu¬ dents by a Tamil graduate of the Madras University ” Iff yp, 224 pp., Hobart Press, Madras, 1878. NOTANDA 1. These are some of the important manuscripts and rare books' seen on this preliminary survey. So many wm^ the Tamil manuscripts and books sent to Europe during the last four centuries that to-day they should be found not only in the important libraries of European Capitals but also in provincial towns like Evora and Oportoi» and with private collectors and families which have had civil, military and religious persons working in India, Ceylon and Malaya. Palm- leaf manuscripts t\im up for sale occasionally and the Euro¬ pean book-market has sprung the greatest surprises for col¬ lectors of Tamil documents. 227 2. Tamil manuscripts and rare books are to be ex¬ pected mostly in countries which have had political and reli¬ gious connections with South India and Ceylon, such as Portugal, France, Italy, England, Holland, Denmark, and ilermany. But so unpredictable are the ways manuscripts travel that one should not be surprised if a manuscript of Tamil interest turned up at Oslo or Athens. 3. The civil and ecclesiastical libraries, chiefly of Portugal, Italy and Holland contain dociunents of great value for the history of the Tamil language and culture during the last four hundred and fifty years. Examples of the earliest Tamil writing on paper exist in documents that reached Portugal in the sixteenth century from such diverse places as Tuticorin, Malacca and the Court of the Sinhalese kings of Kotte.^® The vast correspondence of the Jesuits, the Fran¬ ciscans and other religious orders, as well as of the other Euro¬ peans engaged in civil and military occupations in the Tamil country yet remains to be studied. In the first part of this century, it was believed that there remained no sample of Tamil printing of the sixteenth century. But a diligent search and research have brought to light four printed works of the sixteenth century.^^ They -are (a) The CartUha of 36 pages printed in Lisbon in the See G. SCHURHAMMER, Ceylon sur zelt des konigs Bhuvaneka Baku und Franz Xavers, 2 Vols; Leipzig, 1928 ; and Die Zeit- genossischen Quellen zur geschichte Portugiesisch — Asiens und seiner nachbarlander 1538—1552, Leipzig, 1932; M. A. HEDWIG FITZLER. Os tombos de Ceilao da seccao ultramarina da biblio- teca nadonal, Lisbon, 1927 ; PIERIS-FITZLER, Ceylon and Portugal, Leipzig, 1927, fails to mention or translate the Tamil sentences in the letters from the Court of the King of Kotte, though reproducing in a frontispiece plate the Tamil writing which pre¬ cedes the signature of the Sinhalese king. See G. SCHURHAMMER and G. W. COTTRELL, The first print¬ ing in Indie characters in the Harvard Library Bulletin, Vol. VI, No. 2, pp. 147-160, 1952. rn A TL/fT^ I 11 '(J 'I »>«< “KflawTlXi v^fU J^X.iitsvCr -i»a year 1554; (b) The Doctrina Christiam of 16 pages by Henrique Henriquez and - Manuel de Pedro printed in Quilon in the year 1578 ; (c) The Doctrina Christam of 120 pages by Henrique Henriquez printed at Cochin in the year 1579 ; and The Flos Sanctorum of six hundred and sixty pages by Hepflque Henriquez printed (probably at Punnai- kayil on the Fishery Coast) in the year 1887, More important and interesting discoveries await the enterprising Tamil scholar that is prepared to work in Euro¬ pean libraries. The 1954 back numbers of are available for sale. 'per entire set, including postage. The 1953 and 1952 back numbers are not available. Make sure of your copy TAMIL CULTURE” for sending in your subscription immediately to The Colombo Book Centre, 20, Parsons Road, COLOMBO 1, CEYLON or tO’ The Tamil Literature Society, 52, New Colony, ^If^dnihkavacaL avacahopanida J (The Tiruvacagam —^ An XJpanishad) G. VANMIKANATHAN T he FOUR, as SambandajT, Appar, Sundarar and Manikkar- vaca^ar are lovingly called in Tamil-land, were tiie spearhead of a revolutionary movement in matters religious and spiritual in the South. A decadence had set in the reli¬ gious life of the people. One of the causes, it may safely be presumed, was the entombment of the spiritual treasures — the heritage of the people — within the forbidding walls of Sanskrit. The common man was left with the shells of reli¬ gion, the empty rituals and ceremonials, and the perio¬ dical festivals which had, as now, becoipe commercialised into huge fairs and mere congregation of the people without the spiritual communion which had in earlier times characterised such concourses of people. The apostles of other religions found their opportunity in this very favourable atmosphere and seized the minds of the people with their tenets and be¬ liefs, and had very soon made converts of the kings of the land, after which the conversion of the people was but the enforce¬ ment of a royal decree. The people were confused and tom among themselves. These four saints came to them as the leaders of .the spiritual renaissance of Tamil-land. They did not come to establish any institutional religion. They came to restate the great truth •— the perennial philosophy — and to lead the people towards the Godhead. It is therefore that we find all their outpourings of song are mystical in character. “ A mystical vein of thought had been present ^ ”, writes Ranade in his Introduction to 'Mysticism in Maharash- 1 declares Ranade in his “A Constructive Surv^ ot Upanishadic Philosophy” (end of Ch. 1) “was the culmination of Upasushadic philosophy, as it is the culmination of all philosophies, TAAliL CtiLTtiRfi tra throughout the development of Indian Philosophy from the age of the Upanishads downwards; but it assumes an extraordinary importance when we. come to tiie second miUe- nium of the Christian Era which sees the birth of the practical spiritual philosophy taught by the Mystics of the various pro¬ vinces of India. ” But even three to four centuries before this period, South India saw; the birth of a mysticism with a genius of its own. Discussing the difference between the mysticism of the ,Upanishads and the mysticism of the Middle Age, to which our saints also may be said to belong, Ranade says, “ the mysticism of the Upanishads is different from the mysticism of the Middle Age, in as much as it was merely a tidal wave of the philosophy of the ancient seers while the other was the natural outcome of the heart, full of piety and devotion, the conscious¬ ness of sin and misery and final desire to assimilate with the Divine. The Upanishadic mysticism was a naive philosophi¬ cal mysticism ; the mysticism of the Middle Age was a mysti¬ cism which halted all philosophical explanations or philoso¬ phical imaginings as useless, when contrasted with the practical appropriation of the Real. The Upanishadic m3rsticism was the mysticism of men who lived in cloisters far away from the bustle of humanity, and who, if they permitted any company at all, permitted only the company of their disciples. The Mysticism of the Middle Age was a mysticism which engrossed itself in the practical upliftment of the human kind, based on the sure foundation of one’s own perfect spiritual development. The Upanishadic mysticism did not come forward with the deliberate purpose of mixing with men in order to ameliorate their spiritual condition. The business of the mystic of the Middle Age consisted in mixing with the ordinary run of man- and one who does not understand that the cosmology and the psycho¬ logy, the metaphysics and the ethics of the Upanishads are merely a propaedeutic (preparatory introduction) to their mystical doctrine can scarcely be said to have understood the spirit of Upanishadic PhUosophy. ” 2 History of Indian Philosophy: Vol: 7. Indian Mysticism — Mysticism in Maharashtra (1933) by R. D. Ranade, Professor of Philosophy, University of Allahabad. MANIKKAVACAKOPANISAD 233 kind, with sinners, with pariahs, with women, with people who oared not for the spiritual life, with people who had even mistaken notions about it, with, in fact, everybody who wanted, be it ever so little, to appropriate the Real. We may say,” concludes Ranade, “ that- as we pass from the TJpanishadic mysticism to the mysticism of the Middle Age, we see the spiritual life brought from the hidden cloisters to the market; place. ” Substitute ‘ Tiruvacagam ’ for * Middle Age^ wherever it occurs and the genius of the Tiruvacagam stands revealed. Thus arose, as Ranade says, “ a Democratic Mysticism which laid stress upon the vernaculars as the medium of mys¬ tical teaching, as opposed to the Classical Mysticism of ancient times, which had Sanskrit as its language of communication. It was a democratisation not merely in language, but also in the spirit of teaching and we see how mysticism became the property of all. ” These differences should not be allowed, however, to lead us to the conclusion that Manikkavacagar reveals some¬ thing different from or antagonistic to the teachings of the earliest of the world’s Mystics — the Seers of the TJpanishads. To quote Ranade again, “ the mystics of all ages and countries form an eternal divine society. There are no religious, no com¬ munal, no national prejudices among therri. Time and place have nothing to do with the eterpal and infinite character of their mystical experience.... They have the same teachings about the name of God, the fire of devotion, the nature of Self- realisation.® It is only due to overweening superciliousness cer¬ tain people regard the mystics of one copntry or religion as different from, or superior to, the mystics of other lands or faiths. If all men are equal before God and if men have got the same ‘deiform faculty’, which enables them to ‘see God face to face ’, then, there is no meaning in saying that there is a differ¬ ence between the quality of God-realisation of some as apart See ‘The Verities of Tiruvacagam’ in Tamil Culture (S^tember, ^34 TAMIL CULTURE from the God-realisation of others. . It is true that th^e may be ph3rBical, mental, and temperamental differences, but .there is no difference in the quality ,of their mystical or intui¬ tive realisation. ” The Tiruvacagam, therefore, made avai¬ lable to the people of Tamil-land the same pathway to God¬ head even as the Upanishads did. If there is a distinction, it is this, — thd Upanishads state the proposition, the Tiruvaca¬ gam furnishes the proof. The very elements of democratisation which are thie Tiruvacagam’s metier are also the cause of the people^s failure to realise its identity with the perennial truths revealed in the Upanidiads. “ In Manikkavacagar, the man of golden utter¬ ances.’’ writes Ranade, “we see the upsurging of a natural devotion to God, which through a consciousness of his faults, rises by gradation to the apprehension of the Godhead. In his great poem hel makes us aware of his past joy and exulta¬ tion, his consciousness of his faults, his intensive shame and his final recovery and triumph. ” But the songs of the Tiru¬ vacagam are so familiar to us that they slide off our mind with¬ out full comprehension. The cadence of the songs, the unique sweetness of the Tamil language, the use of simple household words to whose pregnant and poignant thought—content Hie Tamil mind had become insensible through over-familiarity, these characteristics contribute to our unawareness of the great heritage we have in the Tiruvacagam. Its flood of devotional outpourings has submerged the scintillating crystals of spiritual teaching even; as a torrent of tears hides the lustrous iris of the eye. Thousands of poems composed by imitators in similar language, if not with similar content, have become popular among the people and have dulled their comprehension of the unique qualities of the Tiruvacagam. It is the purpose of this essay to bring to relief the Upa- nishadic mysticism in the Tiruvacagam and to establish its claim to the name and fame of an Upanishad dedicated to the Tamil people. MANIKKAVACAKOPANISAD n 235 The first four agavaU in particular are nothing if not Upanishadic in character, and the rest of the work is but a development of these four agavals. The first agaval, SIVA PURANAM is constructed even as the Upanishads are constructed. Upanishads begin with a prayer or invocation asking for the blessings of God and the Guru. The Tiruvacagam opens with these lines : ^ jsUi^^euriu’euTjffifis eatr^s ^ffS3u>uQurr(i^£^w srcJr ^tastr^Tetreuiripx (oSTSi^ luiremu. 00£c«9J^^c5t psirmeair^a /oenren^uuiresr ^Teir&tfT^s ^aseir j>f(a^seir evrij-suT^s (May) Nomasivctya® bless (us)® {May) the Feet of Him who is Vibration’^ bless (us)! (May) the Feet of Him. who never relinquishes my heart for even as much os it takes to wink, bless (us)! (May) the Feet of the JeweL my Guru, who in Kokazi enthralled me. bless (us) I (May) the Feet of Him who stands (revealed) os tlm Scriptures and draws (mankind) unto Him bless (us) I (Moy) the Feet of the Lord who is One and the many bless (lis)! * The writer has preferred to translate in his own words the required passages from the Tiruvacagam rather than use Dr. Pope’s rendering. Wherever the latter has been used, due acknowledgment is made. 5 Na-ma-si-va-ya i.e., the mystic five letters which stand for and symbolise the Omkara or Brahman. « ‘ (May we by) Naraasivaya bless (ed) be (i.e., live in bliss) would be nearer the sense. So also the other lines. The Omkara. 7 1^6 TAMIL CULTURE " The Feet of the Lord/! sings Appar, are the know¬ ledge gained by learning, the Content of. that knowledge, the resonant Vedas of the Brahmins, the sacrifices, the heavens and the earth, the effulgent light, the golden sun, the moon, the beginning and the end. ” In one word, the Feet are the All. The Feet are the Omkara, the Brahman. It was therefore that Manikkavacagar sang : Hcdl 1 grant in Your grace the ilower, your feet — {which are) the beginning. Hail! grant in Your grace the tender shoots—^your feet— (which ate) the end. Hail 1 your golden feet, the origin oi cdl creatures. Hail 1 your anklet (ringed) feet flower soft, the felicity of all creatures. Hcul! your twin feet the end of all creatures. Hail 1 the golden blossoms which, that we may blissful become, enthroU us and bestow (themselves on us) in their grace. The Feet and all they connote are verily the Om, for the Mandukya Upanishad opens with this Sloka : " All this is the letter Om. It is explained thus : AU that was, that is, and that will be is the Om. And also what is beyond cdl time is verily the Om. AU this is assuredly Brahman.” and the Katha Upanishad tells us (1. 2. 15, 16) : That word which aU the Vedas declare, which cdl the austerities proclaim, desiring which (people) live the life of a religious saint, that word to thee I shall tell in brief, that is Om. This syllable verily is the everlasting spirit (Brahman). The Tiruvacagam fittingly opens with Omkara. Nama- sivaya, Vibration, the Feet all l^tarid for Om, MANlfettAVA6AI^6PANlSAD in The five lines which follow continue wilii a prayer for the Feet of the Lord to prevail over rebirth and the non-devo¬ tees, and to assume lordship over the devotees. The next six lines take up the Invocation into a paean of the Lord’s Feet. The Prologue which follows is composed in llie ancient tradition, and is dedication, announcement of .the subject and humble confession of incompetence. Dedication ^euesreuQesreir jy6t/6«r0 GfTirQso j^feuarpire^ euemisiQ For that the Supreme Bliss stood ever established in my heart* By His grace His ieet worshipping.. The Mandukya Upanishad (7th sloka) concludes : Neither inward consciousness, nor consciousness of the intermediary state, nor ingathered nothing else as to consciousness, nor (totals consciousness, nor un¬ consciousness, — what is invisible, unrelated, unper- ceivable, devoid of all connotations, unthinkable, unde- finable, essentially of the nature of self consciousness alone, negation of all relative existence, peaceful, of supreme bliss and unitary — that is the Atman, He is to be realised.” The eighth verse avers : " That is the self, which iS the nature of the syllable Om.” ■ Radhakrishnan,® explaining the phrase ‘ that is the self ’ says, “ it is the deepest essence of the soul, the image of God head. ” * ‘The Principal Upanishads* by Dr. S. Radhakrlshnan (1953) t'AMlL CtlLl^UftU The Upanishad concludes (12th doka) : " The transcendental, unitary state of supreme bliss devoid of all phenomenal existence is the syllableless, fourth (aspect) — thus Om is verily the Atman .' By self, he enters the Self, who knows thus. ” It is significant that the word in the text for * supreme bliss'is (siva), f^S5[5r tJwNrK is the full text. Siva — advaita — evam — Omkara — atma — eva. The supreme bliss — unitary — tiius— Omkara — the Atma — verily.® Therefore Manikkavacagar sings, ‘For that the Supreme Bliss stood established in my heartFor, does not the Mundaka Upanishad say (II. 2. 6.) : Where the arteries of the body are brought together like the spokes in the centre of the wheel, within it (this self moves about) becoming manifold. Meditate on Om as the Self. May you be successful in crossing over the shore of darkness.” (RW*. ar/rQso jyaiar^Tor euemiaQ ' By His grace His Feet worshipping.' The Katha Upanishad says (II. 15, 16, 20, 23.) : "The goal which all Vedas proclaim... .it is Om. This syllable is Brahman. The Atman (Brahman) smaller than the smallest and greater than the greatest, dwfills in the heart of the creatures. This Atman can- not be attained by the Vedas, nor by intellect, nor evert by much hearing the sacred scriptures ; by him it i^ attained whom Tt chooses, — this his (own) Atman -reveals Its own (real) form.” ® This is why isirfiar (nadttn) ’ has been trasislated elsewhere as He who is Vibration \ i,e. the syllableless Om, — the Brahman. (R) — Radhakrishnan. MANIKKAV.iCAKOPANlSAD 23d Meditate now on Manikkavacagar’s Upanishadic words : ^€jesT(^ etrtrQeo eueswiaQ ‘ By His grace His Feet worshipping/ i.e. '*By him It is attained wfiom It chooses.” Announcement utSsItfi^ ^euLfjTT etm^^&rBssr eSldssTQp(^Sid^ e^iu sjesijruu^twrar With rejoicing heart the Supreme Bliss — the Ancient One, verily It (to the end) that my former karma moy cease, I shall utter. The Prasna Upanishad (v.5) declares : ** Again, he who meditates upon the Supreme Purusha by Om, ae constituted of three syllables becomes united with the effulgent Sun. He is freed of all sins, even as the snake is freed from its slough. He is taken up to the world of Brahma by the Sama Hymns. From that mascrocosmic self he beholds the Supreme Purusha residmg in the heart. Anandagiri’s illuminating comment on this verse is : “The knower of the three elements, a-u-m,.ob¬ tains liberation and is not forced to return to mundane life. He sees the Supreme Iswara who is beyond the world-soul and that vision qualifies him for liberation. ” The same is declared by our Mystic in his verses quo¬ ted above. Humility ^ar Qu(ayQ^i‘ QuiroSeOir eSlBsstQium Qgifdsfp^Qium ..Thy glory great I, of mcdignant karma know nought to proise. i 240 TAMIL culture • I This is the language of one who has realised Brahman. The Kena Upanishad has these slokas about it (II. 1 to 3) : Disciple (after reflecting further and realising Brah¬ man) : “/ think I have understood Brahman.” " / do not think that I know it well; nor do I think that I do not know it. He who among us knows it, knows it and he, too, does not know that that he does not know. ” Preceptor :. To whomsoever it is not known, to him it is known ; to whomsoever it is known, he does not know. It is not understood by those who under¬ stand it; it is understood by those who do not under¬ stand it. ” “ I think I have understood Brahman ”, says the disci¬ ple. Manikkavacagar too declares in unequivocal terms : QitujQtu s-m Quirmesnsi.seff semtfjtirjiu Verily, this day. Your golden Feet 1 saw, and release gained All this Manikkavaccagar sings for us in verily Sanaa hymns, in peerless sweet Tamil. IV t The Tiruvacagam is as much ‘ Sruti * — a Revelation — as the Vedas, Brahmanas and the Upanishads are. Ranade, in his “Constructive Survey of Upanishadic Philosophy” ventures to think that “ the real meaning of Revelation seems to be not any external message delivered to man from without, but a divine afflatus speaking from within, the result of ins¬ piration through god-intoxication. It was for this'reason,” he points out, “ that Plato explained in his Ion, the origin of poetical composition through the afflatus of god-intoxication.” ‘ The authors of those great poems,’ says Plato, * do not attain to excellence through the rules of any art, but they utter their beautiful melodies of verse in a state of inspiration, and, as it were, possessed by a spirit not their own. Thus the com¬ posers of lyrical poetry create those admired songs of theirs MANIKKAVACAKOPANISArl 241 in a state of divine insanity. Thus every rhapsodist or poet.is excellent in proportion to the extent of his participation in the divine influence, and the degree in which the Muse itself has descended on him.... And thus it ap¬ pears to me.that these transcendent poems axe not human, as the work of men, but di 7ine, as coming from God.’ “ It was in this way, “ concludes Ranade, “ that we may say ihat the Vedic seers composed their hymns, and the Upani- shadic philosophers set forth their intellectual arguments.” We are now able to understand why Manikkavacagar sings thus: . ffltuLfjrir emp^ar&sr . n-Ouruum ujjr&r For that the supreme bliss stood estobllslied in my heart .the Siva-puroncam verily It I shall utter. V Manikkavacagar condenses all the Upanishadic texts quoted above in one illuminating line, t;he very fiist after the invocation, dedication and confession, — all which are in the nature of a preface to this single glorious line.^^ • r itjutuereir f^atrir iLiriu^mp QuiUJUJT O Truths who stood established within my heart as Omkora, that I might hove eternal bBss 1 Brahman itself is the Omkara, the syllableless Om, the Vibration, and its seat is. the heart.. The next two lines are unsurpassed for their brevity and, nevertheless, clear declara- The seven lines preceding this one have been passed over as they have been dealt with in ‘The Verities of Tiruvacagam* (Tamil Cul¬ ture, Septemper, 1953), 242 TAMIL CULTURE tion of the greatest mystic Upanishadic truth, which the Upanishads Hiemselves take numerous slokas to reveal. . eSesit—uuirsir QeufsAsw fgiuir eTesrQeufristSsI 'jpemaaSiiijQesr O Spotless One; O Rider astride Om, who—while the Vedos {try to reach) hail (ing )' O Lord' — (you elude them and) {as the) O subtile One. rise to the zenith, penetrate to the nadir, and pervade all sides (in my heart), (Chandasam rsabho) is the word in the Taittiriya Upanishad (I.4.I). Sankara commenting on this word says, “ the syllable ' Om ’ is preeminent among the Vedic hymns. It is ‘ of all forms ’ as the'whole universe is its manifestation.” Swami Sharavananda,^^ commenting on this word in' an extensive and exhaustive note, observes as follows: “ The epithet ‘ Rsabha ’, according to the traditional Advaitic inter¬ pretation, refers to Om, the s 3 nnbol and designation of Brahman.” Hence 6Sles)i^uuTstr (Vidaippaga) is translated here as ‘ 0 Rider astride Om \ The Vedas try to reach Him, hailing Him, ‘ 0 supreme Lord ^ but he eludes them. “ The Atman cannot be attained by the Vedas.” sings the Prasna Upanishad (11.15 to 23). But the Brahman, as the subtile One, rises, penetrates and pervades, not in the external world but in the heart. Of this we shall speak later on. VI The Mundaka Upanishad (II.2. 1,2,3,4,5) exhorts the aspirant in these inspiring words : ** The self-luminous (Brahman) is seated in the cavity of the heart and is knoum as moving there . Oh good looking youth, strike at that which should be struck. 12 Editor, tr'anslator, and commentator of the Ramakrishna Mutt edi¬ tions of the Upanishads. MANIKKAVACAKOPANISAiC) ** Tdki/ng the bow, that mighty weapon, as pres~ crihed in the Upanishads, fix in it the carow 'rendered sharp by constant worship. Oh good looking youth, having drawn it with the mind absorbed m His thought, hit the mark ,— the Imperishable Brahman. “ The Pranava (Om) is the bow, the currow, indeed is the atman and Brahman is said to be its mark. Care~ fully that mark is to be hit and one has to become ab¬ sorbed in Him just like the arrow ojt one with its mark. ** Lives there within, in manifold ways, where the ar¬ teries of the body are brought together like the spokes in the centre of a wheel, within it (this Atman moves about) becoming manifold. Do you meditate upon that Atman as Om. Godspeed to you (in your journey) beyond, across the darkness !” In the case of Manikkavacagar, the arrow has truly hit its mark—^the arrow and the mark have merged, becoming the Omkara dwelling in the heart. Therefore, what is a sup¬ plication, a prayer in the Brahdaranyaka TJpanishad becomes a reality with Manikkavacagar. This TJpanishad chants this world famous prayer : From the Unreal lead me to the Real, From Darkness lead me to Light From Death lead me to Immortality. Translating the aspiration to a realisation, Manikkavacagar sings in ecstasy thus : Qeuiuiuiriu ^enfliuiriu ^tuLHiresr (^^iheQuieor Quirtuiu/r uSIesrQeueoeoirih Quiriuseo eupps^eS Quiiu^i^i^irafr ubirQ iBeSrQmo) Qmiiid^^LJSjr er(Q^yresrui ^eoeiirQ^^ Qu(^wirQesr j^^i(Qtrearih ^&fr8ssr jffseCeSs(^Ui ' js^eOrSQat jfjeireSlgu^ i^eoeCTiu Jff8sar^^e0(^iji .^rd is indeed immortality. manikkavacak; 0 panisa£) 245 I viiX* ** This Atman hidden' in all bes/ngs, reveals (Itself) not (to all), but is seen (only) by the subtle^seers through their pointed and subtle intellect/* This Atman, the Purusha, the Supreme Goal spoken of thus in the Katha Upanishad (III. 11) is indeed that which is the (sjflresr^^/r/f Qdsirfm(Sl€mireuirir GjSiris/fliu GijiiraGs m iemi ssiHuj j^ ewr fmt eswirQat of Manikkavacagar which he hails thus: O Vl^on, rare to be viewed, O Vision of the inner vision of those who mtnit (Thee) with pointed wisdom true, O subtle Intuition, unsurimssedly subtile! IX There was, however, never any time when this Omkara, the Atman, the Brahman, the Purusha was not there within the heart. It is there in the Dark Night of the soul as much as It is in the illuminated state. Manikkavacagar th«:«fore sings: jBeireff}(^&FleC jsL-L-Ui jsir^ssr O Vibration (Omkara) stepping a dance in the Pork Night (of my soul) O Dancer in Tilloi I Tillai here is not a town in the South Arcot District. It is the place in the heart where ^: (dhi) =, the intel¬ lect lie (fusion, extinction, a place of rest, the supreme being) = merges, i.e., where the intellect merges.'* Compare ereo el, i.e., light, the sun’s rays, lie, i.e., extinction, thus gaining the meaning (xf boimdary. For to man, the first bous»- dary was as far as his eye could see, the horizon. TAMIL CtLTtJRll 246 The Katha Upanishad has this sloka about this : “The,wise man should merge speech in mind ; the latter he should merge in the intellect. The intellect he should merge in the great self. That he should merge in Sdntdtman, the tranquil self.” (III. 13) “ The soul,” explains Radhakrishnan, “ must go be¬ yond all images in the mind, all workings of the intellect, and by the process of abstraction, the soul is rapt above itself and flows into God in whom are peace and fullness.”. “ Purusha answers to the Santatman,” explains Radha¬ krishnan. The dancer (koothan) in Tillai is this Santatman. The Upanishad continues (III. 15) : “ Having realised that (Atman) which is soundless touchless, formless, imperishable, and also without taste and smell, eternal, without beginning or end, (even) beyond the Mahat, immutable, — one is re- leased from the jaws of Death.” The complement of death being birth, Manikka- vacagar sings: tSpeS ^^uuirQesr Thou who dost sever the affliction of birth and concludes. . Qa^ireCecp sfliuirBssr^ Q lise his position and become the disciple of Meikanda hint- self. Again, the puranic story of the persecution of Soora, a demon, is said to convey that Anava Mala is blotted out by Siva and that the demon symbolises the Mala. Yet again Ravana is said to be a symbol of Anava when he tried to lift the Mount Kailas. For this act he was cruohed under the hill till he felt regret for his deed. This particular inci¬ dent is celebrated on one of the ten days of festivals in the Saiva Temples. This incident is also referred' in ahnost every decade of saint Sambandar’s Tevaram. The famous incident in the forest called Taruka Vanam is also said to 53 Ibid. p. 18. PP. 15 and 16. 55 He is none other than Arul Nandi Sivacharya, the author^ot Siyaj- nana Siddhiyar. TAMIL CULTURE ^68 have taken place due to the Anava of the sages there. They were puffed up and to punish them Siva appeared at their doors in the guise of a beggar. His bewitching manliness captivated the hearts of the women folk of the sages.- This enraged the sages who performed the sacrifice out of -which came a deer, a tiger, a fireball, a serpent and a demon all of which were set at Lord Siva. He easily got an upper hand over them and danced in glee. The conceit of the sages came thus to nought. The dance here is the famous dance of Nataraja. This incident is celebrated annually at Chidambaram. CONCLUSION We may conclude now this paper on Anava Mala by observing that in recent years a spirit of ecumenism is run¬ ning over the Tamil Nad which is symbolised by a num¬ ber of religious movements such as Tiruppavai-Tiruvem- bavai conferences. In keeping with this spirit a recent pub¬ lication of a Saiva Mutt observes, “we forget those features of Hindu religion and emphasize those differences which after ail constitute the shadow. If for instance the Vedantin recognises in his Avidya the Anava Mala of the Saiva Sid- dhantin and if the Saiva Siddhantin recognizes in his Anava Mala the Ahankara of the Vaishnavite, would not this re¬ cognition of unity amidst seeming diversity create real con¬ cord and fellowship and promote the cause of the true faith in this land ” ? f aranar C. JESUDASAN m. a. ^ Paxanar we come to one of the poets most closely W associated with Kabilar’s name. Just as the names of Keats and Shelley, or Tennyson and Browning are linked together by posterity for certain reasons, so also the names of Kabilar and Paranar are mentioned in one breath by Tamil scholars.^ That they were contemporaries is proved by the fact that both poets have left on record verses addressed to Pehan on the same subject, beseeching him to go back to the wife whom he had forsaken.- The commentary on Virasdliyam informs us that Paranar entered into a controversy with Kabi¬ lar.® All the myths* associated with Paranar’s name introduce him to us as one of the great trio of Sangam literature^ the other two being Kabilar and Nakkirar. His relationship with Kabilar is thus beyond doubt. It is unfortunate, however, that we know hardly any¬ thing else of Paranar’s life. ‘ Myth cannot be relied upon, and we have no history of the lives of the Sangam poets. The outline of Kabilar’s life, however, can be traced from the evidence of his own poems; but we are denied, in a study of Paranar, even such a bare outline of his life. The prolific allusions to Tamil kings and chieftains in Paranar’s poetry, hint that he had some sort of connection with many of them ; but the exact kind of relationship is unknown. It follows that we can take but little sympathy to a study of Paranar’s works, and it is in such cases that we really regret the extreme C. Jesudasan is Lecturer, Dept, of Tamil, University of Travancore. * Tol: Ilampuranam and Perasiriyam: Seyyul lyal verse, 178. 2 PurandnUru : 143. 144. 145. ® Vitasoliyam : Toheiippadalam, 6. * Kadambdvana Puranam, Halasya Mahatmyam', Paranjodi-Tiruvila- yadal Puranam, Tiruvalavayudaiyar Tiruvilaiyadal Puranam. tAMlL cUlTOBiE m conventionalism of Sangam literature. Had there been some subjective poetrj', we would have had material for remoulding the personality of the poet. As is natural for a poet so far removed from our times, Paranar is credited with the authorship of works not his own. Sivaperuman Tiruvandadi is one of them. But there are positive internal evidences to prove that Paranar is not the author of this work. The profuse use of Sanskrit words and derivatives, and the presence of morphemes like ‘kinru’ (present tense sign) stamp it with a late origin. Thirty-seven sutras in Pamiirupattiyal, again, are ascribed to Paranar ; but they will really not stand to scrutiny, as by reason of the needless repetitions they contain, they are plainly wholly unworthy of Paranar. Besides, we find in them references to Pillai Tamil, which is definitely a type of poetical composition not known so early as the Sangam period. The sixth stanza in Tiruvalluvamalai is also said to be Paranar’s; but the ?7hole story of the composition of Tiruvalluvamalai is ob¬ viously so spurious that Paranar’s share in it might safely be dismissed. All that we can claim to be Paranar’s work, therefore, is what we find in the Sangam anthologies. iWe have to guess that some of his writings are lost, because that poem of his referred to by Awai in the often-quoted line “True, Paranar sang of thee this day,”** is not now extant. But the available output of Paranar’s is only eighty-five poems, run¬ ning to 1261 lines. Considering the sheer bulk of the poet’s writings, Paranar is second only to Kabilar among the Sangam poets. Paranar is very largely represented in Ahananuru. Thirty-four of his poems, covering about half of his output, are included in this anthology. What strikes us at a first reading of Paranar’s Ahananuru is the abundance of the al¬ lusions. There are but three poems® here free from such di¬ gressions ; truly, in yielding to the temptation of straying from ® Purananuru, 99. ® Ahananuru : 78. 276. 367. mranar 271 his subject into allusions, we find Paranar outdoing even Nak- Idrar, Kalladanar, and Mamulanar. In some of Paranar’s pieces^ the allusions become almost oppressive, the poems looking top-heavy. Some of his favourite allusions are re¬ peated in as many as five or six places.® They are all very well as a record of historical events and perhaps they ap- |)ealed to the imagination of his contemporaries, being, ob¬ viously, popular stories. But they do seem to show the lack of a sense of proportion in the poet, looking as they do like epic similes thrust into lyrics. Detached from their setting, however, some of these elaborate allusions look very beauti¬ ful. The story of Adimandi, bewailing the loss of her hus¬ band in the river, is quite touching in one piece® . Like Adimandi, widowed, who with eyes Brimming with tears, went 'mourning o’er her loss. Through every land, and through every town. Demanding who had seen her curly-haired, If Ocean took him, or if the river hid ? The allusion to the battle of Pali of Nannan is quite beautiful considering the picturesqueness of its description. That Ay is fallen, staining red the field, A noisy flock of birds but newly come, Covers the spacious heavens, so to hide The heat of the sun’s bright rays.'®. That one line “ VambappuUin kambalaipperundodu” is a marvel of condensed expression. Paranar attempts a variety of themes in Ahananuru, un¬ like Kabilar, who confines himself to Kurinji. Fifteen of Paranar’s are on Marudam,'another fifteen on Kurinji, and four on Palai. But we are surprised to observe that there is greater monotony in Paranar than in Kabilar. In a way ^ Ahananuru: 142, 152. 181, 208. 376, 396. * The story ot Adimandi and Attanatti in Ahananuru: 142, 148, 181, . 208. 396. ® Ahananuru: 236. Ahananuru : 181. T-AML CUL1?UR^1 the repetition of his pet allusions is responsible for it. It is further aggravated by the repetition of pet moods and situa¬ tions. Taking Marudam for instance, the injured wife up¬ braids the faithless husband in much the same strain in several pieces.^^ They say that yesterday with one fair dame You in the river bathed ; it is become A scandal, louder than the sounds that ring In the battlefield, when victory is won. In passing, one must observe, that similar as .the ideas expressed in these poems are, one of them is redeemed by a flash of unusual dramatic brilliance. This is in Ahananuru, 6. The hero, after his escapade, comes home, seeking the love of has wife. To placate her, he calls her, ‘Mother of my darling son ’, hoping perhaps that the thou^ts of that sacred tie would make her forget and forgive. But she takes it to be a hint that she has lost her youth. She fires up : “ With such deceitful words seek not to mock The advance of age in me ; enough of this! ” But this is an exception. Very high credit cannot be given to Paranar on the score of ^aracterisation. The lover is little besides a bundle of desires. He dreams of his lady’s beauty,'® he pities him¬ self for lo\ung the unattainable,'* and curses his heart for bewitching him.'® That is all he is good for, unless it were also for his escapade with-harlots, of which we hear very often. The harlot’s picture however, is in keeping with hex character. She is aggressive, voluptuous, indelicate and cun¬ ning. She boasts of her own powers. “ I am resolved to drag him by the AJtANAfi But when we have noticed the above, we. have seen all that is worthy of notice in Paranar’s Kurundohai. It might be observed in passing that though in general Paranar’s Kurun¬ dohai pieces are slightly longer than Kabilar’s, they are de^ finitely less powerful. Paranar’s Narrinai poems are more impressive on the whole than his Kurundohai. There are lovely descriptions of nature, worthy of Kabilar. See this : ^ The black-foot buffaloes that feasted on The hyacindis, turn satiate away From the dewy lotus blooms in watered fields, And warrior-like strut neighbouring mounds Of white sand, where to doze in peace, or this -.28 The sweet fruit, loosened from the mango-tree Drops with a splash in deep still waters where The buds of water-lilies look like storks that wait In silence for the fidi. This is how Paranar sees the cloud that has shed its rain. The raincloud that has spent its falling drops Is like pure sifted cotton.^® Narrinai, 300 is quite interesting, revealing dramatic powers quite unusual for Paranar. The heroine’s hand is desired by a suitor other than the lover. He is clever enough to try to make prompt arrangements for the marriage. Her maid is having a hit at her mistress’ lover for not having formally proposed the desired match to the lady’s parents. “He of the well watered land. Left having stationed at our door the coach He brought as price of my lady’s hand ; and thou Not ready with such a coach, standest close Beside the kitchen, touching the thatched roof, like A mighty elephant that waits for alms.” ^ Narrinai: 260 28 Narrinai: 280 2» Narrinai: 247. m 'i'AMlL cULTtfRE But the noblest of Paranar’s Narrinai poems need to be quoted in full below, although a translation cannot do it full justice. It contains one long simile, the kind that would be recognized as the epic simile, but which is freely allowed in short verses in ancient Tamil. It is the complaint of the lover, who has been refused the hand of his lady by her parents: The crimson-footed swan, with feathers soft Distinctly seen, come from the low South Sea After its feed, takes for its naked young Petted of goddesses in golden heights Of the Himalayas, their daily food, Like those unwearied mighty wings that strained. You have been sorely troubled, 0 ray heart. That went to her and is returned repulsed. But still, someday, might she not at my side Shine like the morning star in .the Eastern sky ? Paranar’s Padirruppattu poems are a great achievement. Trifly, they are superior to Kabilar’s contribution to the ‘ Ten Tens,’ which is saying a great deal. In the colophon to these pieces, we find that they were sung in honour of Ceran Cen- guttuvan, and that, in return for them, the king gave the poet, besides land, his own son as a reward ! What we might think of the king for his extravagance, need not, however, shake our opinion of the poet. Paranar’s ‘ Ten ’ are among the glories of Tamil literature. They celebrate the great Tamil king’s valour and generosity. It appears this Ceran Cenguttuvan numbered, among his victories, his victory over a horde that came from overseas to invade his territory. The event is celebrated in several of the Ten. The poems breathe of the sea, and lend exquisite imagery. Here is a description of Cenguttuvan’s horses; More numerous than the cold and countless waves. With heads of white foam spraying coloured drops. From many -billowed, dark, and mighty seas.®^ 30 Narrinai: 356. 81 Padirruppattu: 42. mANAH Here is a wonderful simile, that is not exactly a conceit for one who has really seeii the bird in question dive into the water for prey, and emerge with its thin, tapering beak up¬ ward. But we can guess it was crude surgery for the warrior who had his wound stitched. The long, sharp needle that sinks in the breast, As the halcyon, that looking for its prey, Swoops in the cold depths, and flies up again. The following poem is quite remarkable for the beauty of its desciiption. In streets where from the terraces, like streams That flow down mountains, banners upon the wind Tremulously unroll, the stout flames keep Brightening in the lamps because the oil Overflows from the burner Paranar’s Padirruppattu rises sometimes into deep and complex harmonies, like the piece beginning. “ Mamalai mulakkin manganam panippa Kan mayangu kadalurai aliyodu sidari ” Sometimes the poet is quite lyrical, as in that poem opening thus : “ Come ye, join us.” He indulges freely in parallelisms : “ Minstrels he crowns with lotuses of gold ; Gold necklaces he gives the dancing girls.” “ The bamboo fades ; the raindouds fail; The hills are dry ; rages the sun.”®® Perhaps it is natural that a lover of parailelism should also be a lover of antithesis. 32 Padirruppattu : 47 . 33 Padirruppattu: 50 . 3 * Padirruppattu : 49 . 33 Padirruppattu: 48 . 33 Padirruppattu : 43 . 280 I'AMiL C 3 trLWRE “Gentleness that yields, courage that will not bend.” Bom in thy hills, lost in thy sea ” “The sea That is not shrunk up by the clouds that drink And is not swollen by the river-streams.”" We are told several interesting facts during the course of these poems. C^an Cenguttuvan wore a gold chain wrought from the gold crowns of seven kings. His warriors would fight for glory only with veterans. He was bounteous to his fol¬ lowers and distributed his gifts thus : “ Hold, she-elephants for dancing-girls, Fierce tuskers for the heroes of the war, And here, are horses for the bards.” " The poems are not completely without faults. Padir- ruppattu, 44 does not seem quite in good taste, when the p^et wishes “ May not the urn that hid great moiiarchs see. Thy glorious body.” But we can afford to overlook them and be thankful to Para- nar for the wealth of his Padirrup^attu. We have only a few poems of Paranar’s in Purananuru. The subject is, as in Padirruppattu, that of war, but the poems are no longer addressed to Cenguttuvan. Other kings and chieftains claim the poePs notice. The first of these poems, (Puratn 4) is remarkable on account of the deft artis¬ try that serves to relieve the monotony of a catalogue. Thy sword, bloodsmeared in bringing victory. Is like the beauty of the blushing sky. Thy shield, all holes made by the arrows, is Like a steady target to the shots exposed. Thy elephant, tusks blunted in the acts Of bursting barriers, is like grim Death. And thou art glorious like the crimson sun. Hence, like the motherless and hungry child Unceasing, wails the country of thy foe. Padirruppattu: 48 . ^ Padirruppattu: 45 . Padirruppattu: 43 . PARANAR What is noteworthy here is the delicate modulation of each rhythm, together with the fine parallelism, and the powerful contrast at the end. The poem naturally sirigs its way to the heart. If it would not be too ungrateful one might here recall how even Kabilar overdid matters when he made a catalogue of the flowers in Kurinjippattu. Purarn 63, again reveals Paranar as a careful and con¬ scious artist. The poetry is even more powerful, and one detects the genuine sob of the elegy. The countless elephants by arrows shot. Their battles ended, died upon the field. The horses, famed for bringing victory With their heroic riders, there are* slain. The warriors in chariots, there lie Together dead, their shields upon their e 5 res •With spears that plunged deep in their breasts, the kings That fought, perished upon the battle-field ! Alas ! what shall become Of the spacious kingdoms with New riches everyday. Where girls with wristlets made Of water-lily stalks. Feasted on soaked, flat rice. And bathed in the cooling streams ! ” Examining the poem in original, we find that the devices employed to heighten the poignant effect are the long vowels rhyming at the end of alternate lines*® and the subtle metrical arrangement, beginning, with pairs of long-drawn out, end- stopped lines, and ending with diort run-on lines, as though the poet were gasping for breath. ‘♦® 2, 4, 6, 8 end with ve, lin^ 9 ?nds with * e * 28 ^ ^PAMIL CULTURE Several of these poems are addressed to Pehan, of whom we are told an interesting story. Pehan, the lord Of horses proud and savage elephants, Who, taking pity that the peacock blue And soft, should shiver in the cold, bestowed On it his mantle. This almost makes Cenguttuvan’s generosity sane enough I Puram 144 runs parallel to Kabilar’s poem^^ on the same subject, requesting Pehan to return to his wife. It is a matter of pride for Paranar, to recognize that, of the many poems addressed to Pehan in the same strain,^^ Paranax’s stands next to Kabilar’s. There are two poems^® addressed to Pehan as tributes to his generosity. In one of them** Paranar tells a wandering minstrel to seek Pehan out, because he is sure of the latter’s - bounty. Poorer than thou were we, before we saw Pehan, victorious patron ; and now are we Thus satisfied. He knows ’tis^good to give. His bounty is not meant to earn his heaven. But to soothe the poverty of men. Puram 343 and 352 would afford material for linguists, for in both there occur finite verbs with the ending ‘ ndu ’, from which it is suspected that the modern Malayalam present tense ending with ‘nnu’ is derived. Puram 341 is an interesting piece in which there is a brilliant simile, comparing the confusion, likely to be caused in a village by a girl’s beauty to “The cold lake muddied by the elephants At war.” 41 Puram: 145, 42 Puram: 143, 144. 145, 146, 147. <2 Puram : 141, 142 Puram: 141, PARANAR 283 But of aJl Paranar’s Puram poems, Puram 369. is by far the best. It contains an elaborately worked-out metaphor. The battle is compared to the agriculturist sowing his seeds in the midst of thunder, lightning and rain. The trend of the metaphor may be guessed from the few lines quoted below : The black-trunked elephant serves there for cloud ; The sword is lightning ; thunder, the battledrum ; The fleet-foot horse, the wind, in the broad wet field Wherein rain down the arrows from tense strings By drawn bows; there, the chariots are ploughs ; Bright spears are seeds ; the arops, the trunks of foes. It is futile to compare Paranar’s Puram poems with Kabilar’s, because the former is but meagrely represented in this anthology. But as has been seen, the few that are avail¬ able are well worth the reading. There is no doubt that Paranar is a true, perhaps a great poet. But there seems to be no justification for ranking him beside Kabilar. The late Mr. Sivaraja Pillai, in his admirable book ‘ The Chronology of the Ancient Tamils’ ac¬ tually places Paranar high above Kabilar, a decision which is wholly unw’arranted. Kabilar was of the few who need not ‘abide our question.’ In Paranar, as has been noticed, there are several vulnerable spots. He does not show a very high dramatic sense, he is not consistently musical,^'^ his al¬ lusions are often provokingly tiresome and his flashes of imagery are certainly not so abundant or always as rich as Kabilar’s. Besides, his personality is submerged in the lite¬ rary conventions of his day, unlike Kabilar’s, which is kept above water in Purananuru. But it would be ungrateful to Paranar to compare him with incomparables, or dissect his weaknesses when they are such that many a great poet may plead guilty of them without losing his place. There are flashes of greatness in Paranar. The flashes are neither few nor far between, and some of them transcend aU praise. If he *5 See Puram 141, 142, where the persistent use of the hard * da ’ shows definite want of taste. So also Puram 145, TAMIL CULTURE is not unjfonnly musical, to him we may ascribe some of the most musical passages in ancient Tamil literature, like that beginning. Arambolawalai tolnilai n^ila.” If there is not so much wealth of imagery in Paranar as Kabilar, there could be no more magnificient image in all literature than his description of the moss which yields to the touch and spreads back when left alone. Thus, some of the heights of ancient Tamil litera¬ ture are touched by Paranar. Judging by the bulk of his verse, he is nowhere beside the pinnacle. But there are in¬ stances of his leaving the earth and shooting straight for the stars. It was not for nothing that Avvai remembered him with such warm admiration : ‘True, Paranan sang of thee this day.* ^lie ^ra^ed^ oi {Continued) BT MISS E. 1. RAJESVARI, m.a., l.t. K AMBAN gives this story of Ahalya in wlhat is now the ninth Patalam or chapter in Balakantam called AkaHikaip- patalarn consisting in all of eighty six verses. Of these eighty sJx, the last twenty three or twenty four alone deal with this story. One wonders whether Kamban is justified in giving the title Akalikaippatalam for a chapter whdre only one fourth of it is concerned with this story. The Tamil Gram¬ marians will justify this title because it is the best of the three stories narrated in this chapter (Tolkappyam 532). In some manuscript copies, however, the last twenty three verses alone, are grouped together as a separate chapter under this title of Akalikaippatalam, whilst the other two stories of the Ganges and Durvasa are numbered as two different chapters. From the way in which Kamban is treating the story of Ramayana, one may be tempted to suggest that the two different stories other than that of Ahalya did not form part of his original work; as these stories do not re¬ present any incidents in the main story of Rama. But in the absence of a detailed study of all the manuscripts, grouped together as various rescensions, in terms of the regions of their currency and in terms of the age of the manuscript, it will be too presumptuous to conclude that any portion is an interpolation. Suffice it for our present purpose to follow those manuscripts which group the last twenty three verses alone as a separate chapter on Ahalya. B Visvamitra and the princes enter Mithila and this chapter starts with a description of this land of Sita. The first six verses describe the beauty and the fertility of Mithi¬ la reminding us of Kamban’s description of the land of Rama. ^6 YAMlL CULTtJRlil The gardens of Mithila form a beautiful theatre re¬ sounding* with the music and dance of Nature (verse 64). The gurgling noise of water rushing through sluices gives us the music of the.drum. -The fire-like red flowers of Asoka ail round the place, are so many lights hung all' around the theatre. The flowers with the string-like flow of honey re¬ present the yal or the lyre. The bees humming thereon are musicians playing on the lyre. The peacocks are the beauti¬ ful damsels dancing on this wonderful theatre. This reminds us of Kamban’s description of Kosala and forces us to compare and contrast these two together. In Rama’s Kosalk the fertile rural area is personified as a King—a unique suggestion of the Tamil poet so full of signi¬ ficance and meaning. This King holds his court or durbar. There is the theatre before him where dance the peacocks keeping time with the drum of the clouds, the water plants holding up the lamps of lotuses, the ripples forming the screen on this stage, whilst the bees sing like minstrels to the enjoyment of the attentive eyes the ‘Kuvalai’ flowers. There is so much similarity that one may be tempted to speak of these poems as identical. In the description of Kosala, Kamban’s imagination takes, in one great sweep, the whole of the fertile lands as a unity and their importance to the state leading on the development of his idea of the divi¬ nity of labour, and his much more important conception of a state and that a cultural state where the subjects form its very life whilst the King becomes its body. In the des¬ cription of the land of Sita this ulterior significance of a :;tate is wanting, but it is a picture of harmony of Nature or Univer^, a harmony of beauty the birth place of Sita the Beautiful Sita the Loving Harmony. It is the feminine soul that is revealed here even as the masculine soul is re¬ vealed in the description of Kosala. But there the concep¬ tion of a King and a state comes in, as the unifying prin¬ ciple, whereas, here, the description of the garden does not - suggest anything more than the harmony and beauty which from tbe phenomenon lead up to the noumenon of a har¬ mony of Love. 'THE TilAG£)l>Y OF AHALYA ^7 The workers in the paddy fields—^men and women, as lovers come on the scene, as though in a love stoiy. The women are dying to express their hearts through their eyes to their lovers working on the fields. They go round the fields only to become miserable at seeing the lotuses and lilies uprooted and thrown away by their lovers on the bimds, perhaps because these women feel that these men had not the loving eyes to recognise in these flowers, the hands and eyes of their sweet hearts—a recognition which would have pre¬ vented these hard-hearted .men, throwing away so uncere¬ moniously and mercilessly these reminders of loving duty. In Hamas land is enacted the selfsame scene of love, but there, without the women pining for an occasion for pour- mg forth their hearts, the loving men themselves, ever inspired by the love for their beloved, remove none of the weeds; for, there is no other weed in the fields excelpt the flowers w'hich are to them so many signs and symbols of the beauty of their sweet hearts. In Rama’s land, the land of the hero, it is men who are inspired by love whereas in Sita’s land, the land of the heroine, it is the women who are ins- pir^ by ideal love, the men however going about inspite of their love as practical men of the world. In Mithila, the swan feels its kinship with the women¬ folk and follows them whilst walking. The cuckoo —the koefl-feeling this afl5nity begins to sing. In Rama’s land the peacock, mistaking the damsels of the grace for their peahen, follow them like their lovers. It is there a pining for their love. Here it is a feeling of community that arises in the mind of the swan and the cuckoo at the sight of their gait and at the hearing of their song. The women of Alithila bathe and all the fragrant kesari paste on their bodies, washed and dissolved in the waters of their bath, is found coated on the bodies of the birds of this water. Because of this change in the colour of their bodies, they are not owned by their kith and kin, who mistake them for birds of a different kind. This creates a perpetual commotion. Even the flowers close their eyelids 19 I’AMIL CULTURE of petals sleep but—aJas! not these poor birds. This is how JECamban describes — if we believe these are from his pen — the numerical strength of the woman-folk in the land of Sita, thus leading to a great commotion — a conunotion which is symbolical of the commotion of coming war. In the land of Rama it is not the fragrant Kesari paste of white and red hues, besmeared on the chest of the beauti¬ ful men that comes to the mind of Kamban and it is the paste being washed away, that floods, the fields — an ex¬ aggerated way of explaining the numerical strength of men. When Kamban thinks of the innumerable damsels of Rama's land — damsels who gave birth to Rama and the citizens of Ramarajya, he is not satisfied with the ponds alone turn¬ ing red with the Kesari paste washed away from their bodies; his fertile imagination dreams without any restraint of the whole ocean smelling sweet with the fragrance of the sweet ’ smelling tresses of their hair made sweeter by the flowers adorning them. Ordinary standards will condemn this as an exaggeration but Kamban is so over-powered by his con¬ ception of the universal influence which has to blossom as Ramarajya, that he finds no other way of expressing this supernormal ideal except through this supernatural way, in keeping- with his supernatural and deified conception of Ramarajya. The fertile yield of the land of Sita is suggested by a beautiful conceit — a description of the rivers of the coun¬ try not following (1) with ordinary water, but (2) with the milk of the buffaloes whose milk surges forth and flows whilst, away from their home they rest in the waters think¬ ing of their calvesr (3) with the juice flowing from the fruits of mango trees grown tall and big on the banks and over¬ hanging the river fords, (4) with the nectar churned in .the pressing machine out of the sugar cane cut to pieces and, (5) with the abundant honey, overflowing from the pierced beehives. 2^9 THE TRAGEDY OF AHALYA , . Ramas land, also, there is a flood of sweet liquids but it IS ail a flood of »honey offering a rich intoxicating feast to the fish of the ocean, in keeping with the autdior’s con¬ ception of Rama s universal influence. True to this concep¬ tion, the buffaloes of Ramans land, by a happy, — almost a ^vine, coincidence in nature, pour their surging milk well¬ ing forth at the sweet thought of their loving calves, into the^ mouth of the newborn swan just opening its mouth and crying for its mother which has left it in search of food. Perhaps in tihe^ land of heroine, ordaining feasts, the sweet mixture of a drink or pancamrta comes to the mind of Kam- ban and he offers us a sweet mixture of honey, milk, mango juice, soup of the sugar cane and the icy cool water mixed in right proportions as in preparing a cocktail — a sweet and holy drink which can be relived only by the men of artistic taste and not by the fish or other lower orders of cimtion, believing only in matsya nyaya. If Sita saves Rama the man, the whole world is saved — tbat is the way woman saves the world not directly but indirectly through the man or the child through her life giving a sweet feast of divine love. We are gradually taken to higher and higher spheres of more and more refined pleasures and happiness and bliss. In the land of Sita the sweet music of the drum of the mins¬ trels resound all around the theatres on which the young beauties dance. The young inexperienced calf just straying for the first time beyond its home, at this strange unheard of sound, takes fright and dashes into the stream in such hot haste that the astounded sword fish of the waters, in con¬ fusion and fear^ jump up high into the bunches of arecanut buds. That is how the beings not human in essence react to the beauty and art of women — a suggestive reminder of things to follow in the Ramayana. In Rama’s land also there is music, but there is not this fright, of the bards resounding everywhere with their drum, awaking at dawn the’ damsels of peacocks sleeping on their jewel bedecked cots — a wonder¬ ful call to duty of the day, suggesting a happy harmony of the social life, 200 tAMIL CULTURE Kamban gave us a glimpse of the ever-resounding ponds of'nature. In the ponds of human art, the damsels close down their eyes while ducking into the water to the music of their jing'ling bangles and resounding birds and rise up from the waters like the Goddess of Beauty and Wealth, coming up in olden times from the churned ocean of white milk. The damsels bathe in the ponds; the bees bathe in the flowers. This commingling of sounds creates no con¬ fusion of noises but forms into a wonderful orchestra reveal¬ ing at the same time a miraculous vision of divine Beauty. It is, indeed, a very beautiful and suggestive description of the land of Sita, the very incarnation of the Goddess of Beauty and Wealth, of divine harmony and love. In the land of Rama also, the damsels bathe in ponds and there is the whirling ripples of water formed. There also the beauty of the damsels is revealed, the very red lilies of water become the disciples as it were of the coral like lips of the women bathing in their waters. Women’s beauty sets there the standard everywhere and the whole world imitates them creating in that way a harmony of uni¬ formity, Nature itself resonating to the tune of the blossom¬ ing beauty of women. It is the Ramarajya where Rama and others walk in the footsteps of their mothers. But Sita has to live in a land of hostility which has to be saved through divine love which alone can convert the confusion into a symphony. . C All this is the description of the exterior of Mithila suggesting that we are entering the city of womanhood. It is on the outskirts of this city that the drama of Ahalya has been enacted. These descriptions hold up before us the reflections of so may illusions and delusions to which un¬ fortunately innocent women fail a prey. Is not Sita herself going to be duped by a* golden deer of Rakshasa and then by a false sanyasi of Havana^ But all the glory to Sita that she escapes from the hell-fire of degradation* thanks to the THE TRAGEDY OF AHALYA training, she received in the midst of their wonderful sur¬ roundings of Mithila and to her own divine fire of chastity and love so beautifully suggested herein. Janaka the father of Sita is indeed famous for his realisation of the ultimate spiritual truth a great and saintly king who could live amidst the enchanting powers of Maya or illusion and still escape their dangers. Perhaps all this and more is suggested by this short description. Whether we are correct or not in thus reading here a greater wider and deeper significance in relation to the story of Ramayaha, one wiH be justified in concluding that these descriptions of delusions form a very suggestive introduction to the story of Ahalya that unfortunate victim to the evils of the great Lord of the Heaven Indra. This version of delusion itself forming as it were a contrast to the other version viz., Sita’s abduction heightens thereby the beauty and force of the latter and attains an or¬ ganic unity with the main story whose hero becomes the deus ex machina of this subsidiary plot. M. MOHAMED UWISE, Mji, T he idea of one world was voiced two thousand years ago by a Tamil Po^ who said that every country is his country and every one is his kinsman (njir^ih ssnOtr luireuq^ra QsM), The cosmopolitan nature of the Tamil Language is manifest in its literature. The Tamil language is one of the few, if not the only one, which could lay claim to the religious, ethical and devotional literature of all the lead¬ ing religions of the world. It has been the literary vehicle of thought of (Saiva and Vaishnava sections of) Hinduism, of Buddhism, Jainism, Christianity and Islam. By far the least known section is the Muslim contri¬ bution to Tamil literature. This section of Tamil literature has been long neglected by students of Tamil. Perhaps, the non-Muslims of the Tamil country are not aware that there are many works in Tamil written by Muslim authors and even the Muslims themselves are ignorant of the existence of so many Tamil literary works of their ancestors. This neglect wias mainly due to the fact that most of the Muslim Tamil literary works were not easily available. But I was able to collect together more than two hundred Tamil lite¬ rary works written by Muslim authors. Accounts of these works are given in my thesis for the degree of Master of Arts submitted to the University of Ceylon in May, 1951.^ Muslim Tamil literature can be classified under four main heads .:— 1. Literary forms. 2. Prose works. ■ 3. Mystical works. 4. 'Works of theology and ethics of Islam. ——— ( M. Mohamed Uwise is visiting lecturer. Department of Tamil, University of Ceylon. 1 Muslim contribution to Tamil literature: Published by Tamil Manram, Galhinna, Kandy (Ceylon) (1953). ISLAMIC I>OETRV IN TAMIL The literary forjjps can further divided into ;— 1 . Classical literary forms. 2 . Popular literary forms, 3. Muslim literary forms. The epic (airuiSiuLh) is the chief literary form in Tamil. Cirappuranam (^^(n^ut-finressrih') Irajanayakam i^a-ir^jBiriuaih) Putukuccam and Muldyt- tin puranam L/jr/r6ssrii>) are the Tamil epics popular with the Muslims. Many literaay works in each of the following minor classical literary forms are found in the Muslim section of Tamil literature namely, Arruppatai (^pjpiuuemi-.) Antati Kovai (Qairmeu) Kalam- pakam {iseoihusih) Pillaittamil ^ 8str ^^lB f^) and Ammanai Very common among the Muslims are the popular literary forms namely, Tiruppukal Ljs^') Malai (Lo/r&t)) Ecal (< 5 r< 9 ^^) Kirttanai Cintu Kummi •( 0 tiLO) Anantakkalippu asifluL/) Tempanku {Qpihu[rrsi(^) Kapparpattu (auup uirilQ) etc. The literary standard of these popular literary forms rank somewhat higher than that of Folk poetry. The Tamil literary forms that are peculiar to the Mus> luns of the Tamil country are termed Muslim Tamil literary forms. The names 'by which these literary forms are known are Arabic and Persian except one which is Tamil. This is called Pataippor {umL-uQuirir) or war-ballad. The lite¬ rary forms known by Arabic and Persian names are Munajat {(ipesr^irilS), Kissa (® 6 ^ay/r) Masala' (uauso/r) and Nama {piTLCitr), By far the most numerous are Munajat poems which are sung to invoke blessings. Munajat is an Arabic verbal noun meaning “ Uttering in secrecy ”. In later usage it began to indicate supplication addressed to Allah and his blessed devotees. Munajat is also generally used for the extempore prayer offered aft^ the usual liturgical form has been recited. Kissa means a narrative or a story. The Arabic word Masa^ TAMIL CULTURE ^4 means questions or problems. Namalh {jBtrQin) in' Per¬ sian stands for a story, a book or a Chronicle. The prose section of Muslim Tamil literature consists chiefly of books on religion and literary controversies. It also comprises a large number of works dealing with the juris¬ prudence of Islam. Some of the religious controversies were between different sects of Islam, while others were between Islam and other religions. As in North India, Tamil country did not experience so much of the religious controversies based on. religious sects. In North India there are two groups of Muslims known as Sunnis and Shias, arguing out the soundness of their respective ideologies. But the sectarian controversy among the Muslims in the Tamil country was mainly confined to the divergent interpretation of the differ¬ ent orders in Islam.* A significant share of the Muslim contribution to Tamil literature is composed of the literary compositions of Mus¬ lim mystics of the Tamil country. The history of Tamil literature shows the prominent place the great Saiva my&: tics occupy in the revival and the development of the Tamil' language and its literature. The same could be said of the Muslim Tamil mystics. Mystics of different religions have sung almost the same type of songs when they reach the height of their mystical experience. But these songs are not without the distinguishing features jjertaining to the parti¬ cular faith to which the particular mystic belongs. The songs of Tayumanavar and Mastan Sahib have much in common. Two important features that distinguish the songs of Tayu¬ manavar from that of Mastan Sahib are the latter’s Islamic theme and occasional use of words of Arabic origin'. Simi- 'larly songs of another MusUm Mystic, Pir Mukammatu Sahib have piuch in common with the lyrics of the Tevaram Trio. Although almost all the Tamil literary works of the Mustos have Islam as their main theme, yet there are also Muslim Tamil literary works which deal exclui^vely with the theology and ethics of Islam. ISLAMIC POLTHV IN I’AMIL 295 It is said that the English poets of the Seventh and Eighth centuries wrote in an Englirii manner and very often in an English mood but what they had to express was of Latin ecclesiastical traditions (see Hose Macaulay: Hogarth Lecture No. 14. Some Religious element in Engilish literature pp. 30-31). Similarly it could be said that the Muslim Tamil poets wrote in a Tamid manner and very often in a Tamil mood but w^hat they had to express was of Arabic ecclesias¬ tical traditions. At times Muslims poets went a step fur¬ ther by writing Tamil poems in Arabic script. Generally a language is written in the script of another language, only when that particular language has no script of its own. Since Tamil has an indigenous script, this usage may be due to the fact that Muslims hold Arabic as a sa cred language. The Arabic script is said to be the universal mark of Muslim dominance or influence wherever Islam spread. Mudim Tamil hterature of Peninsular India has 'a close parallel in the literature of the Muslim Spaniards of the Iberian peninsula. In many of the Muslim Spanish lite¬ rary works, the words are Spanish and the verse form is French while the script used is Arabic. The poems of the Muslim Tamil authors betray traces of Hindu influences. This was inevitable as the Muslim Tamil poets lived in a predominantly Hindu society. Many of the Hindu ideas and conceptions have crept into the works of al¬ most all the Muslim Tamil mystics. Some of the Hindu ideas in these poems are very much opposed to the fundar mental beliefs of the creed of Islam. There are also instances where Hindu ideas have been twisted to make them Islamic. The distinguishing feature of Mu^ Tamil litera¬ ture is the presence of a large number of words of Arabic origin. These words cannot be dispensed with as they are very essential to convey the Islamic ideas. The importance and indispensable nature of the Arabic words of Muslim Tamil 'literature is analogous to the presence of Prakrit, i96 TAMIL CtJLTURE Pali and Sanskrit words in the Tamil literature of the Jains, Buddhists and Vushnavites respectivdy. The esteem in which the Jaina and Buddhists sections of Tamil literature are held is mainly due to the pioneer efforts of research scholars who devoted their lives in the publication of these works. These scholars thus, made these literary works—some of which are masterpieces—^known to the Tamil speaking world. Muslim Tamil literary works also will be popular if they are published with critical edi¬ tions and made easily available to the Tamil speaking world. i^edJu, ike ^amit and Poet THOMAS SRINIVASAN THE MISSIONARY T he few facts that are known about Beschi’s life are easily, available^ and can be rapidly summarised here. Born in 1680, in Italy, he entered the Society of Jesus in 1698 and joined the Madura Mission in 1710. The mission, which had been founded by another Italian, Robert de Nobili more than a century before, for that reason possessed a certain attraction for Italians. Beschi ^ent the first years in the south of the peninsula at Kamanayakenpatti and Guru- kalpatti. In 1712-13 we hear of his being stationed at Ayyampet in the Trichinopoly District. The next two years saw him again in the south where, on one occasion, he was on the point of being put to death for his reli^on. After another year, spent partly at Madura and partly in Marava, Beschi was definitely stationed in the north. He was to spend the rest of his active life at Ela- kurichi near Tanjore, Conankuppam in South Arcot and Vadugerpet to the north of TVichinopoly. At Elakuri- chi he secured a considerable grant of land from the Nayanar or Zemindar of Ariyalur. Later on he came in contact witii Chanda Sahib who seems to have been completely taken up with the talents of the great missionary. The influence which Beschi wielded over Chanda Sahib saved the neighbouring inisfflonaries from many a vexation in that period of cease¬ less civil war. It was very likely that Chanda Sahib showed ^ La Mission du Madure by L. Bertrand, s.J. Vol. IV and Beschi, by L. Basse s. J. latter has superseded all the earlier biogra¬ phies. The older notices by Babington, Caldw^ mahon &C., were all based on the unreliable * life' by Muthusaroi PUlai. TAMIL CULTURE m his admiration in the usual manner of the time by award- in8:'Beschi a pension in the shape of a grant of land. This ^ i^' M ** ' ' t" is apparently the only basis .of fact behind the later tradi¬ tion that he was actually Diwan to-the Nawab and kept great state. _ In any case, Chanda Sahih^s nawabship came to an abrupt end in 1742, and Beschi soon after withdrew to the Fishery Coast, presumably ,to rest after his thirty years’ labour. In 1746 we find him at Ambalacat as Visitor of the Jesuit College there. It was at Ambalacat, according to Besse, that he died in February, 1747. The few letters of the period that have been utilized > « by Fr. Besse tell us very little about. his literary history. Ihere is just a hint in a letter of 1715, while Beschi was working in Tinnevelly, that he availed himself of the leisure enforced on him by persecution to devote himself to the study of Tamil poetry. This was quite in keeping with the tradi-; tions of the Madura Mission. Its founder, de Nobdi, could write with equal facility in Telugu, Tamil and Sanskrit, In fact, he may claim to be the pioneer of Tamil prose—spe¬ cies of literature which was little esteemed in the country. It is true that his prose is rather turgid. But he points with justifiable pride to the purity of his own language com¬ pared with the barbarisms of the Tamil spoken by the Portuguese on the coast. With equal justice he could have contrasted his business-like style with the stilted circum¬ locutions that passed for prose even among his Tamil con¬ temporaries. Ft, de Nobili is also said to have composed verse—of what quality we cannot judge, for nothing of it has come down to us. But deep scholarship in the languages of the coun¬ try was the least part of the missionary’s equipment in Madura. In his dress his food, his manner of life, in his very outlook, he was expected to turn Indian, or rather Hindu, so far as the square peg of his Christianity could fit into the round hole of the Hindu social system. This BESCHI, THE TAMIL SCHOLAR AND POEt m method, which owed its inspiration to the genius of de NobiK, and on which the Madura and Carnatic missions worked, has had severe critics ever since its foundation. But it is difficult to see the point of their criticism. The Christian religion did not enjoy in the interior the political support which helped its spread in the Portuguese territories. On the contrary, de Nobili had to live down the heavy reproach of preaching a religion which was associated in the popular mind with Mlecchas. His first task, thereforcb was to over¬ come this reproach and prepare the minds of the people to judge his message on its merits. It was only by this means that he and his successors were able to start a mass move¬ ment towards the Church among the higher classes—a move¬ ment based on religious grounds alone, which forms a unique chapter in the history of Indian Christianity. Even apart from its tactical value, there is no doubt that de NobiU’s method was in direct conformity with the spirit of Catho¬ licism. There has always been a school, or rather a ten¬ dency, among Christians to identify the cause of Christ with a definite race, culture, political regime, or particular sys¬ tem of social ordering—an unfortunate tendency which in spite of occasional or temporary advantages, has always end¬ ed by doing more harm than good. It is the eternal glory of de Nobili that he took up arms against this tendency and enlisted on the side of Catholicism that social purity and personal asceticism which is so much esteemed in India. It was now Beschi’s turn to add to it the glamour of a great literature and the attraction of popular poeby. THE SCHOLAR Beschi’s writings fall into three broad categories. In some his aim was to facilitate the study of the language, particularly for his fellow-missionaries. To this class belongs his grammar of Kodum-Tamil. The word Kodum-Tamil was originally used to denote the dialects of the 12 countries adjoining the land of Sen-Tamil, viz., the Pandya country. Beschi was the first to use it in the sense of colloquial, as 300 1[*AMIL CULTURE opposed to literary, Tamil His aim was to give tihe mis¬ sionaries a means by whidi they could quickly equip them¬ selves for contact with the people, leaving it to the taste and ability of each' one to master its literature later on. But the results of the distinction thus made by him have been unfortunate. On the one hand, some at least of his successors have been satisfied with this Kodum-Tamil and thus helped to perpetuate a variety of Tamil-Christian Tamil, as it is called,—decidedly less polished than the language of the schools. On the other hand, it lhas been responsiMe for the rather foolish idea of some scholars that there is "a wide gulf between literary and colloquial Tamil—^as if it were greater’ than exists between, say, Cockney and the king’s English. At any rate, Beschi’s work on Kodum-Tamil and its sequel on Sen-Tamii have formed the starting point of all modern grammatical studies in Tamil. Native grammarians had hopelessly complicated the system of Tamil grammar in an ill-conceived attempt to force it into the altogether imcongenial mould of Panini. Again,' most existing gram¬ mars were recondite with obsolete exceptions and obscure in the last degree, so that they were generally accompanied by scholiasts, not much more enlightening themselves. The only grammar that was at all in general use was the NANNUL. But even this was very jejune, and confined itself to two out of the five sections of Tamil grammar. The result was that prosody, rhetoric and the allied arts had fallen into neglect. Beschi, with his mastery of European languages, was the first to reduce the rules of native grammarians to an intelligible and consistent system. His Orammar of Sen- Tamil in Latin is a supreme achievement of conciseness and clarity which has not received its due as a brilliant antici¬ pation of the science of philology. At the same time, Beschi wrote a grammar in the style of the native works, in sut- ras, called Thonnul (the ancient book). He meant it to be complete and, thus supersede Nannul, because it embraced all the five sections. In some places he has bodily taken BESCHI, THB TAMIL SCHOLAll ANi) TOET 301 over the sutras of his Jaiha predecessor. But while it took the latter 462 verses to do his two sections, Beschi has com¬ pleted his five sections in 370 verseis. It is a sufilcient com¬ mentary on the obscurantism of aU those responsible jfor the teaching of Tamil in the schools to say that this ex- cellent work was printed only in 1891, and has not been reprinted since then. Beschi was also the first scientific lexicographer of Tamil. He edited two dictionaries, one Latin-Tamil, the other Portuguese-Tamil, and followed them up with one in Tamil, th^ Saduragaradi. In the Saduragaradi he was breaking altogether new ground. The old dictionaries in Tamil or nigandus, as they were called besides being in verse, follow¬ ed a peculiar classification of their own. Thus the Pinga- landai is divided into ten sections and its more famous suc¬ cessor, the Chudamani is divided into twelve sections, such as names of gods of men and animals, words with many meanings &c.,. Neither of them follows the alphabetical order which to us is the distinctive mark of a dictionary; they can be used only by memorising or by frequent crMS- reference. Beschi divides his own work into four sections as his title indicates; the first being on names, the second on things, the third on series,— e.g. Angas : 6 ; countries: u6 ; &c.,—and the fourth on rhymes, that is, grouping the words according to initial rhymes. In each section .the words are arranged alphabetically. This book, which was the first dictionary in Tamil on modern lines, has set the standaird for aU subsequent lexicographers. Rottler and Percival and Winslow and native lexicographers have, with acknowledge¬ ment or without, drawn largely on it. . According to Burnell, it was Beschi who carried out some salutary changes in the Tamil alphabet. The Virdma or Pulli which had originally been used to distinguish the consonant had fallen into disuse owing to the apathy of palm- leaf writers. Beschi saved much confusion to Tamil read¬ ers by restoring it. In writing the peculiarly Tamil long e and o after a consonant the old practice had been to mark tAMlL Ct^LTtJRlB rbe d^ga above the consonant. This diacritical mark ( - ) had also'faHlen into difiuse in an age of indolent scribes. In restoring its use he carried out a modification of the symbol also. The ^mabols had been Qs-Qs (Ke-Ke) ; Qsrr-Qsir (Ko-Ko). He introduced the new symbols Qs (Ke), Q sa birds that had drunk the milk of the big buffaloes which were sjwntaneously shedding their milk at the thought of their absent calves. (Canto 12, v 50.) The peacocks dash^ at .the open flower of the kri- tika, taking it to be the outspread hood of the cobra, and retreated in confusion on realising their folly. The bees ran away from the kasa flowers, th inkin g them to be the necks of hidden peacocksi, whereat the wwlloi creeper.lair¬ ed, showing the teeth of its buds. (Canto 30, w 53-54.) A distinctive mark of Tamil verse is its use of initial rhyme. The, poet therefore, must have a vast vocabulary at his co mm and to find the words that will rhyme perfectly without spoiling the sense. But here the lexicography in Beschi came to the rescue of the poet. Thus in Canto 12, V 21 we have : The mountain was adorned with the flower-bearing pwnnms as an elephant is adorned with its temple pendant. From its top rushed a river, heavy with the weight of pre¬ cious stones and carrying fertility like the Veda of Christ, whose spray covered the top of the hill as .the stars cover the sky. Here the first foot in each of the four lines is Naga, but it is used in the four different senses of elephant, pun- nai, (tree) mountain and sky. According to definition, a Kavya should contain mat¬ ter that will promote the four-fold purusharthas of Dhanna, Artha, Kama and Moksha. The Jaina ascetic Thiruthakka- dever, had been taunted with the absence in Jaina works of the tiiird element, the srngararasa of erotics, and amply vin¬ dicated hin^lf in the Jivaka Chintamani which abounds in the most sensuous scenes. Beschi has just enough of this m 'TAMIL CCTLTtJEjS raanner to show what he could have done in the line if he had wished. A good example is the incident of Neepakan’s temptation in Canto XX, which is said to be modelled on Tasso. But Beschi’s priestly calling and the naajesty of his theme prevented him from exploiting this rich vein of Tamil poetry. He took his revenge, however, in the excellence of his moralistic verse. Such^ poetry has always been Mghly es¬ teemed, by the Tamils, witness the religious honours paid to Thiruvalluvar, the author of the Kural. The Christian poet was not to be outdistanced in this sphere, and many of his verses are strikingly original: Selfishness is only cured by asceticism, even as the snake sloughs by sqeezing itself between two stones. (Canto 26, V. 122.) In adversity, stand steadfast like the mountain. Run after God ceaselessly as a river runs towards the sea. Avoid sin as if it were fire. Rate all eiarthly good as the foam on flood-water. Seek after salvation as intently as a swimming man strains after the other bank. (Canto 30 v. 8.) Life is the axle of the cart which is the human body, charged with the precious load of soul and intellect and making fw the goal of salvation. Avoid, therefore, the rut of sin and the bog of temptation, for, once broken, this axle cannot be mended or replaced. (Canto 28, v. 158.) Besides, there are numerous verses brimming over with devotion and couched in the language of Hindu piety. In such a great master of verse it would be an end¬ less task to look for instances of vast learning. Beschi had studied the Tamil language critically and with enthusiasm. He had dived into the depths of its literature and emer¬ ged, as far as that was possible for a foreigner, a Tamil and a poet. The fragments of famous poets constantly come back in his poetry, almost in spite df himself,. He has, BESCHl, THE TAMIL SCHOLAH AND POET 311 Again, a way of recalling some verse of a master and tack¬ ing a part of it on to his own, thus vindicating the trtith of Mirabeau’s great saying that originality consists in knowing how to make use of other people’s work. A cursory read¬ ing is enough to show three such verses bodily taken over from the CHINTAMANI but fitted into a new conteixt. Thus verse 14 of Beschi’s Canto 1 is nearly the sg-mp as Canto 1, Vi 24, of the CHINTAMANI. Again, vers© 112 of Canto 4 of the Jaina romance is the prototype of Canto 26, V. 61 of th€^ Thembavani. Lastly, most of the words in Canto 12, y. 11 of Beschi are the same as Canto 11, verse 4 of the Chintamani, except that Beschi has deftly applied to a hill a description in which his Jaina predecessor pro- trayed court women. Extending the same inquisitiveness to other authors, it is easy to discover that .the model for verse exordium is verse 2 in Kamban’s exordium to his RAMAYANA. Many of the descriptive sketches in the THEMBAVANI are reminiscent of the sam© poet, who has been called the Halidasa of Tamil and the emperor of Tamil poets. This is especially .true of the battle-scenes in Book II which recall, by the vigour of their movement and the picturesqueness of their detail, the famous scenes of K^- ban s Yuddhakanda. But Beschi had a special predilection for Thiruvalluvar, he of the divine muse, and his KuraJ. Thus he has incorporated in his own verse more than a score of Thiruvalluvar’s incomparable epigra ms: . Considering the mass and the quality of Beschi’s work his place in Tamil literature is assured, on the heights. Tamil prose has never been written in a simpler or clearer, manner reflecting every shade of abstruse sense and responsive to every change of mood, than when Bechi wielded it. As for the poetry, Caldwell, on the estimate of imp^tial native critics* assigns him ‘ the first rank among the Tamil poets of the second class’ and proceeds. “The first rank comprises only three or at the most favour works ,—ihe KURAL THE CHINTAMANI, THE RAMAYANAM and THE NALA- DIY.^.” No well-road critic of Tamil literature wiU accept this judgement. The Naladiyar has neither the beauty of 13 Tmih ctjvrvm m form nor- the emotional glow of true poetry. Some of the lyrical gems in the Sangam collections, the Aham or Puram, for instance have a fax better claim to be considered as genuine poetry, by their simplicity, their directness, and the univer¬ sality of their themes, — love, wax, heroism sport and friend¬ ship, The SILAPPADIKAEAM (The story of the Anklet), which possesses all these merits in an eminent degree be¬ sides the axchitectonic quality of its story, will certainly be considered the finest work of imagination in Tamil. Then, and then .only, come the CHINTAMANI and Kamban’s Ramayana, brilliant, but overwrought, (with many of the. characteristics of great poetry but wdth none of its restraint. In the fervour of his bhakti Beschi finds his place with Nam- malwar and Manikkavasagar. In pressing poetry into the service of religion and metaphysics he recalls the Buddhist epic MANIMEKHALAI. In the purity and range of his diction, the variety and harmony of his verse, the splen¬ dour and truth of his descriptions, Beschi challenges com¬ parison with Kamban and Thiruthakka-devar. No impar¬ tial critic who has read aU the three will heatate to place Beschi alongside of the Vaishnavite Bhakta and the Jaina ascetic. His poetry is as good as that of any poet subsequent to the Sangam epoch, far more true than that of the ele¬ gant versifiers who wrote Puranas in plenty, the best per¬ haps that any man ever wrote in a language not his mother tongue. Stephens, Beschi, Hanxleden — all three were Je¬ suits and poets: but Beschi^s place is as much the more conspicuous as Tamil is more difScult than Konkani or Mala- yalam — the most difficult of Indian Languages after Sans¬ krit, and proud in her ancient literature and in the self-suffi¬ ciency of her vocabulary. But it cannot be pretended that Beschi has had any¬ thing like justice done to him. His own contemporaries gave him the full measure of that romantic, semi-religious admi¬ ration that the Tamil world has always extended to its crea¬ tive artists. Tradition has it that he was admitted as a member of the Sangam — which did not exist — and was allowed b^ Na colleagues to add to his name the prefix BESCHI, THE TAMIL SCHOLAR AND POET 313 ‘great*, honoris causa. The first generation of Englishmen' who set themselves to the study of Tamil realised his value as a guide to the language. Thus Babington of the Madras Civil Service edited and translated the story of Guru Para- martha and the Grammar of Sen-Tamil. Ellis made a hobby of collecting manuscripts of Beschi*s works. The Grammar of Kodum-Tamd was printed thrice in the first forty years of the last century. As recently as 1870 the Madras Govern¬ ment Press issued a dictionary ‘ based on that of Beschi*. The linguistic work of Beschi has suffered the fate of all pioneer attempts — its very effectiveness has been the cause of its partial effacement. But the oblivion into which has poetry has fallen calls for an explanation. Dr. Pope demned as monotonous the whole Thembavani. The Tamilian has less excuse than the English sav^t. • * * . ■ But there is a faint hope of better things. Christian poets are to-day' attracting more attention from Tamil scho¬ lars. The preparation of a book of selections from Beschi’s poetical works is to be desired. That and the reprint of his h'nguistic works may facilitate the study of Tamil by foreign students. That again is a desideratum. For a language of such antiquity and with such abundance of literature of the first order, Tamil is barely known and little appreciated abroad. The revival of interest in Beschi may w^l be the spear-head of such a movement to make Tamil widely known. am da’s Pc DR. KAMIL ZVELEBIL I 1 . Lf^iu This small work containing 110 aphorisms was composed by the poet in imitation of the didac¬ tic collection ascribed to the half-legendary old Tamil poet^ ^e/rmeviuirir} Bh^athi expressed his love and admiration for her work—which has become, in the course of time, actually a common treasure of Tamil people—^in his own work several times, cf. his essay jsirtlQ jsirs^siH. But this little collection of Bh^athi is not a mere imi¬ tation, Sometimes the poet does not tresspass against the form and contents of old traditional aphoristic literature (e.g, ^^ 6 ya) 0 ), but more often he fills the old aphoristic form with new sense and new life. An introduction of 110 ver¬ ses gives expression to the poet’s noble syncretism, as we know it also from various other places of his prose, cf, the essay luiranjr : Ujrih Quitq^ g&sarC?^, “there is only one highest Ens ”; truth is everywhere, in all faiths. We must be most tolerant. In this little collection the poet wants to expose the essence of various religious systems, the gist of their ethical ■teaching. Some of this 110 maxims express ideas typical only (fbij Bharathi, and some of his commands and interdictions respond even to the movements and wants to the time of their Dr. Kamil Zvelebil is Head of the Department of Dravidology, University of Prague. 1 The author’s feuilleton about this poetess appeared in Novy Orient, ■ Prague, i952/Vn4 p. 12. BHARATHI’S POEMS 315 origin. Here are some typical examples of general aphorisms whidi belong to the ethical canon of classical Tamil civili¬ zation (in a truly pregnant way this ethics had been ex¬ pressed by the ^ 0 “Do not waste time”, old prohibitive, etc.). 2 We find in Bharathi’s work, not rarely, a sort of hero-worship, concerning especially Shivajl, Tilak and L, Lajpat Rai. 816 TAMIL CULTURE N T!hi8 collection of 110 aphorisms is not, as a whole, a homogenous product, and so also our appraisement: we appre¬ ciate highly the motto of this coUection^fearlessness and acti¬ vity, or, better, fearless activity — this fundamental motive of all Bh^athi’s work (and his life) ; the more so as we know that in his time there had been tendencies to revive ascetic and monastic ideals, to forsake the world and its -peo¬ ple, We appreciate highly these appeals for progress and these expressions of the poet^s realistic attitude towards life. These ideas are much more plastically and emphatically proclaimed in the other two short collections, uiruuiru uiriKSi and n 2. uiruuTu utiLQ is a collection of 16 stanzas (4 verses each) for children containing pithy and suggestive for¬ mulations of maxims and principles of life. This little collec¬ tion is very important indeed; it is, first of all, animated by a strong personal feeling, as it was written by the poet for his own younger daughter, urruutr i.e. Srimati N. Sakuntala Bharathi, Uving now in British North Borneo. I take the liberty to quote here from a letter sent to me by Srimati Thangammal Bharathi: “ I must mention.... an interesting .incident connected with the origin of this particular poem. My. sister Sakuntala, when she was a babe, refused to obey her mother once, and when father came to know this he ad¬ vised the child that she should obey her mother. Thus the very line jSinu Qa^rr^&sr Qffireodso^ ^L-L—rrQ^ uiruuir out from his voice. Afterwards he wrote the whole piece ad¬ vising the young ones in general.. ” This collection, full of deep, gentle feeling, national pride and ideas of equality and truthfulness, belongs to some of the best poetic collections for children in general. In the very first lines the poet incites his little daugh¬ ter to play in collective manner with other children (■* cQ^iu/rQ utruuir'). Some of the verses are more or less nur¬ sery rhymes, discovering a gay, beautiful, variegated world; BMAIiatSi'S I>6eMS 317 they picture, e.g.^ the cow, giving milk, the bull, ploughing a rice-field, the birds, the dog—a friend of man. .Even here, however, the poet’s tendency is expressed: to teach the child to see animals and things with a friendly, kind and ^utefuV Qeu^piii,. eye. After inciting the child to be active all the day, either in work or in play (in st. 6 ), Bharathi proclaims several gene¬ ral ethical maxims and principles, some of them very modem and highly recommendable, in stanzas 7—100, awakes na¬ tional pride and patriotic feelings in .the child (stanzas 11-14) and in the last eight verses he sums up' all his maxims in a lapidary and brilliant form in the three fundamental laws of equalityf verity and love. It is obvious that the whole collection has thematically a firm design and formally an equally firm structure. I'rom stanzas 7-10 resounds, again, the motto of his : courage and industry. ___ * Teaching the child to love its motherland and, first of all„ the mother-tongue, he not only requests to respect and honour it, but, he encourages also to learn it: .And through his love to ^0 jsirQ he gets at loving his India (in st. 12 ) which he sees as a single whole from the Himalayas to Cape Comerin. The last two stanzas belong to the best verses Bharathi has ever written: ^/r ^dseir uiruuir ; —i ^irsjuirdr& uireuth ,* Q-iuirjB^ Lb^, ^6S)puj ejssiL-iueunraGfr QubQeoa-^^ Qeu^s^ui; >— Qpiueuih Qiuarjpi ^ eut^ir (ipes)L...aj Qjs^sr eufTQ^Ui Q^enpemmiUL^ unruuir. SIS tAMiL Ctft-TURE Here a verbal translatioa : 15. There are no castes, o Pappa, it is a vice to say that people are inferior and superior by birth, wis¬ dom, magnanimous behaviour and learning and ful¬ ness of love possess the exalted. 16. It is necessary to love / all / beings ; it is necessary to know that God is truth in fact; it is necessary to have a heart that is adamant— this is the rule of life, o Pappa ! When analysing this little collection it is not neces¬ sary to inquire very deeply into the nature of its formal structure, which, in uiruuiru uitlLQ is not so important as e.g. in the brilliant lyrical poem (^u9eo. But even from these verses for children it may be seen that the poet never neg¬ lects the form of his poems, that he knows that in verses for children more than elsewhere the form has its important func¬ tion. And so we see, that side by side with the common and other alliterations, consonances and assonances, there is, in some lines, a firm and regular inner sound-string, both of vowels and consonants. Compare e.g. in the second stanza line 1 : cinnan | ciru || kiuruvi | pole - ni where Ihe vowel-sequence is ia I iu II uui | oel, or in the same stanza in line 2: tirintu | parantu | va pappa there is a consonant-sequence trnt I prnt J v ppp, interwoven with vowel-sequence iuu I a'u u I a a a. This is a small instance of the regular sound- structure of the verses. ^HAratMi’s poems 31d Important ie the type of langitage used by the poet in Iftiis collection. It is natural in a collection which is deter¬ mined for children to remember and sing in language that ia s^ple,^leOT, chaete’ and sometimes almost colloquial (e.g. in stanzas 3, 5, 16 Qsii^ui~is used ihste^ 'bf ; and, what is very interesting and important, there is the least possible ballast of Sanskrit words. In all the 16 stanzas there are only about 30 Sanskiit loans, and most of them are words quite usual and customary. m Opn-or (Drum) is, undoubtedly, the best of Bfharathi’s short collections. It was written most probably in 1914, at the end of the first period of Bharathi’s creative development; the next year brings .ssj^saargar utriLQ a collection of quite different character, both in .theme and form. This p>oem of 31 stanzas might have for its motto thd .three ideas of equality, unity and love. The image of a drum is met with frequently in the poet’s works (c/. ^lu Qu^esHts). The introductory verses are a splendid sample of sound se¬ quence and onomatopoeia ; when reading it, we actually hear short, regular, staccato drumming: Q&jp/SI Qujil.Qp ^vir{^io — prrestis^esiLn Qto tuir(i^s(^fi ^esiLb Q^cuiuir^ — /yfi^ Qtuia^ux eSQ^Bso Q^iuu^ih. Equality in the world — and to hold fast a chain of fraternity, to do no harm to anybody — and everywhere on the earth to give freedom.* (29) * jr ’ And, again, it is necessary to feed ail and to educate all (30) ; thou, o drum, sound and sound an appeal to . love and unity of all people of this wide world (31). These words are not mere slogans and fine-sounding phrases. !Bharathi,- vyJiOse political ideas (not exempt, naturally, from all foreign influence) are first of all, the expression of the first attack of a young, pugnacious, democratic, relatively progressive bour¬ geoisie in the first decade of our century, and the expression of consistently modified ideas of the “left”, “orthodox” nationalists, does not stick to mere slogans, to mere verbal formulations. He fights with his word and deed. Liberte, egalite, fraternite — each of these words has, in Bharathi’s work, a deep and a broad meaning: equality breaks, before all, the system of castes, and it means equality between man and woman. Liberty, for him, is, first off all, social freedom, freedom for all to work and enjoy the fruit of their work (c/. the songs eQQ^^ and Q^ir^&i). And fraternity mani¬ fests itself quite concretely by the simple necessity that all shall work and all get food and shelter and education. Qfijrm belongs, in spite-of a few verses carrjdng the ballast of old traditions and prejudices, to the best of modem Indian poetry. It is a revolutionary poem, a progressive work which wants to show the people the way to get at the goal — a happy and full life of all in India. 3 Here it is interesting to note some neologisms created by the poet: “fraternity” and “equality”. IfellAilATarS POeM^ In this short collection Bharathi succeeds also in unit¬ ing the form and contents perfectly. The basis of the formal structure of the whole collection are two principles: 1. the initial alliterative “rhyme” according to the scheme aabb ; . 2. the (sr^ssis according to the scheme abac. Cj. stanza 13: ydrum.. *-* • . 1 ‘ 2. ydrum. ^ ydvinum . y — pdrukkulle .. p — pdrukkulle .. parpala.. p — — — Side by side with this regular scheme there is a very complicated pattern of various consonant and vowel-strings and sequence, very happily intervowen. The rhjrthm is based on a strictly regular alternation of verses of eight and ten syllables each. The language of this collection is very near to that of Qfi9iu S^iaaieHr and of other of Bhaiathi’s political and nationalistic poetry. The main characteristic of those patrio¬ tic songs are the lapidary simplicity, brevity, terseness and pithiness of their language. About 1915-16 there comes a change in the development of the poetical diction of Bharathi: it becomes more polished, full-sounding, metaphorical, brilliant, but, at the same time, rich beyond measure and too dazzling and ornamental in some stanzas of (^u9&3 and se^sssreir uiril.(Sl. In Qpjr^ — a poem which is distinctly political — the poet addresses the people, all people of his beloved jstrQ. The t 3 q>e of the language used is masterly adaptation to this social determination of the i)oem. Guta in ^outk .3nilia OLPJLnofOl. elr Origin M. AROKIASWAMI m.a., ph.d. S IR GEORGE BIRDWOOD, a careful student of Indian society wrote that “ so long as the Hindus hold to the caste system, India will be India ; but from the day they break from it, there will be no more India Whatever the views one may have about the advantages and disadvantages of the system there could be no doubt that it forms a clearly distinguishing feature of Indian culture. How did this system originate? This is a question that has exercised many minds for a long time. The gene¬ ral impression however remains that the Aryans introduced caste system into India. While this is not the entire truth of the matter it is certain that the system was in a large measure a natural growth arising out of the Indian genius and basic conception of division of labour. When the Aryans entered the north of India there were already distinctions among themselves based on the natural capacities and apti¬ tudes of the individuals. Those who were interested in reli¬ gious matters and were conversant with the forms and techni¬ calities of religion were one section ; the fighters were another; those who satisfied the economic needs of the people were a third class. Thus the .three traditional Indian castes, the Brahman, the Kshtriya, and the Vaisya were formed. The M. Arokiaswatni is lecturer in the Department of History and Archaeology of the University of Madras. i ^irdwood; Industrial Communities, CASTES IN SOUTH INDIA: THE ORIGIN 327 Sudra was apparently not one outside them but those who belonged to a class of people who were engaged in menial services. The aliens, the dasiyus, as the Aryans called thiose outside their fold became .the untouchables, the *outcastes’, as they are expressly called to this day. In the south of India people lived in large numbers also long before the Aryan invasion. The so-called Dravi- dians were the sons of the soil and native to South India. It was from here that they filled the whole of India and even beyond. Tamil literature bearing on early times does not however refer to many castes in South India. An old verse, whose author is unknown, has it: ^lSf-6iJ6Sr^ LtifDSU^^ LjaUpiU^ sr^pi <3s&>s0^ (^^JLjLD^doO ”f which would imply that the drummer (beater on the ‘ thudi 0, the ‘ Marava * or the fighter, the * Kadamban * or the man living on hill-tops and the ' Paraiyan * (another kind of drum¬ mer) were the only ancient castes in this region. The T\)lkdp- piyaiTh. which depicts the state of society at least seven centu¬ ries before the Christian era mentions only the shepherds (ayar) and the vedar (hunters) as among the prominent castes : (aevil-QeiJir ^SsssruQuiujr " * ihus there is clear indication here that as people developed and with them their functions in life different castes seem to have risen. It is noteworthy that in the beginning even these new castes were getting known by their functions ra¬ ther than by any other differentia. Thus the same ancient Tamil grammar to which reference has been made eai^lier mentions four other castes which are distinct professions, the ariv(U‘ (men of knowledge, who became later known as ‘Brahmans’)} ulavar (those who plouged the land, who be¬ came later the ‘ VeUalas’), the arasar (those who ruled, equi¬ valent to the northern ‘ Kshtriya) and the vanigar (Traders).* 2 Tolkappiyam ; agatinaij 21. * Ibid; PuraHnai, 20. . . . . IS §2^ TAMIL CULTURE In the process of development of castes in South India the general impression even among students of South Indian society is that the Brahman from the north played the most prominent role and that he set up a social system akin to what obtained in the north. It is to this that I have refer¬ red as being not the whole truth earlier in this paper, because while there is no definite mention of the incoming of the Brahmans from the north in any of our early records, Nacci- narkiniyar, the well-known and learned commentator of the Tolkappiyam mentions definitely the coming of Vell^ and Kshtirya families into the south from the north of India. The passage occurs in his comment to the payiram or pre¬ face of the great grammar; and .the reference is to the in¬ coming of the sage Agastiya—^the preceptor of the sage of the Tolkappiyam “ All the gods having gathered on the Mount Meru, the mount went down with their weight, and the South rose up, whereupon they chose Agastiyar as the right man to be in the south to redress it balance. The gods requesting Agastiya, he was soon on his way to the south, when he entered into Dwaraka and took along with him 18 kings and 18 families pf vels and Aruvalar of the progeny of the ‘ high crowned LOTd who measured the earth ’ gave them homes, having destroyed forests.. i.. .bound Havana from mischief and having prevented the Rakshasas from coming . there, settled himself on the Pothiyil (hiMs).” The point to be further noted is that this entry of the ^kings* and the ‘ vellalas ’ to which reference is made here took place at the time and along with the so-called invasion of the Aryans. Besides the general view that Agastiya “represents and stands for the concrete s 3 mibol of .the adventurous spirit of the early Aryans**,* the reference in the comment above cited to Agastiya binding Havana from mischief clearly indi¬ cates that as em:ly as the time of Naccinarkiniyar the view was accepted that the Agastiyan advent into the south typi¬ fied .the entry of the Aryans into that region. Hence it has to be maintained that wh^ we speak of the Aryan invasion * Oanguly; Quarterly Journal of Mythic Society, XVII, 170, CASTES IN SOUTH INDIA: THE..ORIGIN. 329 f of the south we have to understand by it not merely the in¬ coming of the Brahmans but also of other castes of which three at least must be specially mentioned, namely the Kshtriya, the Vellala and the Aruvalar. It is not possible to define who are meant Jby the term^ *aruvalar\ Possibly they were sheep-grazers. The Patti- nappalai, however, depicts them in alliance with the Irukku- vels, who were a prominent Velina family of the period.® We are thus sure .that the K^triyas and the Vdlalas also en¬ tered into the south from north India. They too might have been Aryans or perhaps Dravidians who had migrated to the north. The evolution of the caste system as it is found in South India to-day was therefore a result of all these peo¬ ples working together during a long number of years; and during all this period it was the quality and the nature of the function of the individual that determined his caste, until at least the eighteen castes of South India became definitely stratified. Hius we have the famous couplet in the Kttpal, isresrQuirir ^pQeutrw UipQp^6ijti9irs(^Ui which emphasises quality as the criterion by which to distin¬ guish the Brahman from the rest. There was no hard and fast rule dividing the various castes in the beginning. We have examples of Brahmans marrying into Vdlala families; and the example of the Brahman poet, Kapilar, calling the daughters of the VeHala chieftain Pari as his' own and his getting them married to a Brahman must be instructive in this connection. Numerous vellalas ruled as powerful chief¬ tains all through the Sangam period and there is a doubt that even the Kings of the three ruling houses the Cola, Pandya and the Cera were themselves Vellalas. Of this much at least we are sure that great kings of these houses, like Karikala the Cola and Ceran Senguttuvan married the daughters of Vellala families like the Nankur Vel and Mumbil Vel. ® Qpire{)eC(^6air&ra- Qpirffip QsiLu Q&iessriLtrek uiQ^ia(^firtu ", See Pattinappalai, lines 274-282 ; also the Maduraikkanji, line 55 and the conunent thereon. « Tirukural, HI. 10. 330 TAAUL CULTURE Afi. the Vellalas showed a tendency to rise high in the social scale the lower castes also were making an attempt in the same direction. The common lines, " oems are generally called Sangam poems and the collections are called Sangam anthologies. We shall adopt this nomenclature. But there is a clear distinction between the Sangam poems and the Sangam anthologies. Chronologically the poems are much earlier and the anthologies could have been compiled only later. We must bear this distinction in mind and never lose sight of it. In the earliest period with which we are now dealing, we are concerned only with the Sangam poems and not with the anthologies. Leaving out of account the poems of the two antho¬ logies, the Murugarruppadai> the invocatory stanzas and the padigams in Padirruppattu which are all of a later date, the earliest literature, including fragments, consists of 2186 poems distributed over six anthologies and one collection of longer poems. They contain in aU about 26,350 lines. The total number of poets who composed these poems can only be approximately given. The tradition embodied in the commentary of Iraiyanar Ahapporul mentions the total as 449. But the Sanga Ilakkiyam (Samajam edition, 1940) counts as many as 473. Natur^y this aggregate excludes the anon 3 unous authors of the 88 poems (13 in Aham, 10 in Kurundogai, 56 in Narrinai, 5 in Paddirruppattu and 14 in Purananuru) and includes the 35 poets who are named after some significant expression occurring in their poems. In the present state of our knowledge, even the Samajam total has to be taken as marely an approximation. Curiously enough, this number comes near the traditional number which might after all be correct. Most probably the scholar who recorded the tradition computed the total from ^e manuscripts of Sangam works available in his days. We have suspected that the Paripadai, the invocatory stanzas at the beginning of most of the Sangam collections, the KaJittogai and the HISTORY OF TAMIL LANGUAGE AND LIT 347 Murugarruppadai, do not belong to the early Sangam period. The last two works may be left out of account, since they are wrongly attributed to poets of the early Sangam. So if we omit from the Sangam numbering the 14 poets, 13 of the Paripadal and Perundevanar of Bharatam fame, the author of the invocatory stanzas, the total comes to 459.’^"® This is still nearer the tradition^ number and lends weight to my views that the Paripadal etc. belong to a later date. It has been noted above that 35 poets are named after some significant expressions used by them. For instance, a poet bears the name Kangul vellattar (lit. he of .the night- flood) and the expression kangul-vellam is found in his poem. This device of naming poets occurs in Sanskrit anthologies also.®® 82 -a On a closer examination, I find now that the traditional num¬ ber is correct. 88 Sloka 1255 of Suhhdshitdvali is ascribed to a poet of the name ‘ Dagdhamarana ’ and this phrase occurs in the sloka itself. Other instances are ‘ Nidradaridra * (sloka 1362). Kamikuamankha (sloka 1660) etc. In studying the names of Sangam Poets the following from the Sacred Books of the Buddhists, Vol. II, pp. 193-196 may be noted. There were 8 modes of naming in use in early times in India. 1. A nickname arising out of some personal peculiarity. Such are Lambakaima (Hanging-eared). 2. A personal names, called in Pali the Mula-nama. Such aire Tissa, (after the lucky star of that name) Nanda or Ananda (Joy), Abhaya (Fearless). 3. The name of the Grotra or gens, what we should call a sur¬ name or family name. Kasyapa, Koundinya, Bharadvaja. 4. The name of the clan, called in Pali kula-nama, such as Licchavi, Malla, etc. 5. The name of the mother, with putra (son) added to it. Such as Sari-putta (the more usual name by which the famous disciple Upatissa is called). NB. The name of the father is never used in this way, and that the mother’s name is never a personal name; but always taken either from the clan, or from the family, to which she belonged. 6. - The name of the position in society, or the occupation, of the person addressed. Such are Brahmana, gahapati, etc. 7. A mere general term of courtesy or respect, not containing any special application to the person addressed — such as ayye. 8. Lastly there is the local name. Eg. Gaya-Kassapa. P. V. Kane’s History of Dharmasastra, Vol. II, Part I pp. 238-254 may be consults With advantage. See also Nahnvl—278, 348 TAMIL CULTURE Pari-magallir (Pari’s daughters) are mentioned as the authors of stanza 112 of Pur am. A parallel instance is found in sloka 2227 of Subhashitavali which is ascribed to KavL putrau (lit. the two sons of a poet.). There are also other common features worth studying. Returning to our subject, it may be possible by a dose and diligent study of the poems to place these 449 poets in their chronological order. There are internal evidences and also the names of kings and patrons on whom most of the Purandnuru poems and some of the other anthologies have been composed. Padirruppattu devotes itself entirely to Chera Kings. All these may be of great help in constructing this chronology. An attempt has been made in this direction by Mr. K. N. Sivaraja Pillai formerly of the Madras University. A fresh independent enquiry is necessary to settle this matter finally. Here a general idea of .the Tamil language and its vocabulary at this period might be given. We have mentioned already the several contacts which .threw open the Tamil countries to the cultural influences of the north in an ever-increasing measure. A detailed descrip¬ tion of a yaga performance in Puram 166 and frequent re¬ ferences to \edic gods in Puram (e.g. 16, 23), Padirruppattu (e.g. 11) and other early collections furnish evidence of the spread of the \edic religion among the Tamils. Buddhists were also propagating thedr religion in the South India .as a centre of Pali Buddhism by B. C. Law (Dr. S. K. ^yang^’s Commemoration volume pp. 239-245) : Nagarjuni Konda inscriptions prove that there was a mahavih^a for Buddhist re¬ cluses coming from different countri^ among which Damila is mentioned. These Buddhists were Theravadins. Gandhavamsa says (J. P. T. S. 1886 pp. 66-67) that Kanchipura was one of the main centres of Pali Buddhism of Theravada. Madurai also (Madhurasutta pattana) is mentioned as the place where Buddha- ghosa and Buddhamitta lived for sometime, before the former repaired to Kanchipura. Buddhaghosa was a native of Tirunelveli region. Uraga-pura (modem Uraiytir in the Tiruchinapalli Dis¬ trict) was the birthplace of Buddhadatta. who lived in the village of Bhutamangala near ‘the flourishing inland port of Kaveri- pattana.' Buddha^osa and Buddhadatta were contemporaries history op TAMIL LANGUAGE AND LIT. m Tamil countries, among others, and tried to give' a new lease of life to Buddhism in the South, where it was origin¬ ally preached by the missionaries sent by Emperor Asoka. Some poets bear Buddhist names, eig. Ilambodhiyar, Thera- daran, Siru-ven-theraiyar etc. Jainism supplied a new reli¬ gious force which was for some centuries a powerful rival to Hinduism in the South. Jaina mythology is found in Puram 175 and in Aham 59. Thus the Tamil land became a fertile nursery and the several religions noted above throve in friendly rivalry. The adherents of these several religions brought in their s^ial vocabulary and enriched the Tamil language. New tributaries were added to its stream and it swelled in content. The orthodox Hindus of the age, mainly ^Brahmins were responsible for words relating to their gods, religion, reflipous rites, religious beliefs, religious books, ethics and to their daily habits and customs. In addition to these, several common words relating to the ordinary social life of a peo¬ ple were also contributed by them. These two classes of words taken directly from Sanskrit flowed into the main cur- and they flourished in the 5th century AD. South India conti¬ nued to be the centre of Pali Buddhism as late as the 12th cen¬ tury AD., a date to which Anuruddha (a Buddhist teacher of South India, according to the Talaing records) the celebrated author of the Abhidhammattha is assigned. (e.g.) yiipam — puram 15, alliyam (HalUsa) — puram 33 ; avi (havis) puram 377; avuti (ahuti) — puram 99; vacciram (vajrayudha) — puram 241; Kandam (skandha) — puram 52; Kanda (skandha) — puram 57. 93; Kauriyar (Kauravar) — puram 3; darumam (dharma) — puram 353; Tuvarai (Dvaraka) — puram 201; tun (Sthuna) — puram 86 ; amarar — puram 99 ; vedam — puram 6; pindam — puram 234; mayon (maya) _ puram 57; mutti (lit. three flres) — puram 2 ; munivar — puram 6. 43: bali — aham 166; deivam — aham 166 ; tittiyam (chitya) — aham 361; tulw (tulasi) — padirru. 31; pudam (bhuta) — puram 369; Catai (jata) — puram 1; karakam — puram 1; tavam (tapas) — puram 1. (c.g.) nir — puram 1 ; Kalam (khala), padam (pada), tumbai (tumba), imayam — puram 2; nemi, mukam — pur am 3; Kan (kanana) — puram 5; kumari, ulakam — puram 6 ; capam (capa) , ma, valavan (vallabha) — puram 7 ; pokam (bhoga) ; mandilam (mandala) — puram 8; Dandam (danda). amiltu (amirta), mallar (malla), silai (sila) — puram 10 ; mayil (mayura) — puram 116 ; patini (patinini) — puram 11. tAML CtJLfXrtlE SSd rent of the language and enriehed its eontents. Next to Bralimilis, the Jains seem to have contributed most to our language. Their words also fall into the classes mentioned above, but with a notable difference. The wOTds all of Prakrit forms were mostly in current colloquialj, a.' »- The religious terms of the Jains did not pass into the main current, though they were used in late specialistic works such as Jivakachintamani, Sulamani, etc. The Buddhists also contributed to our language and their words were main¬ ly of Pali origin. It might be that several of these were of Prakrit descent also.®® ” ie.g.) vannam, uru (rupa), Kanan (gana), emam (Kshema) — puram 1 ; vali (bala), pal (payas), andi (sandhi) — puram 2; murasam (muraja), neem (sneha), sandu (candatna), ilakkam (lakshya) — puram 3; naman (saman), teem (desa), nagar (nagara) — puram 6; iravu (ratri), min (mina), payam (prayojana) — puram 3; ukkam (utsaha), tiinai (sena), malai (malaya) — puram 8; parppaiiar (brahmana), aran (charana) — puram 9; paci (praci), uci (udici) — puram 229. (c.ff.) attam (addha=road) — kurun 307; ahil (agalu=aloe wood) — kurun 339 ; anai (ana=order) — maduraik. 761; annai (anna= mother) — kurun 93; pandam (bhandam=article, goods) — puram 102 ; cati (cati=jar) — perumpan 280 ; toni (d5ni=trough-5haped canoe with an outrigger to steady it) — puram 229; sutu (juto= gambling) ; kamuhu (kamuko=areca palm) — perum-pan 7; kannan (kanho=:kiishna) ; kanji (kanjikam=a sour ricei-gruel) ; kaitai (ketaki=the tree Pandanus Odorattissimus) — kurun 304; kutam (kuto=a sledge-hammer) — perumpan 438; pdtu (potu= ordinary, common) — puram 8; manaivi (manavi=woman) — puram 250 ; nanjil (nangalam=plough) — puram 19 ; niyamam nigame=a maiket town) — madurai-k 365 ; oram (6r6=below, posterior, on this side) ; pakkam (pakkho=a wing, side etc.) — kurun. 129; uvamam (opamam=simile, comparison) — maduraik. 516; panniyam (panyam=ware, commodity) — maduraik. 506; palingu (phaliko=crystal, quartz) — kurinci 57; pahal (phag- gavo=:a sort of pot-herb) — puram 16; panju (picu=cotton) — piu*am 116; pillai (pillako=child) — puram 380; pulu (pulavo= worm, maggot) ; sanam, sanai (scaio=:a grind-stone) ; seliyan (6eliyo=:a man of self-discipline) — piuram 19; seyya (seyyo= better, excellent) ; tagaram (tagaram=:the shrub tabemae montana coronaria and a fragrant powder obtained from it) — puram 132; kurinci 108 ; tal (talo=:key) •— nedunal 63 ; talam (thalam=metal bowl, plate) ■— puram 120; tumbu (timbo=:a sort of water-vessel 351 . history Of TAMIL LANGUAGE AND LIT, Judging from the vocabulary contributed by these seve¬ ral religionists, we mi^t conclude that Braminian power¬ fully held the imagination of the people and was predomi- nent in every walk of life. Next to this came Jainism and not far behind. The leaders of this religion mixed freely with - •" tudied their language and became adepts in it. They ’iai'- 'i^reat emphasis on moral principles, persuaded the people to become converts to their religion and were accom¬ modative enough in several respects. The Buddhists led, in later times, perhaps a secluded life in caves and did not move freely with the people. Hence their religion never Lad any great influence in the Tamilian country. Probably this accounts for their comparative insignificance in South India. Against this background lay scattered the several poetic pieces of the earliest times. They were secular,, a good part of them praising kings and chieftains and subtly intro¬ ducing religious elements ,to attract and influence tbe nobi¬ lity of the land ; and the rest, dealing with love in all its as¬ pects, to appeal to the literate among the masses. We shall now try to settle roughly the period when these poems were composed and when their authors lived. For this purpose, we shall consider the longer poems inclu¬ ded in the Pattuppattu and also the two anthologies of: Padirruppattu and Ainguru-nrru. These two collections will receive our attention only on their chronological side. Of the longer poems, the first is Murugdrru-p~padai, consisting of 317 lines. Its author is a certain Nakkirar. It serves perhaps as an invocatory poem for the collection. The second is Porunardrru-p-padai consisting of 248 lines. Its author is Mudattamakkanniyar and the hero of the poem is Karikar-pjeru-j-valattan. The third is Sirupdndrruppadai con¬ taining 269 lines. Its author is Nallw Nattattanar and its hero is Nalliyifdrkodan. This poem refers .to the seven with a spout) — piuram 19; tunam (thuna=plllar, column) perumpan 316; tuimam (tunnam=suture« patch) — puram 136; valansu (valasiga=valanjetito use, resort to ispend) — puram 252 ; varaku (varakosthe bean Phaseolus tribolus) — puram 34. — Cbildrers: PdU Dictionary 19 352 1‘AML cUltUrU Vallals (patrons of learning) of the Sangam Age. The fourth poem is Perumpanarruppadai containing 500 lines. Its author is Kadiyalur-urattiran-kannanar and its hero is Tondaiman- Ilandiraiyan. The fifth in the. collection is Mullai-p-pdttu consisting of 103 lines. This is the shortest of the long poems. The author is Nappudanar and he refers to mle**'' 'hhas (Yavanas) in lines 60-66. The sixth pcem is Madurai-k-icanji containing 782 lines. This is the longest poem of the series. The author is Mangudimarudanar and the hero of the poem is TalaiyaJankanattu-cheruvenra-Nedunjeliyan. Nannan is mentioned in lines 618 to 619 and Onam festival in 1. 591. The seventh in this collection is Nedunalvddai consisting of 188 lines. Its author is Nakkirar. The hero of the poem is the above-mentioned Nedunjeliyan himself. This poem also re¬ fers to mlechchhas (31 to 35). The eighth of the series is Kurinji-p-pdttu. It consists of 261 lines and its author is Kapilai'. The colophon says that this poem was written to show the excellence of Tamil ancj Tamilian courtship to an .i^an king Pirahattan (Brahasta) by name. It may also be noted that the poet Kapilar is referred to by Nakkirar in Aham 78 and 141. The ninth poem is Pattina-p-pdlai. This consists of 301 lines. Its author is Kadiyalur Uruttiraiikan- nanar and its hero is Karikar-peruvalattan. It is referred to in Kalingattu-p-parani (21) and also in an inscription of 'I’iruvellarai.^® The tenth and last poem is Malaipadukaddm consisting of 583 lines. Its author is Perunkausikanar of Perungunrur in Iraniya-muttam. The hero of the poem is Nannan, son of Nannan. Most of these poems belong to the class of composi¬ tion known as ‘ arrupadai ’. A bard who has visited a patron and received bounty at his hands, returns home and on his way, he meets with another bard with his retinue, in a very poverty-stricken condition. He directs the latter to the pat¬ ron, detailing tihe way which would lead to the patron’s resi¬ dence and narrating graphically the reception,which he would get. Tolkappiyar specifically mentions the varieties of this kind of poem. He gives no place to a poem like Mwrugdinuppadai in which a bhakta (devotee) is directed to go to the several shrines of his chosen deity. 30 Tai^, vol. 41, p. 214-216. HISTORY OF TAMIL,LANGUAGE AND LIT 353 From thsse details certain facts emerge. Porunar- drrup-padai and Pattinappdlai axe sung in honour of Karikar- peru-valattan and the author of Pattinar-p-pMai is also the author of Perumpan-arru-p-padai. Hence these three works must have been composed at about the same time. Madurai-k- kdnji and Nedunalvddai have been composed in praise of Nedunjeliyan of Talaiyalanganam fame. Hence these two works may be considered to have been composed by contem¬ porary poets. The hero of the poem Malaipadukadam, Nannan’s son Nannan, is referred to in Madwrai-k-kdnji (line 618-619). So this work also must be considered as slightly ear¬ lier than the above two works. Kapilar, the author of Kurinji-p-pdttu is, as we have seen, referred to by Nakkirar in Aham 78 and so Kurinji-p-pattu must have been com¬ posed earlier than Nedunalvddai and Madurai-k-kanji. There is no clue throwing any light on the relative date of MullcH-p^ pdttu. Possibly, this poem'* is very close to Nedunalvddai in date, as both these works refer to the mlechchhas. The few parallel passages in these two works confirm this view. Siru- pan-arruppadaL as has already been mentioned, refers to all the seven Vallals in the past tense. These patrons of arts and letters have been praised by Paranar, Kapilar, Muda- mosiyar, Awaiyar and others. We may take it that this poem Sirupdndnruppadai was composed subsequent to the period when these poets flourished. It was most probably the last in the series of Pattupattu poems, Murugdrruppadai excepted. The following order covers the facts noted above : I 1. Porunar-drrup-padai 2. Perumpdn-drrup-padai 3. Pattinap-pdlai 4. Kurinji-p-pdttu II 5. Malaipadukadam 6. Madurai-k-kdnji 7. Nedunalvddai 8. Mullai-p-pdttu III 9. Sirupdn-drrup-padai IV 10, Murug-drrup-padai Mudattamakkanniyar Uruttirankannanar - do - Kapilar Perunkunrur- Perunkausikanar Mangudi-marudanar Nakkirar Napputanar Nallur Nattattanar Nakkirar (later) ioi TAMIL CULTXJUE Id. these groups, Nakkirar, the author of Nedunalvadai, falls in the second. He refers in Aham 141 to Karikal- valavan the hero of Perumpdv^drrup-padai of the first group. There is no evidence to show that these two were contempo¬ raries. Hence Nakkirar lived later than Karikal-valavan. It also follows that Nedunjeliyan, the hero of Nakkirar's poem Nedunalvddai was later than Karikal-valavan. This is confirmed by the fact that none of the poets who have praised Karikala have composed any pKiem on Nedunjeliyan. The author of Murugdrru-p-padax though he bears the name of Nakkirar, was different from his namesake of the Sangam and lived far later than any of the poets so far men¬ tioned. His date and other particulars is discussed by me elsewhere (See Ilakkiya Deepam, pp. 13-43). The earlier Nakkirar, the author of Nedunalvddai has given us some valuable clues as regards the probable date of his compositions. He refers to rdsis (Zodiacal constellations), and also distinctly says that the Sun be^nning from Mesha (Aries) travels through' the successive rdsis, i.e. through eaph successive sign of the zodiac. The passage occurs in Nedu- nalvadai, (lines 160 to 162). A contemporary poet Kudalur- kilar mentions, in Puram 229, mesha rdsi with several other details, such as the fact that the nakshatra Purvaphdlguni was on a particular day declining from the zenith at mid¬ night. Prom the history of Hindu astronomy we might ga¬ ther that the rdsis came into practical use only about 300 AX). Mr. L. D. Swamikannu Pillai has examined the whole question in his Indian Ephemeris*^ and come to the conclu¬ sion that the * early Indian literature (Sanskrit or Dravidian) before A.D. 300 does not refer to the signs of the Zodiac, to .the movements of the planet or to planetary horoscopes, which are, as it were, the tripod of Astrology ’. But on such ques¬ tions the dating can only be approximate. Nakkirar and his contemporaries (poets and kings) may be assigned to about 250 A.D. This is confirmed by several facts emerging from <0 Vol. I. part I. p. m HISTORY OF TAMIL LANGUAGE AND LIT, 355 a study of contemporary poems. Nakkirar himself, in the same Nedunalvddai gives details of an auspicious hour fear laying the foundation of a pailace, describing a sort of sun¬ dial. Architectural details, such as garbha-griha are also men¬ tioned by him. Two contemporary poets, Nappudanar and Nallanduvanar of Sangam period (to be distinguished from Asiriyar Nallanduvanar of Paripddgl and Kalittogai)^ make reference to water-clock under the name ‘kannalV^ which was probably a Roman import. Kannal, whose origin and derivation can hardly be made out now is perhaps connected with the Greek Khronos. So we may take it that the last pf the Sangam poets i.e., the poets of Nakkirar epoch flourished about the end of the third century A.D.** Now, Mangudi-marudan refers in his Madurai-k-kanji to Vadimbalambaninra-Pandya ('lines *60-61) and Palyaga- salai-mudukudumi-p-Peruvaludi (1. 759) as two of the re¬ mote ancestors of Nedunjeliyan, the victor of Talaiyalan- ganam. VadimbaJamba-minra-Pandyan is somewhat of a hazy figure and to him is attributed the first festival for the Sea- ^k 1 and the digging of the Pahmliyaru. But Mudukudumi is a historical personage and he is praised in as many as 5 stanzas in Puram. He is also mentioned in the Velvikkudi grant.'*® A few generations may have elapsed between his time and tbat of Nedunjeliyan and it is within reason to count the number as five or six. This leads us to the con¬ clusion that tbe earliest of the Pandyas known to us defi¬ nitely lived about the second century A.D. and that will also be the time when the earliest poets who have sung about this Pandya lived. The Velvikudi grant also, supports this conclusion by mentioning that Mudukudumi’s grant was long enjoyed before the Kalabhras came (nidubuktituiyttapin). After the Kalabhra interregnum, KadungSn of the Pandya line succeeds to the kingdom. Kadungon’s rule began about Mullaip-pattu line 57, Aham 43. 42 A Gangan.Katti is mentioned in Aham, 44. He was not one of the Ganges of Mysore and so the date given here is not affected. « E. l; XVII; Peruntogai, 889. 356 TAMIL CULTURE 600 A.D. Allowing 500 years for the long intervall and the ICalabhra interregnum, we reach the beginning of the 2nd century A.D. when Mudukudumi may have flourished. We shall take Padirru-p-pattu next. This consists of ten sections and we have lost the first and the last sections of this work. It deals with the Chera djmasty. The first sec¬ tion was probably about Perunjorru-Udiyan-Ceral and the la^ section, about Yanaikkatchey Mandaran-Ceral-Irumporai. the Elephant-eyed Chera. A detailed study of the work yields us two genealogies. • The first genealogy give us three genera¬ tions of one Royal house and the second also covers three generations of another. Senguttuvan, the hero of the fifth decade is the most famous of these Cheras. He was a contemporary of Gaja- bahu I of Ceylon (see ante) and he ascended the throne probably about 200 A.D. We may count back at least two generations from him. This also gives us the first half of the second century A.D. as the date when the first tangible figure of a Chera king emerges into history. The poets who composed the sections of Padirr’uppattu are Kumattur-kannanar, Palai-kautamanar, Kappiyarru- kappiyanar, Paranar, Kakkaipadiniyar-Nacchellaiyartf. Kapilar, Arisil-kilar and Perungunrur Kilar. Among these we find Paranar, and Kapilar. The former was the contemporary of Senguttuvan and the latter, the contemporary of Selvak-' kadungo-vali-Adan, who lived sometime later. Probably these poets hved between 150 and 250 A.D. Ain-guru-nuru, was compiled by Pulatturai murriya- kudalur-kilar under the royal patronage of the elephant-eyed (^era mentioned above. This Chera was taken in capti¬ vity by the Pandya king Nedunjeliyan of Talaiyalanganam fame, and his death is bemoaned by the above poet in Puram 229. So the poets who composed the five centums of Ain- gurunuru must have all lived round about 275 A,D, The history Of TAMIL LANgUAGH AHI) lit. 35!? poets are Oram-bogiar, Ammuvanar/ Kapilar Odal-Andaiyar Peyanar. Kapilar being one of thenih these poets mi^t be placed between A.D. 200-275. Thus w'e are led to conclude that the poets of the earlj- Sangam literature flourished from the second century A.D. to the end of the third century A.D. and that .this was the genuine Sangam period. A word about the Sangam poems. They are all in ahaval metre, .the first in the long course of development of the Tamil metrical system. It is indigenous and has no paral¬ lel in Sanskrit, the blank verse in English being its nearest equivalent. The magnificent sweep of the longer poems in Pattup-pdttu is sometimes marred by obscurity of construc¬ tion. In fact, the commentator, a scholiast of a very High order, often takes to devious ways in his explanation of seve¬ ral passages. But in diorter poems, the language is direct and forcefifl. Conciseness of expression, pregnancy of mean¬ ing, purity of diction and unity of thought are the TnniTi characteristics of these Sangam poems and the simplicity of the Tamilian taste compares very favourably with that of the ancient Greeks. The frigid conceits, and the pedantic professional exercises of grammarians which characterise the literature of a later period are entirely absent. On the other hand, simple humanity is mirrored in these crystal-clear utterances. Where emotions are stirred, they are severely restrained and the subdued expression which they give rise to are the-most effective in (literature. .There is art, severe and simple; but of artificiality there is very little trace. Claims are sometimes made that the Aham poems, that is, poems of love, are the sole mohopoly of the ancient Tamils. Sanskrit literature abounds in poems of this nature and in¬ deed some of these poems are very ancient. I may refer to the famous Hold Sattasai. It is a collection of 700 gdthds in the Aryd metre in Mahmdshtri Prakrit and it is ascribed to King Hala. The situations portrayed in these gdthds are ^AMIL CtJLTURE very much like the Tamil turai given in the colophcma. But love-poems are not confined to any one clime or country. It. is said that during the time of Justinian, * epigramatic ’ writ¬ ing especially in its amatory department experienced a great revival at the hands of Agathias, the historican Paulus Sil^n- tiarius and their circle and their ingenious, but mannered productions were collected by Agatfiias into a ni^’ antho¬ logy.^ The poems in our collections also do not escape the charge of being mannered productions. But the ancient Tamil poets can .take credit for some of the loveliest utterences on erotic themes. The value of these ancient poems, especially of tK© Purananuru and the Padimip-pattu can hardly be exagger^ ted. They portray the life of the times. Tiiey give us glimpses • of political and social conditions. They des* cribe with exactitude, the religion, manners, customs, be¬ liefs and superstitions of .the time. They disclose a vivid picture of the esteem in which learnings literature and art'* were held by our ancients. They teach us a noble philosophy of life and conduct. They whisper to us sweetly and inti¬ mately about the domestic felicity of the ancient times. In short,* they constitute a storehouse of facts bearing on an¬ cient manners, customs and ideas and they are the influences which have contributed largely to mould the character and the literature of the later Tamils. Today they {serve as bea¬ con lights to guide modern poesy in the Tamil land. Abqjrc all, there is genuine poetry of a very high order which, "in¬ spite of the inevitable changes in our outlook and in our life, thrills our very being and makes us look badt with pride and joy at the i>oetic achievements of the ancient Tamils. f^ig|llBfFHI<36lfcr<9Hga^[ilTi ISBN: 978-93-85165-03-0 iAMIL CULTURE Vol. 111-1954 VOL. IV NQ. 1 JANUARY. 19SS TAMIL CULTURE A Quarterly Review dedicated to the study of Tamiliana ^luA llite ^^.^cculemt^ XAVIER S. THANI NAYAGAM T ami l culture in its fourth year of publication leaves the press ^ the organ of the Academy of Tamil Cidture which has been recently constituted in Madras by representatives of every field of Tamil scholarship and Tamil interest. The Memorandum of Association and the rules and regulations of the Academy, extracts from which we publish elsewhere, are sufficient indication of the comprehensive aims and objectives of the Academy in promoting the study and development of the Tamil language and literature, the Tamil arts and sciences. As the Journal of the Academy, this review will in future have a wider scope and include within its pages the activities of the Academy of Tamil Culture and other allied and affiliated bodies. This journal aims at reaching as wide a circle of readers as possible. It is being circulated in such a manner that it may come within easy reach of the teaching profession and student population, two cate¬ gories of readers among whom the review has a mission to fulfil. For' this purpose the Academy is also organis¬ ing the publication. of a Tamil edition of the Review which will present to the Tamil reading world the results of modem scholarship and which will serve as a fomm of exchange of views and of discu^ion among Tamil sangams and Tamil scholars. 2 TAMIL CULTURE In its activities and functions, the Academy pro¬ poses to be directed by the high principles of scholar¬ ship and steer clear of partisan politics and sectarian¬ ism, which unfortunately so often invade the hallowed precincts of study and research. The Academy of Tamil Culture hence bids fair not only to become a rally¬ ing centre of the iTamil renaissance at a period when aU the resources and all the talent of Tamildom are necces- sary to ward off dangers but also to contribute to the positive growth of the many aspects of Tamil culture. It has been for a long time the desire of many students and well-wishers of- Tamil literature and Tamil culture, that there be some journal in .English through the medium of which these subjects may reach the non-Tamil world, and reach also that class _of Tamil society which on account of various circumstan¬ ces finds itself more prof icient in English than in Tamil. Requests for such a review came during the writer’s world tour five years ago when he met several scholars' and persons of general culture who lamented the want of some means of contact with the Tamil world. In Japan, in the United States of Americaj in Ecuador, in Peru, in Chile, in Argentina and Brazil, in Europe, the necessity of such a review was again and again impressed upon him, and having edited this journal for three years and circulated it amongst scholars and institutions round the world, he has come to know of more and more reasons why this journal should have a long lease of life and be w6R established. The means of achieving these ends have been found in the Academy of Tamil Culture. Nearly every generation during the last one hun¬ dred years has had a few men in South India and Ceylon who realised the unique features of the Tamil language and literature and endeavoured to have their THIS JOURNAL OF THE ACADEMY 3 enthusiasm shared by others. A good number of these men were foreigners whose appreciation of Tamil culture was all the more precious because of their scholarship in Latin and Greek, and their acquaintance with European culture. The judgements of Walter Elliot, Stokes, Ellis, Gover, Winslow, Caldwell, Pope, Vinson, have been of a most enlightening nature even though they did not have the benefit of recent editions and critical studies; but the complaints they voiced in their day concerning the neglect regarding Dravidian cultureJui general and Tamil culture in particular, may very well be made even today. So little has been accomplished in the meantime; so vast is the field that is offered for research and study. Dr. G. U. Pope wrote thus in 1910 of British neglect of Tamil literature: *'Although the very ancient, copious, and refined Tamil language is inferior to none, it u regarded by most people as the (probably barbaroiu) vernacular of a people livii^ somewhere in a remote district of Great Britain’s imperial possessions. Neither does our Indian Govern¬ ment nor do otir Universities fully recognize the value of Tamil literature; and so those who spend their lives in the. study of the great South Indian classics must resemble men seeking for pearls under water.” 1 One wonders if these words may not be applied here in India and Ceylon to the neglect that Tamiliana and Tamilology suffer at the hands of those whose duty it is to* protect and develop them. What W. W. Hunter said of philology is true also of many other fields of Tamil studies: ‘‘Philology has hit herto con cerned herself almost exclusively with Indo-Germanic and speech; with speech that is at a single stage, and perhaps not at its most instructive stage. The study of the non-Aryan tongues of India is destined, I believe, to open the door to the vast linguistic residue, Md to furnish the basis of a new science of lan g uage, as the study of Sanskrit in India, eighty years ago, '&ffi>rded the foxmdation upon which the present system of philology has been reared.” 2 1. The Tamilian Antiquary, No. 6, p. 3. 2. A Comparativs Dictionary of the languages of Asia. W. V7. Hunter. Preface. 4 TAMIL CULTURE There were a number of Tamils themselves who, proficient in the English language and fa miliar with iiUropean thought, sought through translaMons and critical studies to interest the rest of the world in their own literary and cultural, heritage. Kanagasabai Pillai’s ‘The Tamils Thousand Eight Hundred Tears Ago’, Isaac Tambyah’s ‘ Psalms of a Saiva Saint* Guana Prakasar’s unfinished Lexicon, the various issues of that excellent journal The Tamilian Antiquary, not to mention the scholars of the South like P. T. Srinivasa Iyengar and J. M. Nallasamy Pillai have reminded students at home and abroad of the hidden wealth that yet remains to be discovered in Tamildom. Our Universities, particularly those of Annamalai and Madras, have periodically published works that are most useful to foreign students interested in Tamil studies. But it will not be sufficient to consign Tamil studies only to Universities. Private institutes and private agencies must as well take up the diffusion of Tamil Culture. And that diffusion cannot hope to achieve success unless the centres of Tamil research set before themselves the highest standards of scholar¬ ship? The more such scholarship embarks on compara¬ tive studies, the greater will be its benefit to the world at large. There is need for the disinterested and dispas¬ sionate activities of an Academy which will not relegate exclusively to Universities and the State the patronage of Tamil studies. There are dark and disconcerting obstacles in the way of a dispassionate appraisal of the Tamif contri¬ bution to the culture of India and Ceylon. An American scholar sent by the Rockfeller Foundation returned from India to America five years ago with the impres¬ sion that the Government of India was not interested in any studies that would prove the non-Aryan origin THIS JOURNAL OF THE ACADEMY 5 of cnltural trends and historical events in India. The activities of the Sonthem circle of the Department of ArchsBology have not been conspicuous in the Tamil country. Now that the Indus VaUey has been lost to us (and that loss is probably more Tamil’s than that of any other language) one would expect more intense work in Adichyanallur, in Arikamedu, in Kaveripoom- pattinam, but the Archasological Department lacks either the will or the means, or possibly is deficient in both. Similar complaints have been made by scholars with regard to the neglect of Tamil antiquities and epigraphy in Travancore and Ceylon. The fimction of the research scholar is not to act as a partisan but to be a witness to the truth. It is fatal to scholarship when it is blinded by prejudice or made to serve the interests of a party. Ne sutar ultra crepidam. Let the petty politician keep his hands off culture and learning. « 9 *^ « The lot that has befallen ' Tamil is happily not the lot of the Sanskrit language. This other great vehicle of Indian thought is an Indo-European tongue. Because of its af&nities with Latin and Greek, and German and other modern languages, it has received recognition abroad. Since the- days of Willian Jones, and more recently, since the days of Max Muller, scholars in the West have come to a better knowledge of the characte¬ ristics of the Sanskrit language and literature. Vedic Sanskrit definitely antedates Latin and Greek by many centuries, and displays the original Indo-Euro¬ pean structure better than any other known tongue, with the exception of Lithuanian. On the other hand, there should be a better knowledge of Latin and Greek in India. Scholarship in our Universities, particularly in comparative philology, is woefully inadequate. 0 TAMIL CULTURE Scholars in Tamil should be better conversant with the languages and literatures of the other “cultivated” and “ imoultivated ” Drayidian tongues, and of Sans> krit and English if they are to make their work truly worth while. Comparative studies in Dravidian langua¬ ges have not advanced far since Caldwell’s time. Because of its affinities with the North Indian languages, and because of the unique position it has held as a vehicle of religious and philosophic thought, Sanskrit holds a prominent place in Indian culture. Writers like Max Muller, Wintemitz, Macdonell, and Keith have revealed to Indians themselves the trea¬ sures of the Sanskrit tongue. Tamil cannot expect the same amoimt of study or spontaneous interest on the part of non-Tamils for the want of such linguistic affinities. . No heed has been paid to the observation of Max Muller himself that “Tamil literature hitherto has been iar too much neglected by students of Indian literature, philosophy and religion.” 9 Most of the pioneer work, therefore, that will cause interest in the rest of the world must proceed from the Tamils themselves. Some of them should be prepared, even at the cost of sacrifice, to acquire a literary profiiciency in foreign tongues so that they may trans¬ late the Tamil classics into other languages. So far no translation of a Tamil classic seems to have been incorporated in any series of the world classics in English or in any other language, nor any extracts from Tamil poetry included in the anthologies of world poetry. The Academy of Tamil Culture proposes to sponsor the work of scholars who embark in making original research in the various fields of Tamil culture and will “ establish and maintain effective contact 3. In prefatory Note to Hindu Mannas and Customs, 3rd edition Oxford, 1905. 7 THIS JOURNAL OF THE ACAUE^ and collaboration with University or other academic organisations at home and abroad There is in European Universities agrowing desire to examine the Dravidian contribution to Indian culture- It is a relief ta_find that such research is popular among at least a few scholars in India. In the new series of “History and Culture of the Indian people ”, published by the Bharatiya Itihasa Samiti, the first volume entitled “ The Vedic Age contains a study of particular interest, and that is, the study entitled “ Race Movement and !]^ehistoric Culture ”, by S. K. Chatterji of the University of Calcutta. He says, “It has been generally admitted, particularly after a study of both the basis of Dravidian and Aryan cultiu-e through language anH through institutions, that the Dravidians contributed a great man y elements of paramount importance in the evolution of Hindu civili¬ zation, which is after all (like all other great civilizations} a composite creation, and that in certain xnatters the Dravidian and Austric contri¬ butions are deeper and more extensive than that of the Aryans. The pre-Aryans of Mohenjo-daro and Harappa were certainly in possession of a higher material cultiire than what the semi-nomadic Aiyansi could show.” ' Again, while estimating the Dravidian and other non- Aryan contributions he points out tersely that “ In culture, speaking in the Indian way, one may say that over twelve annas in the rupee is non-Aryan origin ”, meaning that more than three-fourth of Indian culture is non-Aryan and predominantly Dravidian. He proceeds to show that Indian food, the Indian way of thinking, the Indian counting and computation, the Indian marriage aud religious customs, and Hindu worship and ritual are mostly Tamil or Dravidian.* It is clear that the neglect of studies and research concerning Tamil India can give room to gross errors 4. The Vedic Age^ pp. 151 - 165, London, 1951. 8 TAMIL CULTURE and misleading jndgements in the writing of Indian* history and the exposition of Indian culture and Indian literature. The peculiar characteristics of the Tamil language, its phonetics, its antiquity, its one and only declension and one and only conjugation, its classification of gender so unlike the Indo-European that attributes gender to inanimate objects, and even changes the gender of objects from century to century, its ancient and obsolete particles should arrest the attention of all those interested in the structure and the history of h uman s peech., Tamil is as much a classical language,with a 1 classical literature as Greek or Sanskrit with this difference that while her ancient contemporairies have changed beyond recognition or been long regarded as “ dead ”, Tamil continues to be one of the most vigorous of modem Indian languages, and perhaps offers the only example in history of an ancient-classical tongue which has survived to this day and yet remains young as it was two thousand years ago. “ It b not perhaps extravagant to say that in its poetic form the Tamil is more polished and exact than the Greek, and, in both dialects, with its borrowed treasures, more copious than the Latin. In its fulness and power, it more resembles English and German than any other living language During the last fifty years a number of ancient Tamil works have been edited in print by that prince of editors, the late Swaminatha Aiyer. Knowledge about these ancient literary anthologies has not yet reached those w’ho contribute articles to books of refer¬ ence in the West. Hence their studies generally are confined to the Kural and the Saivaite and Vaishna- vite hymns. The love lyrics of the Tamils, their Nature poetry, the panegyric and ethical poetry of the Puram anthology, the Tamil epics like Silapadikaram and Kambar's Ramayanam have not been critically 9 THIS JOURNAL OF THE ACADEMY « studied side by side with the other masterpieces of the world’s literature. There are few lauguages that can claim such a refined and classical love-poetry as Tamil. Few literatures in the world seem to contain such a large volume of ethical and devotional works. And no other language seems to have been the.literary vehicle of the poetry of so many different religions, for in Tamil there are* poetical works representative of the Jain, the Buddhist, the Saivaite, the Vaishnavite, the Catholic, the Protestant, and the Moslem faiths. The Kural, no doubt, holds a unique place in the literatures of the world. Suffice it to quote Albert Schweitzer, and his comparative comments on the Kural; “What a difference between the Kural and the Laws of Manu... V^ilst the Bhagavad-Gita in a forced and chilly manner gives as a motive for remaining in active life that it is in accordance with the order of the Universe, the Kural justifies it—what an advance !—by the idea of ethical activity...There hardly exists in the literature of the world a collection of maxims in which we find so much lofty wisdom...We already find here the knowledge that good must be done for its own sake...Maxims about joy in activity bear witness to the strength of the world and life affirmation present in the Kural...It has appropriated all the valuable ethical results of the thought of world and life negation. But in addition to this ethic of inwardness there appears in the Kural the living ethic of love ”.5 “ Just as tb© Kural merits even greater recogni¬ tion, so does the Siddhanta philosophy, said to be the choicest product of the Dravidian intellect. The fin© arts are also fields in which the achievements of the Tamils are conspicuous. In music, in dance, in paint¬ ing and in sculpture, the Tamils have an inheritance 5 Albert Schwbitzer, Indian Thought and Its Deoelopmtntt pp. 20(1-205, London, 1936. 10 TAMIL CULTURE which must be diligently studied in the interests of gracious living. Hi * * The Tamils were also great traders and empire- builders. Warmington has written an admirable work from Western sources but an equally valuable work remains to be written from Eastern and Tamil sources about South Indian commerce. The sea ports of the then Tamil country, which included all the Malabar coast as weU, were busy ports of caU into which ships from the West sailed with their gold, lamps, wine and goblets, to return home laden with pepper and silks and cotton and ivory, and with pearls of the Tamil seas. Teak from the Tamil country has been found in the ruins of Ur of the Chaldees, and peacocks and apes of the South were sold abroad as early as Solomon’s time. Yavanar, or men of the Graeco-Roman world, established colonies and trading stations in the Tamil kingdoms, and were even employed as engineers, bodyguards, palace-guards, and city-guards in the ser¬ vice of Tamil kings. Tamil Nad was perhaps the best known part of India to the countries of the West, and the Tamils developed a breadth of outlook as a result of their international trade. The sagas of the Tamil navies form inspiring records in Indian history since seafaring was not forbidden to the Tamil people. This expansiveness resulted in foreign conquests, in colonisation and in the establishment of empires, comparatively shortlived like all empires carved out by Indian dynasties, but of sujficiently long enough duration to admit of a permanent impress oh the countries that were conquered. Ceylon, Burma, Malaya Siam and Indonesia have all their tales to tell of the Greater India ” that the Tamils established. THIS JOURNAL OF THE ACADEMY 11 Today the Tamils are found in many parts of the world outside of the Tamil country. In Malaya, in Burma, in Indonesia, in Mauritius, in Africa, in the Isles of the Martinique, in Jamaica, in Trinidad, and in other countries they have left the stamp of their language, their religion, their fine arts and of their enterprise. That the Tamil people are industrious and enterprising, and immigrated in modem times to diff¬ erent parts of the world to earn their bread by manual work, need not lower them in the esteem of scholarship, or render study concerning their contribution to the world, fruitless. The superiority that intelligent men admit is that which is merited because of contribu¬ tion to thought and progress and human happiness. By such standards the Tamil world may well be proud of its achievement, and in their long and unbroken history, the Tamils have deserved to be classed with the Egyptians, the Hebrews, the Greeks and the Romans. We need not insist further on the peculiar feat¬ ures of the culture, the language, the history, the lite¬ rature, the fine arts and crafts that will form the subject matter of this Review. To bring these to light, to make them available to as many people in the world as possible, is a duty that must be done in the interest of tmth. To have had some glimpse of these hidden beauties and not to have shared them with others would be unpardonable selfishness. The Academy of Tamil Culture and its journal are therefore pledged to the noblest purposes and ends that can inspire Tamil speaking peoples. Faxit Deus, — Scu^tor i Paradide South SnJia: IfVlcunaiiipurcun. LEOP. BAZOU, S. J. M AMALLIPUEAM, the City of the Great MaUa » (Narasimha Varman I, c. 630—660), stands on the eastern shore of South India, near the Palar River, some 35 miles south of Madras. Here on the summit of huge gneiss rocks, piled one upon the other, the Pallava princes of Kanchi had built their summer palace. It overlooked the famous harbour and emporium, known to Roman and Greek traders of old, and commanded the whole country around. Mamalla made his summer residence worthy of the great monarch he was. Scattered debris of bricks and dilapidated base- ments are all that remains of his palace, but the religious monuments and the sculptural works of art he inspired have survived as so many witnesses to his greatness and his love of beauty. Here, on the rockhill and in its immediate surroimdings, lovers of art and students of Tamilagam’s religious past will find a unique gathering of sculptural masterpieces seldom met together in such profusion. On the eastern face of the rockhill three large sculptural panels, and many other rocks, large and small, have been carved into cave-temples or monolith shrines, not counting two 1 . The name has undergone a great variety of spelling efforts from Mavali- puram to the sanskritised form of Mahabalipuram. The proper spelling ought, of course, to be Mamallapuram. But it must have proved too much of a mouthful for the ordinary people to pronounce, and usage has softened it into the present Mamallipuram. A SCULPTOR’S PARADISE 13 more temples built out of dressed stones. These would provide enough sculptural masterpieces to enrich many of the most exclusive museums of art. The period, * perhaps the most formative period of South Indian culture’*, witnessed a literary^ artistic, religious and political upheaval, when controversy inspired divines and poets, when even leaders changed their faith overnight. Saiva and Vaishnava names foUow indifferently Buddhist titles in the genealogy of the Pallava princes, Mahendra Varman I (c. 600-^630), at first a devout Jain who ridiculed the Saiva mendi¬ cants, turned himself a Saivite. The first singer of the Thevaram hynms, the great Appar, a professed Jain monk and at one time, the head of an important monastery, renounced his faith for that of Siva, to end—some say—in a monastery of his original faith and profession. Both the Buddhist and Jain Sanghams, monastic institutions that imparted to their numerous and eager disciples a full University Course—religion, medicine, as well as arts—had just reached the height of their fame. The influence of hhahti or devotion to a personal deity (Ishta Devata) was bringing about a renaissance of Dravidian religious concepts, provok¬ ing a ‘large crop of ascetics’, mendicants, singers, poets and dancers. In the best tradition inspired from the ancient Dravidian Panars, they tried to rival and surpass the Buddhist and Jain wandering monks. This is the period that saw the rise of rock-temple sculpture. Within the short span of a single century, the seventh, under three Pallava princes, Mahendra, Mamalla and Rajasimha, Dravidian art attained its zenith. From this Pallava School, best represented here, at MSmalli- puram, temple architects and sculptors were for f 2. C. ^linakslii, Adninistrotion and Social life under tke Pallavas, \ta.dras 1938, Preface, 14 TAMIL CULTURE centuries to draw their inspiration. Its influence would be felt in the religious edifices of the Far-East, ' as far as Java, Burma, Siam and Cambodia. THE GREAT BOCK-PANEL What most strikes and captivates the attention at Mamallipuram is the prodigious scene carved out upon the rock on the eastern side of the hiU area. This masterpiece of carving measures some 90 feet in length by 30 in height and represents more than a hundred different full size sculptures, ‘ the grandest expression of plastic Indian art, one of the largest, most beautiful and most dramatically striking masterpieces of all times’.® There are actually two rocks standing side by side and separated only by a narrow chasm, which the master sculptor has turned into the central part of the whole composition. Here a Naga and a couple of Naga spirits are just rising out of the earth, moving up¬ wards, in long gracious strides, their mighty reptilian undulating forms. And towards these central rising figures, all the others, represented in their throng—royal couples, hosts of gods and celestial beings, genii, warriors, artisans, labourers, ascetics and animals—are on the march like a gigantic procession hastening to¬ wards the ascending Nagas. An artist might feel at first overwhelmed by the enticement of what Ren6 Grousset calls a ‘tropical Greece, nurtured from too rich a soil and inspired by a theogony that knew no restraint’^. But as the eye lingers on such a large scene that defies the 3. H. Zimmer, Afythet *t Syboles dans la Civilisation de VJnde, Paris 1951, 10 » 4. Grousset, Rene, Bilan de VHistoire, Paris 1946, p. 128. A SCULPTOR’S PARADISE 16 imagination and takes one’s breath away, one realises the softening Buddhist influence, an inspiration of peace and love because of the pervading confidence that life is good and enjoyable. All the corporeal forms are expressed in such delicate and tender touches that their captivating charms, even when feminine figures stand in the nude, remain above sex. For there is spread over the whole a sense of wonderment, inspired by a joie de vivre that has been tempered by a typical softening religious strain. ‘ Idealism, dignity, gravity, even devotional austerity ’, are some of the characteris¬ tics H. Zimmer finds in the composition, along with *a typical, moderate, though deep, religious enthusiasm, decidedly peace-inspiring even under the strong stimu¬ lant of ardent hhahti. A quiet and sober dignity per¬ meates, so to say, the whole scene, as if it were the outward impression of a soul lost in contemplation of the whole creation’. For this grand scene appears like ‘ a symposium of life, divine and terrestrial with all its all-enchanting, wonderful and abundant cosmic scenery, as seen in a dream, that would be the dream of an ascetic in his prayer. A prayer inspired by an asceticism at the same time spiritual and sensuous, but of a sensuousness that belongs no more to this material world of ours’®. The forceful grandeur of the whole scene,, the masterful lines and strokes from the artist’s chisel, make one ask, in one’s despair to grasp this large masterpiece and its implications, whether any other genius than the Michael-Angelo of the Sistine Chapel or the French sculptor Rodin, had he in his most rest¬ less creative urge dared tackle such a task, could have conceived such a gigantic work of art. And yet it is 5. H. Zimmer, Ibid. p. 115—119, passim. 16 TAMIL CULTURE not the towering grandeur of the whole composition, nor the masterful strokes that chiselled life itself in stone, that are the subject of our deepest amazement, but the realisation that we have come unexpectedly face to face with the ‘Golden Age’, that is with the ‘sacred’ or the ‘numen’, a world in which gods, genii, royal personages, warriors, labourers and rustics, along with the whole creation that surrounds them, dwelt together in peace and perfect harmony, with nothing to mar their quiet and religious-like enjoyment of all things, terrestrial and divine. An Earthly Paradise be¬ fore Sin had entered this world: and yet a paradise in which, if not the Serpent, at least the Nagas, seem to be the central figures. But more about this later. Troubled souls yearning for the heterogeneous, highly emotional devotees of an awe-inspiring deity, or perturbed consciences whose remorse dwells in a world of ashes and sackcloth, would find themselves out of place here. ‘ If the artist had a dream, begotten by a powerful imagination, his was not a nightmare but a vision of peace and beauty, in which esoteric rites and magical art had no place whatever. If he carved out a Siva with four arms, it is Siva, not in any of his terrific aspects—still to come—biit the traditional Dravidian benevolent and youthful Murugan, ‘who dances on the hilltops’, the fragrant son of beautiful and gracious Kottavai. And the ‘Mother’ here is no other than the young lovely, serene and devotion-in¬ spiring Dravidian Mother, whom the prolific sculptors of Mamallipuramhave carved upon almost all available rocks: the Mother, blissful and bliss-giving Nagini, that rises in the very centre of the great Rock-Panel. Great Rock-Panel : general view 'Fhe Devi in the Draupadi monolith % The Devi in the Varaha Gave I [By courusy of C. W. M. Claassen, Spr.cer's. Dindigul. Arjuna & Draupacli monoliths [By courtesy of C. W. M. Claassen, Spencer's, Dindigul. - v^^|uy||H pyiwf; t ; 1 paa;.-.'!. ihaMBSttka Great Rock-Panel : the Elephants [By courtesy oj C. PV. M. Claassen, Spencer’s, Dintiigu! ^>.7 lEo jBvVPPBj A SCULPTOR’S PARADISE 17 THE ‘ascent of THE NACAS * But if scholars are all agreed as to the high artistic value of this scene, they differ when it comes to decid¬ ing upon its actual meaning. Some have seen in it the ‘Penance of Arjuna’. One reason given for this is thai there happens to be a particular ascetic seen standing in the typical attitude of the penitents. But, far from being the central figure, this piece is carved towards the upper right part of the left rock where it is lost among a large throng of others in an all-out mise en scene. And this is indeed the most lavish display ever designed to mark a grand day, the largest festival ever conceived to perform an ancestral rite. Another more common, and at first sight more likely interpretation is that the scene depicts the ‘Descent of the Ganges’. The remnants of masonry work at the top of the middle gap between the twin rocks suggest that water must have been stored up in a reservoir behind it to provide some sort of artificial waterfall on the occasion of some recurring festival. But such a descent of water, however inspiring a sub¬ ject it may prove as a typical element of fertility rites, does not seem to be the main subject. A mere passing, transient occasion could not have, moreover, warranted the great display of such a masterly sculptural scene represented in this great rock-panel. We are not deal¬ ing here with a mere Puranic lore out of Sanskrit scriptures, but with a traditional Dravidian rite of common or clan worship. It is not actually the ‘Descend¬ ing Waters’ but the ‘Ascending Nagas’, that are intend¬ ed to be and have remained the central and most prominent part of the whole masterpiece, the simple and life-like Nziga or cobra, coming out of the earth—- Mother Earth indeed—and the couple of divine NSgini 18 TAMIL CULTURE and NSga that are ascending the waters in all their glory. Surrounded by the halo of an expanded n^ga hood, with joined hands in an ‘attitude of ecstatic religious fervour, prayerful bliss, joyful and. devout ravishment’ ® to quote once more H. Zimmer, they seem to be addressing the throng of people and animat¬ ed beings—nay the whole of Nature—an all-wel¬ coming salutation. The whole scene has been conceived by a powerful master-mind with a set purpose. All the many sub¬ jects, however different they may be, have their atten¬ tion drawn towards the middle chasm between the twin rocks. The whole scene represents what H. Zimmer calls a ‘conventional concept*. It is not merely an ‘ historical decisive moment the ‘ climax of a drama ’ or the ‘summing up of momentous events’, but a ‘living and progressive action, the successive developments of which—several moments of the passing time as it were— that are expressed here side by side in a single compo¬ sition as a marvellous lasting recital’The crucial event that commands the whole concept, pervading as it does each and every detail, is what attracts anp detains our attention. It is the central piece that gives its meaning to the whole, and this—we must say it again is not the descending watets, however much they may be part of the picture, but the ascend¬ ing Nugas. Even if the latter had disappeared, we would be still looking for them with the eye of our imagination. Uravidian tradition, which survives in almost every village of Tamil Nad and South India, holds the Nagas as spirits of both the earth and the 6. Id. Ibid., p. 119. 7. Id., Ibid, pp. 115—119. 19 A SCULPTOR’S PARADISE waters, guardians of fabulous riches in ‘the nether world, of which they are the kings and queens, as symbols of cosmic energy that gives the waters their life and the fields their life-giving harvest, the symbols, indeed, of all life and all health. These fabulous Nagas played such an important part in the tradition of the ancient Indian tribes that they could not help passing into Sanskrit lore. The Naginis acquired such a reputation for their irresistible enticing beauty that heroes of old were credited to have sought alliance with these sub-terranean deities. Did not Arjima himself, whom some would recognise in the penitent ascetic represented here, marry a Na| a princess ? Did not Parasurama command his beloved Nambudiris to contract unions with the * celestial damsels’, among whom Murugan played on the hilltops, and thus raise a posterity ? Did not the ancestral hero, founder of the Pallava dynasty of Ranchi, marry a Naga princess? Well, tradition tells us he did. Whether she actually was a Mahratta princess • of the Naga clan or a mere character in a legendary account, it does not matter. We meet here with an unmis¬ takable ancient tradition—an accepted one any¬ how among those concerned—the princess of the ruling Pallava house. This Naga cult has prevailed as a characteristic feature amongst the less Aryanised tracts of India and more particularly in our Dravidian South. The Naga cult or the fertility festival of the Nagas, the life-providing genii by whose help children are . begotten and families and clans endure and multiply, is enough to explain the gigantic composition carved out of twin rocks at Mamallipuram and to warrant the inclusion of the whole of the cosmic world as taking an active part in that festival and in these rites. The Dravidian worship, still prevailing in villages is always 20 TAMIL OTLTUEE a common worship of the family or clan or of the whole village, if not of the whole Nad. But the fact is that the great rock-panel is a work inspired by theBallava princes, who were magnif¬ icent patrons of art, and prided themselves to belong to the Naga clan. It is not, therefore, a mere coin¬ cidence that this masterpiece was carved out of the rockhill upon which the Great Mamalla built his summer pa^ce, and round which he had founded Mamallapuram, the City of Mamalla, the City of the Nagas. The worship of the Nagas, symbolized here in the primeval form of a natural cobra and in the Divine Naga couple, is not a mere chance festival. Nor can such a great masterpiece, which must have taken years to realise, be just a fluke of some aimless, capricious artist. It gives immortal expression to the royal Pallava clan’s worship of their clan totem. And the festival and rite, as elaborated here in the grandest style ever conceived and realised, bring into action the full array of the whole royal clan, past and present, with their regal retinues of mustachioed feudal liege¬ men, court-sculptors, servants and menials, with every¬ thing that has life in heaven and on earth. On either side of the chasm between the twin rocks, along which the figures of the Nagas are ascend¬ ing, as many as sixteen different crowned royal couples in their princely attire hasten to come forth, genuflecting and flying, to meet and worship their ancestors and tutelary deities. Most of their attend¬ ants wear also a crown, because of their connection with the royal house, as do even now the peers of the realm when a British monarch is crowned at West¬ minster, And so do the many warriors, the various couples of anthropomorphic birds (half-human and half-winged forms), the gods and even the Gandharya A SCULPTOR’S PARADISE 21 dwarfs, who quite at ease are enjoying themselves, as children and angels would, in eating sugar-cane. : It all looks like a grand Ponged celebration®. To these high personages must be added typical representatives from the society of the day in their usual guise, ascetics and religious men of all robes—or kinds of undress—artisans and labourers, along with the whole of the animated creation, as if in a cosmic festival in which Nature must have her part—tigers, apes, lions with a lioness feeding her young ones, asses, various kinds of birds, a tortoise, several hippopotamuses; a cat doing penance in the most realistic attitude of the Yogi, thus giving a holiday to the mice: a couple of deer at rest, the male scratching his nose with his hindleg: the apes, quiet for the nonce, gazing at the ascending Nagas; Siva with his trident and crown; the two Sun-gods in all their glory, but in the same worshipping attitude as the genuflecting and flying royal couples and warriors. The whole of the divine hierarchy is here subjected to the Pallava ancestral deities, the Nagas. It is not mere fancy nor chance that has given the royal princes standing nearest to the ascending Nagas on either side of the middle chasm between the twin rocks the aureola of naga hood, as living repre¬ sentatives of the Naga clan. It is not unintentionally either that the various religious men represented here are going about their own particular concerns, quite unconnected with the great festival. A seated ascetic is lost in meditation—communing with the divine: another doing penance, while others, intent in less- high pursuits, are merely idling away their time chat¬ tering. In the lower portion of the left panel, a priest is 8. This is a harvest festival celebrated throughout Tamil covintry in the middle of January (£d.) 22 TAMIL CULTURE Just emerging from the waters. An able-bodied man of strong and well-proportioned limbs, he stands erect in perfect poise carrying a pitcher upon his left shoulder with the sacrificial water from the stream. He looks well-satisfied with himself and the world. His head is crowned with the quaint head-dress typical of most ascetics, and his attention is being attracted towards the waters. His right free hand, upturned as if in awe, seems to indicate that he is not quite un¬ aware that some portentous event must be taking place. On his right, a standing ascetic with his head shaved is bending low, his hands joined in adoration. Is he saluting the rising Nagas ? On the priest’s left, there* stands another priest in the nude. Quite a youngster, he is coming out of the waters after bathing and goes on wringing his wet garment, though he is almost elbowing the lower Naga. His chubby, plump round face precludes all material cares, although his eyes seem to be wondering about some unusual happen¬ ing. Official Brahmanical Hinduism is shown here as it has remained ever since, standing apart—or pre¬ tending to stand apart—^from the Dravidian village festival in honour of the not-to-be-ignored ancestral deities. Most prominent in the whole scene is the herd of elephants, a couple as large as life with their young ones playing between their parents’ legs. They occupy the lowest portion of the right rock. By their majes¬ tically' moving attitude, they seem to be leading the whole procession of worshippers. From whatever angle one looks at them, they appear to be fast moving and heading the royal march, so much so that one wonders whether it is movement or commanding appearance that characterizes them most. The male of the herd has already reached the waters at the foot of the water- A SCULPTOR’S PARADISE 23 fall and is quenching his thirst, his trunk imbibing the invigorating element. With so much grandeur and so much beauty, of which one can but give a poor idea, the great rock panel stands an unfinished masterpiece. The chisel of the artist has left half of the left rock, its lower portion, uncompleted. Parts of the unoarved wall have, indeed, been marked as a preparation to chop out the outer surface so as to reach the hardest and most durable stone, as was the usual practice with the Mamallipuram sculptors. Something must have happ¬ ened in those days of political and rebgious ferment that put an untimely end to the royal protection that inspired so much artistic beauty. Unfinished also are the cells of the large Pandava mandabam carved ’•ut of the extreme portion of the left rock. Its outer portico is gracefully ornamented with six slender pillars of the squatting-lion style, characteristic of King Mamalla’s period; but its cells show but roughly carved walls. Unfinished, hardly more than a ‘rough’ out of a ‘sketch-book’, is another little-known rock-panel further away along the base of the rock-hill area. These scrappy carvings look as if the master-artist of the great panel had tried his hand here before settling to tackle his masterpiece. But be this a mere sketch or not, its sculptor was not yet sure of his technique— or was it of his material ? He does not seem to have yet realised the need to treat first the rock-surface by chopping out the upper layer and bare the harder and durable stone that would make his sculptures last for ever. But from whatever hand these scrap-carvings may have come, they must be older than the real 24 TAMIL CULTURE inasterpiece> be tbey the work of the same artist or the ;work of some other artist, from which the master-sculptor of the Great Panel took his inspira¬ tion. The general concept and the most characteristic details are similar, anyhow. The four-armed Siva and the penitent ascetic are there as most of the important subjects, kings and queens, gods and god¬ desses, genii and warriors, who appear to be all moving onwards above the clouds as do the birds. The elephants are here too, not merely marching, but trumpeting and charging from the lower part of the left rock towards a middle gap, which here also sepa¬ rates 1 win rocks. Both rock panels come,. indeed, from the same concept, each of them constituting in a large com¬ prehensive tableau a complete theophany of fertility rites with the full cycle of fertility symbols, Nagas and Naginis, the feminine nudes, trees, stone, water and animals. The latter include, not the horse, the traditional mount of the northerner foe—the ever unsettled wandering barbarian invader—but the ass, the humble servant of the village washerman. In one word, we find equally in both panels the full array of cosmic forces at play in the great festival of Nature in conformity with the most faithful tradition of Dravi¬ dian rites, Dravidian symbols and Dravidian culture. THE KRISHNA MANDABAM Along the same rock-hill, between the two rock panels, there is another panel now enclosed within a mandabam. Thfs important masterpiece, though some¬ what on a smaller scale, is perhaps much more inti¬ mate, and manifests a much deeper touch, too, than its more famous neighbours. Jt represents Krishna 25 A SCULPTOR’S PARADISE among his kith and kin, the shepherds, and goes offic¬ ially under the general title of ‘ Krishna Lifting the Mountain*, as an immense umbrella, to protect the shepherd clan against the awful storm, said to have lasted a full week,‘raised by angry Indra. But, here again, the title is misleading. As in the great rock panel, we find here a ‘panora¬ mic story ’ evolving before our eyes in all its details. The Lifting of the Mountain, relegated to the right portion of the panel, looks like a mere episodic sc ae, nor is it technically speaking the best conceive.l or the best wrought element of the whole. Far from it, the scene occupying the centre of the masterpiece is at once most homely and most artistic, being one ^f daily occurrence among shepherds. It represents them in their most intimate ordinary life, free from any artificial reserve, pretence or convention. It shows us real shepherds and real shepherdesses, even if the- artist happens to have been in his most inspired mood and drew his inspiration from the depth of his religious soul. The familiar and well-known Milking Scene and, just above it, the hardly noticeable though most ad¬ mirable representation of the Flute-player, form a com¬ plete tableau both very realistic and highly symbolical. The milking of a cow by a squatting figure, while the cow in a most natural gesture goes on licking her own calf, provides the typical surroundings of a shepherd’s life. A young woman listening to a flute-player is ano¬ ther such daily occurrence; and this may explain why she has hardly been noticed so far. Even usually alert scholars have overlooked her, failing to recognise that, in this scene, we meet with the work of an artist who has conceived and realised a masterpiece of highly religious, nay, mystical value. 26 TAMIL CULTURE The mother is quite young and her child, her first child, but a tiny babe, just opening its eyes to the enticement of a newly discovered world, even though that world be but a rustic scenery. And so should it be; for, according to traditional Dravidian concepts, both mother and child must be in the prime of that ever-new fact, that life is eternal. The child must, therefore, breathe the very freshness of the newly-born infant, and its mother—^the Mother —express the beaming,grace¬ ful and incomparable beauty of a recently acquired motherhood. Such are Mother and Child in all the relig¬ ions of the Great Mother, and such are they everywhere here, at Mamallipuram—in the carved out upper cell of the Dharmaraja Radha, in the central cell of the Mahi- shamardini cave, in the fragments preserved in the open-air museum, and in the three small panels of the Shore Temple. The young mother in the Krishna Mandabam, is seated, with her child on her right knee. But the natural pride and contentment of a recently acquired motherhood-is here tempered by a still deeper emotion, if one may be allowed to say so, an emotion inspired not by any worldly sentiment but by divine music, the music from a flute, the purest of all music. Both the mother and the flute-player have typically crowned heads, for she is a princess and the flute-player is a prince, nay more, they both are divine. Almost forget¬ ting her newlyborn child—and which newly conse¬ crated mother could do that?—though actually holding it with her right hand, she is to all intents lost in the ecstatic ravishment of the divine music. In a most gracious and sculpturaUy most daring attitude, her whole body is turned upwards, Ustening to the Divine' Player. The latter stands erect behind her and almost touching her, but quite unconcerned, it would seem. A SCULPTOR’S PARADISE 27 about anything but his music. But while the mother’s features are unmistakably those of rapture, her lifted and upturned left hand shows that her joy and con¬ tentment have reached that depth when the soul can bear no more. Of such a deeply inspired scene any artist would feel proud. It is by far the best work, here and at Mamallipuram, where masterpieces abound. Though it is but one ‘ short piece ’ among many others representing as many as forty different figures—gods, heroes, human beings and cattle—it has been given by the artist the most prominent place in the very centre of the rock panel. The lifting of the mountain by Krishna comes from a well-known Puranic account, which, as so many other Indian myths, has a Dravidian or, at least, an ancient Indian origin. The monsoon months that bring back life to the scorched earth prove too often also a time of desolation, when floods and epidemics threaten the lives of men and cattle. Krishna, whether -we consider him as a young hero from some shepherd clan of old, as a vegetation spirit, or as a Sun-god, is tradi¬ tionally a rival to Indra, the Master of cosmic forces and of equally unaccountable magical arts. A Dravi- dian vegetation spirit. Master of the Herd, like Siva and Vasudeva, Krishna is the ‘Black One*, the Dravi¬ dian Karuppan, still worshipped in many Tamil villa¬ ges ; the Indian Heracles known to Megasthenes, and the spouse of Queen Pandia of Dra vidian Madurai; the Pasupati, Lord and Protector of cattle, the Player of the Flute and Dancer, lan evolved form of-Murugan, the god sporting on the hilltops, the son of Kottavai crowned with peacock feathers, the brother of Bala- rSma the Holder of the Plough. His most popular aspect, which has survived in Murugan, is that of the Child whose pranks are always forgiven, and he is 28 TAMIL CULTORE invoked in childbirth when his story is recited to en¬ sure a happy delivery. On his birthday images of his made out of clay are bathed in a river. Like Mnrugan and the Aiyanar, he is credited with having two wives, Rukmini the bride he eloped with and Radha his sweetheart, who recalls the DravidianValli, the beauti¬ ful mountain-girl favourite of Murugan* The Sistine Chapel frescoes Michael-Angelo paint¬ ed with such masterful strokes of his brush, look, it had been remarked, as so many sculptural scenes. Here, on the contrary, the great rock panel and the Shepherd scene appear like huge paintings upon an almost unlimited canvass. One would so much like to know the name of the master sculptor whose hammer and chisel carved out from the living rock so many masterpieces. But names have never meant much in South India®. If the artist has not signed his name to authenticate his work, he or some disciple has left us his image while at work. His bearded face and crown¬ ed head show dignity and concentration while with a long chisel in his left hand and the hammer in his right, he is carving the foot of a dwarf. He is shown as a prince among sculptors. But self-depreciation, tempered with a deep sense of humour, has ever been a virtue of the Tamils. Quite typically, therefore, our master sculptor, while admitting, so to say, that he is not quite a stranger to the work of stone-carving, appears more at ease with such minor subjects as mischievous though benevolent goblins. But, however arresting may be the eastern walls of the rock-hill, we must detach ourselves from its fascinating attraction. There are so many master- 9. Even the authors of great Tamil works like Tholkappiam and Kural are not known by their real names. (Ed.) A SCULPTOR’S PARADISE 29 pieces, so many diverse works of art, completed or only begun, here in the hill area, in the sandy wastes and on the shore, that one must hurry along or miss a good deal of that wealth of beauty. THE BOOK-CUT CAVES In the hill area we meet with some minor sculp¬ tural scenes or subjects that would anywhere else attract one’s attention. Such is, on the right of the great rock panel, a charming family group of apes, the male squatting behind the female and ‘doing her hair’, while she goes on giving her breast to her little one. Such is, a little further away on the corner of another rock, a family of elephants with the young ones disport¬ ing themselves under the eyes of their parents to the detached amusement of a monkey and peacock. Such is, too, the Pallava throne with a magnificent lion carved into a royal seat standing upon the platform in what must have been the open court among the palace gardens. Such is, again, a one-piece small cistern, of which the inner part of a large boulder, has been carved into the form of an immense bowl. It goes under the name of Gobi’s Churn, but suggests the Age of the Giants. The rock-cut caves are to be found in the hill area and mostly within the palace gardens. One only, the most primitive Mahishasura shrine, stands on the shore, north of the great Shore Temple. It is but a narrow simple quadrangular cell with a small entrance flanked by roughly carved lion-pilasters and female door-keepers. Characteristically enough in a shrine washed by the ocean waves, it is dedicated to the Mother, represented on the back wall of its ceU with eight arms. This shrine is part of twin rocks, and 30 TAMIL CULTURE their very position upon the shore, surrounded as they are by the waves at high tide, may explain why this unfinished sanctuary was never carved into a radha. But though it must be ranked as the Cinderella among so many masterpieces, this small cell standing as it does among such an impressive scenery catches one’s imagination. It must have proved a fine monastic cell for a hermit of the Naga type, ‘air-clad’ as the expression goes. The waves would give him a free shower-bath whenever he ventured out of his retirement, which must never have been for long in such congenial surroundings so very conducive to meditation. How happy must have felt the marine hermit of the Mamallipuram shores! Gone are the sailors who traded in his days with most countries of the East; but one may still _see by the still existing hamlet the small fisherman crafts, the Kattumarams which, though him¬ self absorbed in other-worldly thoughts, his eyes must have followed as, rocked about like floating sea-birds, they returned home borne shoreward by the mounting tide. Did the hermit of old witness the seasonal depart¬ ure of the Great Fleet that traded South Indian luxu¬ ries with all the countries of the East and West ? He could not help knowing about the cultural missions that took Dravidian culture to such distant lands as Cambodia. But could he have guessed that the famous temple of Ankor-Vat would reproduce the pinnacles and various other architectural designs from the Shore Temple that was part of the scenery he saw from his cell ? Here Dra vidian architecture was bom; here had Dravidian foreign history begun many centuries before either Portuguese or English had attained the stage of provincial vernaculars. Here the Greek 31 A SCULPTOR’S PARADISE lan^age of the Roman Empire, so many thousands of miles out of the reach of the famous Roman Legions, had been for several hundred years the traders’ lingua franca. Historians will still go on forgetting that the problem of how to open new sea routes towards the fabulous eastern country of the spices had been settled— and lost sight of too—centuries before such luxuries for sophisticated gourmets could have been thought worthwhile fighting for in stiU uncivilized England and Portugal. The rock-cave carving process, an art of which King Mahendra Varman claims to have been the proud inventor, is, indeed, the first attempt, in Tamil Nad, at architecture in stone. While others before him had made use of timber, bricks and lime, he discard¬ ing ^ all such perishable materials, used the very rocks Nature affords and carved them into everlasting shrines. There remains at Mamallipuram as many as thirteen different rock-caves to which must be added nine monoliths, each with its characteristically peculiar style and form. To the student of archaeology they represent so many typical examples of the art of scooping out cell-shrines inside a rock, and of carving magnificent temples out of a single huge block. And each stands as an unsurpassed masterpiece for the lover of art to admire. Diversely elaborated and decorated, the rock-caves show a variety of sculptures, doorways with carved male and female attendants; front and, at times, inside rows of pillars and pilasters—massive pillars of the Mahendra period, slender and beautifully decorated ones, supported by squatting or roaring lions of the Mamalla and Rajasimha styles. The front verandah takes here and there the proportion of a hall with three 32 TAMIL CULTURE or five inner shrines, the walls of which have—we are thankful for it—tempted the artist to carve as many as three or even five different panels forming a rich variety of subjects. Here the Mother stands in all her glory and youth i there she is seated upon the lotus-throne, attended by a couple of elephants with raised trunks. Elsewhere she is represented seated with her child on her knees by the side of the male deity; she is seen rising from the ocean or riding the lion to fight the ancestral foe from the North. Siva appears in his various forms, always beautiful, and serene: Vishnu is seen reclining upon the Sesha or fighting the demons with his raised foot; unperturbed Brahma is lost in meditation; Mahendra and Simha- vishnu, his father, are rep resen ted.in life-like portraits each with his two main consorts. MONOLITH SHRINES Of the nine shrines, each carved out of a single rock, five are to be found together among the sands not far from the shore, -and are known as the * Five Radhas*. But, thougli the most famous, they are not the only examples of this kind of religious structure at MamaUipuram. There is another such shrine within the hill area and three more a little apart on a rock to the west. The artistic value of the MamaUipuram monoliths, that are real sculptural beauties in stone, is enhanced stiU by the fact that each of them present typical features, not only because of their difference in size and shape, but also in style and design. If the scope of the artist was somehow restricted by the actual bulk of the original rock he decided to tackle, his creative imagination and his never-failing artistic sense inspired him to surmount all such restrictions. A SCULPTOR’S PARADISE 33 In his impatient creative urge he seems to have accept¬ ed no bmitation to what his genius could undertake and achieve. When the greater rocks had been dis¬ posed of, he could not refrain from making use of even the smaller pieces that lay about the place, and turning one into a majestic lion, another into an elephant, and a third into a fine crouching Bull, one of the earliest representations of the Nandi. Of the five monolith shrines the Arjuna, the Nakula-Sahadeva and the Dharmaraja Radhas show, in spite of difference in shape and designs, a similarity of sculptural skill and richness of ornamentation. The largest and by far the most impressive for its sculp¬ tural value is the Dharmaraja shrine. While the three of them present cubical forms, the Arjuna monolith shows a frontal mandabam, and the Nakula-Sahadeva Radha, which has also a frontal mandabam, ends in a most graceful, though uncommon, apsidal form. The. three of them, though different also in size and height* offer a three-storey pyramidal structure, terminated in what became the classical lotus-flower cupola of most temples in Tamil Nad. The small graceful Nakula- Sahadeva Radha is surmounted by a complex and most elegant waggon-shaped dome that combines both the half-round lotus-flower cupola at the back-end and the frontal side of a grass-hut over its tiny delicate mandabam. This waggon-shaped roof, inherited from the Buddhist caves of the Ajanta school, drew ultimately its inspiration from the semi-circular roof of the Toda grass-hut as well as from the richly decorated wooden constructions—carved beams, transoms and pendants— of former palatial mansions. The Bhima shrine, which has been carved out of a large rook, ends also in the semi-circular Toda-hut shape, completed with orna* mented Kudus or false windows. 5 34 TAMIL CULTURE Both the Arjuna and Dharmai^ja Badhas are ornamented with a rich profusion of sculptures, that look like so many portraits of royal personages. Such are the representations of Narasimha in the Uharma- raja Radha, and the various royal couples of the Arjuna Radha. These royal couples, though standing and at rest, show quite natural and graceful move¬ ments of the body, chiefly the queens. They are much more natural and lively, indeed, than the princesses of the Vai^a Cave I. While the couples of queens are standing by the side of seated Simhavishnu or following Mahendra Varman in the Varaha Cave I, the princesses of the Arjuna Radha are not mere attend¬ ants or followers of their royal master and lord. They are unmistakable queens. Each king is here represent¬ ed with an only queen —the royal consort—and she is shown either confidently leaning against or quite close to her royal spouse, who is also standing. Art has reached here its fuU mastery. There is no longer place for even royal conventions. Polygamy is left to the seraglio. The many sculptures of the Dharmamja Radha include the various forms of Siva as Nataraja, the Master of the Dance. When Rajasimha II (c. 690-715) and after him the great cholas of Tanjore will raise the first temple structures made out of stones, the archi¬ tects will draw their inspiration from the general outlines, even if modified and evolved, of the Dharma- raja Radha. Such are, at Mamallipuram, the Shore Temple with its two gracefully ornamented pinnacles, and what remains of the Ulakanatha shrine built upon the summit of the highest rock in the hiU area. The bottom of this rock had already been carved into one of the most beautiful cave-temples, which includes among its rich sculptural works two graceful rows of A SCULPTOR’S PARADISE 35 pillars forming a portico and a large mandabam with an inner cell. Three sculptured panels represent the Mother riding the Lion to fight the foe, Seshasayi Vishnu and the Devi group with her Child and Siva. However- much scholars admire this admirable Seshasayi Vishnu, we very much prefer the no less grand reclining Vishnu to be found in an almost contemporary cave at Malaiyadipatti in the north-eastern part of Pudu- kottai. This almost unknown masterpiece is the work of an artist who knew undoubtedly how to handle a chisel and a hammer. The imposing head of the reclin¬ ing Vishnu over-shadowed by the five-hooded Naga, at Malaiyadipatti, is all by itself a study of strength in repose, a strength that is softened down by the lingering smile upon the lips of the dormant deity. All the monolith shrines have an inner cell cut out in the rock structure. The Dharmaraja monolith, which is the most richly ornamented, has two little cells in its upper storeys. In one of the cells the Mother with her Child is seated with Siva, the sculptural outlines and the style recalling those of Simhavishnu with his two consorts in Varaha Cave I. The other cell has nothing to show but a square hole in its floor. It was evidently meant for a Lingam, but there is no Lingam left. The square Lingam, surmounted by a now partly damaged head to be found in the cell of the Arjuna Radha might have been intended to be placed here. The features of the Siva-Lingam belong undoubtedly to the same artist who chiselled or inspired most of the fine sculptures of the Dharmaraja shrine. The Draupadi monolith, the very first one meets on entering the enclosure of the Five Radhas, seems at first to be but a mere copy in stone of the square 36 TAMIL CULTURE mud-wall peasant-hut with a thatched grass-roof. But the plainness of the general outlines in this simple, sober and homely structure, the smallest of the Five, is relieved by its finely chiselled ornamentation—^the couple of female attendants guarding the entrance to the shrine, the sculptures of the standing Mothers that adorn its niches, and the inner panel representing the Mother with four arms surrounded by male attendants and fiying Gandharvas. This plain composition recalls in style and outlines the seated and the two standing Mothers of the Varaha Cave II. But, here as every¬ where else in Mamallipuram, in her most primitive or in her more evolved forms, in the panels that represent her as she triumphantly comes out of the Ocean, or riding the Lion, or again with the eight-arm form of the Victorious Mother carved out of the large rook near the Trimurti Caves, she is always serene and beautiful in features, benign and benevolent in the purest Dravidian tradition. We are still far, indeed, from the ‘Fierce K5li’, inspired from the rites of decadent Saktism and Tantrism. If we had to choose one among the monolith shrines, we would let our choice rest upon this Draupadl temple, because of its classical lines. Except for a discrete carved ornamentation at each corner and lower endsi and for the flat lotus-flower top, its roof has been given faithfully the appearance of a quadrangular grass- thatch, as true, indeed, to actual facts as art makes it possible. The artist has spared us, here, the Kudus or false-windows to be found in both the Nakula-Sahadeva ‘and the Bhima monoliths. While keeping close to his model, the real peasant-hut of his time, the artist, mastering fully his art as well as his material, has given us a discrete classical masterpiece that stands unrivalled. A SCULPTOR’S PARABISE 37 Of another type and style is the Oanesa monolith to be found in the hill area, a little beyond the Monkey Group, not far from the Great Rook-Panel. Its carved reproduction of the thatched roof, not dissimilar to ^hat of the Bhlma Radha, is also ornamented with Kudus. But, alone in Mamallipuram, it is surmoimted by decorative urn-shaped finials, that were destined for centuries to crown the summit of every temple gopura in Tamil Nad. Of another type still are the three small unfinished monoliths, square in form, that stand a little apart to the west of the hill area near the Buckingham Canal, the twin Pidari monoliths and the Valayankutai shrine. In their reduced forms they are not unlike the Arjuna Radha, but without its projecting front portico and without any carved figure. One of the Pidari monoliths has an inner cell, and the Valayankutai shrine possesses a small hall with two pUlars. We know of a somewhat similar small shrine— unfinished too—carved not from a single rock but out of a large rockhill, as far south as Kalugumalai in the Tinnevelly district. It seems to have escaped the attention of the scholars. Finely chiselled, it might be on a smaller scale a good copy of the Mamallipuram Arjuna Radha. It shows, anyhow, how extensively felt was the influence of the Pallava school. The pre¬ sence, towards the summit of this Kalugumalai Rock- hill, of several panels representing seated Jain holy men as well as another panel with the nude standing Mother with her Child, surrounded by dwarfs and the Lion, is another proof that Kalugumalai was an impor¬ tant centre, far from the seats of the Pallava princes of Kanji and Mamallipuram. And this is not an unexplainable exception, for in the same region, that was part of the prehistoric Pandya kingdom, relics of 38 TAMIL CJULTURE Buddhist and Jain influence abound. We know of another carved shrine at the base of another rockhill, near Sendamaram, about halfway between Sankara- nayanarkovil and Tenkasi, a rock-cave with inside its cell a Trimurthi fugure of the Pallava school. But this is, of course, the area of Adichyanallur andKorkai culture, and this brings us to a stiU more iancient past. To summarize. Buddhist influence of the schools of Amravati and Ajanta is typically noticeable at Mamallipuram, but with a striking difference that shows the characteristic independence of its master^ artists. And so it should be, for genius is always independent even when it takes its inspiration from its predecessors in the field. The Mamallipuram chisel is, indeed, more—much more—varied, and the inspi¬ ration that guided it broader in its concepts. Its touch is also more telling, far more vigorous and appealing than the too soft forms of the northern schools. The nudes of Mamallipuram, of which there are many examples—goddesses, queens, maids of honour, dairy women, etc.—are never softened down into voluptu¬ ousness. The fact is that the nudes, here, are not intended to be actual nudes. All feminine forms are in reality robed—symbolically at least—with a sug¬ gestion, border or fringe, of clothing. And this is what makes the difference. The Mamallipuram artists had bound themselves by a convention to which they faithfully adhered. If this left their skill and artistical sense imimpaired, the charming and beautiful feminine forms they created are above and beyond sex. Religion inspired the Mamallipuram sculptors, and this made them dwell in an other-worldly atmosphere in which sex with its allurements could have, and had, no part whatever. Though they outwardly appear as if * they A SCULPTOR’S PARADISE 39 were nude, their feminine carvings look as decent as fully dressed forms, more decent, indeed, than the later finely robed feminine sculptures of the Madura school in the Naick period. And this may be the reason why Mamallipuram has remained so appealing to both the lovers of art and the students of religion, because of its unrivalled Grand Peaceful Atmosphere, one of devotional and prayerful bliss, that inspired ‘scenes of such mighty religious grandeur’ . 10. Grousset, Rcaic, Les Civilisaiions de rOriera: L'Jhde, Paris, 1940, p. 90. Visitors to M a m a l lipuram ■ will find a-useful guide in: G. Sivara m a mu rthi, Mahabalipuram, Department of Archaeology, 40 (pp.) Interested readers may consult the following books: Percy "Brown, Indian Architecture {Buddhist and Hindu)^ Bombay, 2nd Edition, pp. 93-101. Rev, H. Heras, S. J., Studies in Pallava History, Madras, 1933, pp. 67-99. R. Gopalan, History of the Pallavas of Kanchi, Madras, 1928. G. Jouvcau-Dubreuil, Pallava Antiquities, 2 vols., Pondicherry, 1916—1918. $t Draoidian Architecture, Madras, 1917. »» Archnologie de Sud de I’Inde, Paris, 1914. »» The Pallavas, Pondicherry, 1907. A. Rhea, Pallava Architecture, Madras, 1909. a.-S, 'omtncL or clha iL .Au^, d Iddriter FRANCIS MCRAES, M. Litt. D r. SWAMINATHA AIYAR died on AprU 28, 1942, at Thirukkalukundram near Madras, at the ripe age of eighty after spending some six decades entirely in the service of Tamil. In the last years of his life he came to occupy in Tamil circles a position somewhat similar to that of Johnson in the England of the eighteenth century. His word carried great authority with Tamil writers. An outsider will find it difficult to explain the Doctor’s great influence merely on the ground of his literary labours. The editing of the old classics along with a few prose works marked, by not much orginab'ty of thought, is, it would seem, an insufficient explanation of the almost unchallenged power he exercised towards the end of his life. The following pages will make an attempt to answer this question. Dr. Swaminatha Aiyar’s main work for Tamil is his restoration of its ancient classics. On this rests his chief claim to the remembrance and gratitude of posterity. These inestimable works, chiefly TM 8an- gam Literature and The Five Great Epics ^ were indeed known to exist. But about the middle of the last century 1. Under the name ‘The Sangam Literature* arc grouped the Eight Aathohgiu, The Ten Songs and the Eighteen Short Poems. Together with the Five Greet Epics they form an imposing volume. DR. SWAMINATHA AIYAR 41 they had long ceased to be read, and their memory was fast fading away. Pundits were earpounding to their students the verbal jugglery of the Sthala- puranams and Prabandams of yesterday, but these gems of Tamil poetry, hailing from the first centuries of the Christian era, were little more than names to them. Often the very names were not known. These classics were to be found in palm-leaf manuscripts among the ancestral possessions of a few pundits. Little known and cared for, ill-protected against the ravages of time and climate, they were slowly motil- dering away in the lofts of some village homesteads. About the early eighties not a single one of them had been published. Even scholars like Caldwell and Pope were acquainted with few of them besides Ghinthamani ^. About the year 1884, while working as a Tamil pundit in the Government College, Kumbakonam, Dr. Swaminatha Aiyar began on the suggestion of a friend the study of Ghinthamani. It was a new experience for him. He threw himself whole-heartedly into the study of the ancient classics. Thus began what proved to be his life-work. He described in vivid language his wanderings up and down the Tamil country in search of old manuscripts: “Many were the hardships I sufiered in my quest of manuscripts.. Some people remaining within doors would send me away saying they were not at home. Others would make me wander much before giving them. Others still would lend them after long and repeated requests backed by sureties. Some treated me with scant comtesy. The mother forgets the pangs of childbirth as soon as she secs the child. In like manner I would forget as soon as'I got a manuscript all the sufferings I 2. Chinthanumi, one of the Five Great Epics, is a brilliant romantic poem v/ritten in the grand style. 42 TAMIL CULTURE had undergone in securing it; my mind would experience an intense joy"a. It was a work of great hardship and infinite patience, and meant, besides, a heavy drain upon his slender resources. Himself not a person of easy cir¬ cumstances, he had often to look up to friends and patrons to defray the expenses involved. He scoured the land during his vacations, reaching the remotest villages in bullock-cart or on foot, searching from house to house and esteeming himself well-rewarded if he could secure a single worn-out manuscript or but a portion of one. The apathy of the Tamil public was no encouragement in the work. A few enlightened friends helped him. Yet it was a Herculean task, and without his persevering courage and tmshakable devotion he would not have succeeded. The finding of these manuscripts was arduous enough. To prepare them for publication was still more so. The difficulties usual in getting into print a palm-leaf manuscript were increased a hundredfold in the case of these Tamil scripts. Written often in an illegible hand, bristling with copyists’ errors, without any mark of punctuation, the quantity of the vowels left to be inferred from the sense, the verses running into one another, these manuscripts offered insuperable difficulties to the reader. Not infrequently large portions of the text were missing. The copyist did not always keep the distinction between the poem, the annotations and the examples cited. At least in the case of one work, the Pathupattu, the poems were missing and had to be gathered piecemeal from the commentary. There were perplexing variations in the readings, and written in the Tamil of 1800 years ago, the meaning was not always clear even with the help of elaborate notes. 3 . Jiallitraikovai III: I know not still DR. SWAMINATHA AIYAR 43 But Dr. Swaminatba Aiyar went through the toil with an avidity prompted by love. He had often to enlist the services of scholars to determine the meaning of a word, to correct a reading or to ascertain the truth of a particular statement. He describes in his autobio¬ graphy how he worked on these manuscripts often far into the night, and how early dawn would still find him sitting cross-legged on the verandah of his small house and poring over these precious documents. In the course of these preparations he became so thoroughly acquainted with the Sangam Literature that he came to be acknowledged as an authority on the Sangam age. His editions of Purananuru^ and the other classics reveal his immense scholarship. Considering our ignorance of this early literature about the third quarter of the last century, we wonder how he was able to amass single-handed so vast a know¬ ledge. As we read through his autobiographical writings we are struck at every turn by his avidity for any information about this past. No detail was too insignificant for him. To this insatiable thirst, and to his restless energy and devotedness we have to attribute his astonishing erudition. His prefaces to the editions show his immense knowledge of the gods and goddesses, the tribes and chieftains, the trees, birds and beasts, the weapons, ornaments and utensils, the customs and manners, the religious practices, social life and cultural achievements of the Tamils of the day. During his stay in Thiruvavaduthurai®, before he ever dreamt of editing the Sangam works, he came 4. An anthology of 400 poems dealing chiefly with war themes. It contains some of the earliest poetry written in Tamil. 5. Thiruvavaduthurai near Tanjore is the seat of a Saivite monastery, well known for its patronage of Tamil art and literature. 44 TAMIL CULTURE across a copy of Valaiyapathi, a Sangam classic. He did not set great store by it then, and let it by. When in later days he tried to procure a copy of the work with a view to editing it, he could not get any. This and Kundalakesi, another of the five great epics, have yet to see the light of the day. We wonder if Tamil will ever recover them. We may regret the loss, but will remember with gratitude how many precious works the untiring energy of this single man has brought to light, which otherwise might have been lost for ever: Ghinthamaniy Pathupattu, Silappathikaraniy Mani- mekalaiyPurananurUy Aingurunuru, Pathitrupathu, Pari- padaly Perunkathai. The publication of any single one of these classics would have done credit to a life-time of research. Tamil prose is of recent growth. In the last decade of the 19th century there were but a handful of prose writers. Dr. S. Aiyar began to write in prose as if were accidentally by way of prefaces to his editions and summaries of their contents. During the last ten years of his life he was contributing articles, mainly reminiscences of his past, to KcLlaiinagQl and other periodicals. These have been gathered under the titles • What I Heard and Sawy New and Oldy and Nalluraik- kovai. His other chief prose works are the biography of his guru, Minakshisxmdaram Pillai, in two volumes, the unfinished autobiography, and a few biographical sketches of some Tamil musicians. Those who form their idea of Tamil prose from the modern short stories and magazine articles will not guess the tremendous change it has imdergone during the last thirty years. Taking its cue from the commentaries of Nachinarkiniar and others, Tamil prose retained its long involved constructions and DR. SWAMINATHA AIYAft 45 obscure phraseology throughout last century and the dawn of this century. Traces of it can be found in the Doctor’s own editions. If to-day we have a modem, crisp, elastic prose, we owe it to writers like Dr. Swaminatha Aiyar. The outstanding quality of his prose is its lucidity, in which it rivals the best prose in western languages. It is a little surprising that, a conservative in thought and sentiments, he should have led the way to a most modem prose. This sparkling of his prose results from a directness of expression and simplicity of language— traits which have their roots in his character. His intimate knowledge of the ancient classics and their commentaries might have induced him to use obsolete and obscure words—as is the case with some of the purists. In fact, his early works show a tendency towards the pundit’s style. But his solid good sense enabled him to overcome the temptation. Speaking of prose-stylfe he says: “ We must acquire the habit of writing without errors and of using as far as possible words intellgible to all. It is good to avoid in prose obsolete and variable tenns...In speaking and writing we must aim at conveying our thoughts to others, and not at employing a learned style... In the choice of words we must consider more their actual currency and intelligiblity than their purity.” These principles appear elementary. Yet they required—and still to-day require—restating in Tamil where the cult of purism and high-brow elegance wages war against the most common-sense principles. It is difficult to give examples of his prose in an English article. Perhaps the following passage, taken from a well-known article of his, will give a fair idea of the strong and weak points of his style—its singular 46 TAMIL CULTURE clarity which makes it impossible to miss the least shade of meanings and its lack of artistic finish. It was eight at night. I hired a single-bullock cart to go to the railway station, and climbed in. My father took leave of me half-heartedly. Only a trunk accompanied me. When the cart was going to the south of Vannathurai it knocked against something and over-turned. I fell down and the box fell on me. Even in this state I did not lose courage. My mind was away in Tinncvelly. If a riski had given me a pill to travel through the air with the injunction to use it in time of greatest necessity I would have used it then. Not only was the speed of the cart diametrically opposed to that of my mind, but the cart threw me down . His short biographical sketches of the Tamil musi¬ cians give us much valuable and interesting informa¬ tion. His biography of Minakshisundaram Pillai has a special place. Like Sundaram Pillai’s Manonmaniyam this work is the first of its kind in Tamil. It is a prose work of considerable merit and the story of an accom¬ plished writer of verse of recent years. Dr. Swaminatha Aiyar’s biographical writings disclose a passion for details and a sense of atmo. sphere. They reveal the characters of persons by telling anecdotes and charming descriptions interspersed with the author’s reflections, all marked by the directness so characteristic of Dr. Aiyar—and so different from the psychological vivisections of modern biographers. His tenacious memory unfolds before us scene after scene from the later half of the nineteenth century, in the first feeble struggles of Tamil to revive itself. We get interesting glimpses of the village ‘verandah- school ’ and its methods, the itinerant poets and their literary discussions, Hindu monasteries and their patronage of learning, and similar sections of the Tamil intellectual life of the day. We are introduced to those early scholars like C, V. Damodharam Pillai, monastic 6 . Jfalluraikovai II: The Mullai that Blossomed in Moonlight DR. SWAMINATHA AIYAR 47 {Mttrons like Subramanya Desikar, and ‘traditional pundits like Minakshisundaram Pillai and Thiyagaraja Chettiar—a generation with which he was so intimate and which today is passing away. The portraits are drawn with rare insight and deep s 3 rmpathy. In the preface to his biography of Minakshi¬ sundaram Pillai, Dr. S. Aiyar wrote that he intended to publish in a series the lives of the Tamil poets from the Sangam age to modem times. He was gathering material for this work both from a study of their works and from oral tradition. There is no doubt however, that the notes he has left behind will be of valuable help to future historians of Tamil literature. Ill Dr. Swaminatha Aiyar began his labours in the field of Tamil literature about the early eighties. His edition of Chinthamani appeared in 1886. Mr. Simdaram Pillai’s Manonmaniyam was published in 1891, and Suryanarayna Sastry’s Sonnets came out about the turn of the century. These two works, consi¬ dered as the first land marks of the Tamil Revival, followed the Doctor’s edition of Chinthamani, And he lived to see the popularity of Bharati’s patriotic songs, and later, about the middle of the last decade, the rise to fame of Desikavinayagam PiUai and other verse- writers. He witnessed during the last years of his life a host of young writers successfully attempting short stories, skits, biographies and reflective essays. Dr. Swaminatha Aiyar’s years of literary activity cover thus the whole Tamil Revival. The impact of Western literatures and ideas produced a turmoil of thought in the Tamil land as in 48 TAMIL CULTURE the other parts of India, though perhaps to a lesser degree. The most radical doctrines found their advocates in prose and poetry, especially among the younger writers like Pudumaipithan'^ and Bharathi- thasan®. But Dr. Swaminatha Aiyar was little affect¬ ed by these modem ideas. He pursued his course peacefully, strongly entrenched behind his conser¬ vatism. In an article entitled My Aim, he wrote : “ To follow in the main what our fore-fathers practised is the chief means to obtain peace of soul. If we accept, without examinii^, '' new doctrines, new religions, new ways of worship and the like, it will take long before we get accustomed to them. Unity and certainty of belief will be lost among the people.” * This conservatism was not a decision arrived at after much thought, the final outcome of a mental con¬ flict. Nor was it the refuge of a weak mind that fears to venture on high seas. Dr. Aiyar was incapable of such a fear. He revered the past and lived in it; nothing in the present, we may say, interested him except in its relation with the past. Dr. Swaminatha Aiyar was essentially an editor of classics. One is struck by his patient, painstaking work. He could work for months and years on the different copies, collate various readings, prepare glossaries, and edit with copious notes the most diffi¬ cult manuscripts. With his knowledge of idiom and etymology, he would have made an excellent lexico- gi*apher. But he never attempted any dictionary worth the name. Though Dr. Swaminatha Aiyar professedly abstain¬ ed from critical judgments on poets, he could not help 7. A wdl-kno^ short-story writer, with a great mastery of the tedunquc. 8. One of the leading present day poets. DR. SWAMINATHA AIYAR 49 expressing himself in vari ous places. These critical appreciations do not add much to his stature. His critical powers do not equal his scholarship. Perhaps the fault is due to his unquestioning veneration for the past, and a certain self-difiGLdence that left little room for independent judgment. Perhaps, too, it is because we are examining his literary criticism in the light of canons different from his own. He was not very happy in the evaluation of the different poets he dealt with. He bestowed high praise on verses com¬ posed by his master, some of which show little beyond technical skill. From his biography it would seem that he admired in his guru more the mastery of poetic technique and the fluency of versification than more intrinsic qualities. He concluded this biography with an appreciation of his master’s poetry in these words: Others can feci beautiful sentiments and can express them too in beautiful language. But to turn out verses as it were off-hand without the least effort is a gift which very few possess. He belonged to this privileged group of poets Circumstances of place and time did not affect the flow of hu^ verses. Even while holding conversatiem with others he could go on dictating stanzas to a student by his side.** Intricate schemes of metre, difficult rhyme patt¬ erns, and an extravagant fancy did service for real poetic vision. Like Johnson he over-stressed the importance of perfect external form. / Literary criticism has hardly developed in Tamil. Critics are shy of expressing independent judgments, of challenging traditional views, of seeming to depre¬ ciate acknowledged poets. They would strain every- nerve to find something to praise even in interpolated stanzas. The name of a poet rather than the quality of the verse attributed to him carries weight with them. They move in a sort of collective security, like 7 60 TAMIL CULTURE the members of a choir where none is sure of his note. If Dr. Aiyar had paid more attention to the critical study of his poets and employed a different standard, he might have founded a school—^the first school of Tamil literary criticism. At present he has only gathered material for future critics. Dr. Swaminatha Aiyar was even less of an artist. We remarked the chief quality of his prose was lucid¬ ity. But the other qualities which go to make great prose are in some degree wanting in him. In point of trenchant expression he will bear little comparison with some other prose-writers as, for instance, the late Mr. Kalyanasundara Mudaliar. There are but a few; outstanding passages of power and beauty in his prose writings. A literary artist would have avoided numer¬ ous unnecessary details. A more selective presentation .would have removed the sense of monotony we some¬ times feel in reading them. In the main any criticism of Dr. Swaminatha Aiyar revolves roimd this one point: the absence of creativeness and originality as a writer. That magic gift which changes by a mere touch dross into gold— was .not very manifest in him. His prose reminis¬ cences—the nearest approach in him to creative works—show, by an unnecessary detail here and a flatness of remark there, the absence of the artist in him. To return to the question we began with. If then his contribution to Tamil literature was the mere edition of the old classics and a few biographical writings, how are we to account for the great esteem in which he was held and the influence he exercised? I have answered this question to some extent in the early part of this article. Dr. Swaminatha Aiyar DR. SWAMINATHA AIYAR 61 recovered for the Tamils the treasures that were fast slipping from their fingers. He made them justly proud of a glorious past. Thanks to his labours the Tamil people can point to an ancient literature, the equal of which few other Indian vernaculars can show. This fact, combined with the adverse circumstances under which he accomplished his task, and the immense scholarship he brought to bear on it, enhances the value of his work. These remarks may appear somewhat severe. To us they do not detract from the deservedly unique fame of the late Doctor. They merely represent our honest attempt at an impartial esteem of a great figure • in the modern Tamil Revival. His achievement, though not of a creative order, was of such importance in the, circumstances that it placed him high in the esteem of the people. His rare character endeared him to them. In these days when caste prejudices have their repercussions even on literature, it is a tribute to the charm of his personality that he was held in high esteem and affection' by all. He had the disarming simplicity of a child that hid or simulated nothing. He had a tender affection for his friends, and cherished in his heart their many acts of kindness. His remarkable humility won him the good- 'will of adversaries. His great veneration for his ffuru was in the best traditions of the country. Their mutual love gives us some of the most touching chapters in the biography. Above all we are struck by the indomitable will and untiring energy sustained by the great passion of his life, his love of the Tamil language. He writes: My aim in life concerns mainly Tamil, I must make a deep study of the Tamil classics. Even if a work anoears diiffiriilt at fint 62 TAMIL CULTUBE it will become clear when studied many times over. I must learn to enjoy the excellences of style and matter in every work. Besides I must be able to express them in simple language, in speech and writing, so that others may understand them.** Dr. Swaminatha Aiyar’s scholarship and achieve¬ ment is not that of a single man, but of a whole gene¬ ration. Small wonder that his name stands revered among the different, and even conflicting, schools of the Tamil literary world, and has become almost legendary. He was the Grand Old Man of Tamil —Tamil Thatha. ^lie jPtedent State ^^bramdian DR. KAMIL ZVELEBIL, Ph. D., Prague ^ ^ 7 HAT we want is a series of rigorously scienti- V ▼ fio grammars of all important Dr a vidian languages, complete in their phonetic analysis of the speech and in their inclusion of the Phonology, Morpho¬ logy and Syntax of the colloquial dialects, with all interesting details. A series of historical and com¬ parative grammars of Tamil, Telagu and Kannada... juxtaposing the oldest and the subsequent forms as found in the actual old records of the language...with analogous forms from the other Dravidian languages would be ideal. ” —Suniti Kumar Chatterjee, 1929, 1. It is hardly possible to stress enough the importance of this request expressed by the eminent Indian savant many years ago. Dravidian studies in future—both linguistic and historical and literary— can be only based on the solid ground of a profound, exhaustive and exact philological research, and this research must be established upon the safe basis of combining both methods of historical/dynamic/and comparative philology and of synchronistic/statio/ling- uistio analysis. It is necessary, first of all, to consider in a system¬ atic synopsis all the general pioneer works on 54 TAMIL CULTURE Dravidian languages beginning with the classical work of Caldwell and closing with the recent translation of Bloch’s “Structure grammaticale” into English^. It seems that it would be necessary to bring out an index, a complete bibliography of the works dealing with our subject to enable scholars to have a perfect knowledge of all that has been done. At the same time, it is urgent to do the same in the* sphere of different languages. This task has, however, the character of a more or less self-evident and preparatory work*. 2. It seems that the first practical step in the further progress of Dravidian philology consists in bringing out new grammars of different languages on the phonetical and phonological, morphological and syntactical plans, based upon deep and. exhaustive investigation of the material and upon various mono¬ graphic studies of different problems and spheres of grammar. In those fields and spheres where we are happy enough to have texts preserved showing continual historical development of a language, it is, according to my view, absolutely necessary to proceed in the historical way in that investigation, too. To set a I. K. CaUdv/cWj A comparative grammar of the Dravidian or South Indian family »f languages. London, 1856 ; 2nd ed., 1875 ; 3rd cd., 1913. G. A. Grierson, Linguistic Survey of India, vol. IV Sten Konow Calcutta, 1906. K. V» Subbaya, A primer of Dravidian phonology, Indian Antiquary, 1909. K. V. Subbaya, A comparative grammar of Dravidian languages, ib. 1910-1911 J. Bloch, Language Dravidianrus,{in Les Langues dumonde, Paris, 1924. L. V. Ramaswami Aiyar, Articles in the Educational Review, Madras, 1928, 1929, 1936, 1938, 1939. E. H. Tuttle, Dravidian Developments, J. Bloch, Structure Grammaticale des Langues’Dravidiennes, Paris, 1946. J. Bloch, Languages Dravidiennes, in Les Langues du monde 2nd ed., Paris 1953. Further different articles of M. B. Emeneau, T. Burrow, F. B. J. Kmper, S, Sastri, T. Vinson, Figulla and others. 2- It would be, after all, a state ideal and much desired if all workers in Dravidian philologfy would Join in mutual 'correspondence and unite in an international union^there are not so many of them—are there ? THE PRESENT STATE.PHIJ-OLOGY 66 concrete example : it is necessary, for instance, to bring out a study dealing, let us say, with the morphology of old Tamil verb in the period of early epics—Cilappati- k3ram, ManimSkalai—: or, for example the syntax of Kamban’s Ramayanam. Thus it will be possible to reach larger units, rules and laws of different spheres of grammar in different phases of its development will appear, and, at the end, it will be possible to bring Out such more general works as, let us say, historical morphology of the Telugu language®. 3. After this investigation is accomplished of the whole evolution of different languages in all histor¬ ical phases and in all spheres of grammar, it will be possible to set to work on the problems of compar¬ ative character. It is uec’essary, of course, to start with the questions of phonetics and phonemics; it is possible to say that the first important and solid steps have been taken in this field by M. B. Emeneau and T. Burrow. These authors have promised us, also, a work of primary importance, a much desired work since long, a dictionary of etymologies*. There are yet some problems important from the point of general Indian linguistics; it is necessary to mention at least two kinds of such problems; the extremely difficult question of substratum®, and the 3. In this connection I want to mention the claim of L. V. Ramaswami Aiyar in Anthropos XXXIII: a systematic analysis of linguistic features of different classical Tamil texts is much wanted. Two pioneer works be mentioned also in this connection. They are L. V. R. Aiyar’s Evolution of Mdayalam Morphology, Emakulam 1936 and G. S. Gai’s Historical Grammar of Old Kannada, Poona 1946. 4. “ Professor T., Burrow of Oxford University and I have initiated a colla¬ boration looking towards it, and hope that ten years may see us at the end of our labours *' says M. B. Emeneau in BSOAS, 1953, XV. 1, p. 99, 5. cf. especially Pre-Aryan and Pre-Dravidim in India by S. Levi, J. Przylusk & J. Bloch, Calcutta 1929. 56 TAMIL CULTURE extremely important questions concerning the relation of Aryan and Dravidian—some pioneer work has been done in this field too®. It is, however, necessary to point out that not only the relation between, let us say, Vedic and Dravidian must be dealt with, but, at the same time, it is important, and perhaps even more important, to search into the relation between Middle- In dian/Prakritic/and modern Indo-Aryan and Dra¬ vidian/cf. for instance such very grave problems as the influence of Dravidian upon Bengali or Marathi. Studies of this nature will enable us to bring out more extensive and compendious works of historical and comparative nature—say, a comparative and historical morphology of the Dravidian verb, or comparative syntax of Dravidian “cases”; later, a general compar¬ ative and historical Dravidian phonetics, morphology and syntax. And, at the end, a new, copious, monu¬ mental and complete comparative grammar of Dra¬ vidian languages. 4. Nevertheless, it must be confessed, that, what has been said here, describes, in a way, only one aspect, only one of the two sides of the whole problem of Dravidian philology, viz. the historical and compar¬ ative aspect. We must not forget, however, that there are some difficult and important questions which can be solved only by the synchronistic analysis of linguist¬ ic structure and by its comparison with different structures, not related genetically. Nothing has been done in Dravidian philology from this point of view^. There are, however, some extremely important 6. cf. A. Master, Indo Aryan and Dravidian, 'BSOAS XI, 297 and XII, 340, M. Mayrhofer, Etymologischt Misztlltn, ArOr, 1950, XVIII, 68, W. Kirfel, Die Lehnwrote dts Sanskrit am den Substratspraehtn..JLexis III, 2, K. De Vreese, A Dravidian turn in Apaihrams'a, JRAS, 1954, 1—2, 35 and others. 7. Save, perhaps, the author’s attempt to describe and otplain the *ratiul enclitic vowels—a,—6 and their functions in ArOr, 1954, 2—3, p. 375—405. THE PRESENT STATE.PHILOLOGY 57 problems of this kind, impatiently awaiting their solu¬ tion; thus, for instance, a system of phonemes of modem Tamil—or, better, the exact description of such a sys¬ tem—is a much needed desideratum. The author of this article occupies himself, presently, with the investiga¬ tion of foreign/English, French, Portuguese, Persian, Arabic and Hindi/words in Tamil from this synchronis¬ tic point of view. There are also some interesting questions concerning that sphere which has been called die innere Sprachform^ to be dealt with. 6. It is the opinion of the author that only after all these conditions are accomplished, it will be possible to describe and explain safely and exactly the structure and the type of Dravidian languages as a whole and to discover and design the course of their historical evolution with the most Ipossible degree of certainty; thus only we shall be able, eventually, to give exact and solid theories on the affinities and relations between Dravidian and some other family of languages®. 8. Cf., e. g., Tamil —in its meaning “ to let ” with the German lassen and Old Tamil ina similar function with the Czech “dati” to give; or the Old Tamil kwympul, used (in classical texts) in the same double sense as its English equivalent, the “quail ’* (1. a bird 2. harlot). 9. Most of the theories proved to be dead-bom children, cf. the “Austra¬ lian” theory of F. Muller GrimdriM Spraehwissensehaft II, 1, 95, or another, “ Korean ” theory of H. B. Hulbert (Comparative Grammar of the Korean and the Dramdian family of languages, Seoul, 1906. etc. Only the “ Uralian ” hypothesis seems to be more probable and, after T. Burrow s article of 1934, it has been placed upon a solid basis, cf. already Caldwell, 3rd ed., London 1913, p. 67, O. Schrader, Dravidian Studies, BSOS 1934, XI, 2, 328—356, F. O. Schrader, On the Uralian Element in the Dravidian and^Munda Languages BSOS VIII, 75—176, S. P. Tolstov, Problems prois- ehozdenija indojevropejeev i sovremennaja etnografia i etnogre^ceskajo lingoisika, KSIE, S. P. Tolstov, Drevnij Chorezm, 1942, p. 65 and 350. 8 ^ran^lletatlm ^amii l^oman C^iaracterd \Jice \Je erda A SENTHAMILAN T he system of transliteration, which was originally devised by the Eoyal Asiatic Society for Sans¬ krit and Sanskritic languages and which has been adapted with various arbitrary modifications for transliterating Tamil, is too complicated to be of real assistance to foreigners interested in Tamil studies, particulary beginners. A less complicated system has to be evolved for Tamil, which—possessing a scienti¬ fically devised phonemic structure—lends itself easily to an adequate system of transliteration, which would be ‘an accurate representation of pronunciation but at the same time simple and practical* and which also ‘takes account of the special needs incidental to con¬ venient and rapid reading and writing’^. 2. The following principles were laid down by the International Phonetic Association in 1888 in regard to an International Phonetic Alphabet:— (i) There should be a separate letter for each distinctive sound; that is. for each sound which, being used instead of another, in the same language, can change the meaning of a word. {This is what is now called ths * phonemic ’ principle of writing.) (ii) When any sound is found in several lai^guages, the same sign should be used in all. 1. Daniel Jonc»~* The problem of a Pfational Script for India,* Lucknow 69 TRANSLITERATION OP TAMIL... (iii) The alphabet should consist as much as possible of the ordinary letters of the Roman alphabet, as few new letters as possible being used. (iv) In assigning values to Roman letters, international tissue shoxild decide. . . (v) The new letters should be suggestive of the sounds they represent by their resemblance to the old ones. (In regard to this, it is now considered that letters should have unmistakable forms, and be as unlike each other, as possible.) (vij Diacritic marks should be avoided, being trying to the eyes and troublesome to write 2. In regard to diacritic marks. Dr. Daniel Jones, Professor of Phonetics, University of London said: ‘ The plan of using diacritics has been shown to be defective from both the typographical and the psychological points of view. Diacritics are psychologically unsound for the following reasonsfor writing to be clesu‘ly legible, every written word should have a definite and distinct form; it should have a sort of outline. Such a form is obtained if the written or printed word is composed of well designed letters. But when detached accents or other marlqi are used, the forms of words are less l^ble; their outlines are to some extent blurred. * Another objection to diacritical marks is that they interfere with ease of writing.A further objection to diacritical marks is that in practice they often get omitted in writing, and confusion consequently arises. This has been proved by the experience of those who have worked with the system of using such marks. Yet another objection to them is that superscript marks cannot be conveniently printed over capital letter’s. As it was not found possible to dispense with diacritics entirely however, the International Phonetic Association has recommended that their use should be limited as far as possible to the following cases: (a) for denoting length, strength and intonation, (b) in representing members of phonemes. 2. * The principles of the International Phonetic Association *, London. 1949, p. 3 of cover. 3. Dr. Daniel Jones, * The Problem of a Motional Script for India op* cit.—pp. 10-11. 60 TAMIL CULTURE (c) when the introuotion of a single diacritic obviates the necessity for designing a num¬ ber of new letters, (d) for representing minute shades of sounds in scientific investigations*. 3. In devising therefore a system of trans¬ cription for Tamil sounds, it would be just as well to keep the above principles in mind, if the system is to be of real assistance to foreign scholars who are interest¬ ed in learning Tamil. Further, if the use of new letters outside the Roman alphabet could be avoided and if the diacritic marks used are such as to be found in an ordinary English typewriter, the work of scho¬ lars preparing manuscript copy will be greatly simpli¬ fied. Fortunately, it is not necessary to go beyond the types found in an English typewriter to find equiva¬ lents for Tamil sounds. The Tamil alphabet is given in Table A with their phonemic equivalents in Roman characters; the principal member of each phoneme only is given in this Table. Two diacritic signs are used, viz; (i) a colon; in the case of vowels, to denote length and in the case of consonants, to distinguish those articulated with the blade of the tongue from those articulated with the tip of the tongue but otherwise similar. (ii) a minus sign — to indicate a retracted variety (This sign is used in only one case) The diacritic marks should be used after and not below the letter in order to minimise the strain in reading and to facilitate typing or printing. These marks are not normally used in Tamil writing and hence their use for the purpose in view will not lead to confusion. 4. The Principles oy the International Phonetic Association ’~op. cit.—p, 2. TRANSLITERATION OF TAMIL... 61 4. A narrow transcription of the members or allophones of Tamil phonemes, which have more than one member, is given in Table B. This will be useful for scientific studies and be also of assistance to foreign¬ ers learning to speak Tamil. It was Dr. Daniel Jones, who first drew attention to Tamil as a good illustration of the theory of phonemes. He wrote: ‘Tamil is a laixguage which illustrates particularly well the grouping of several quite distinct sounds into single phonemes. It is noteworthy that Tamil orthography does not show any difference between all these soimds. Those who originally invented this orthography must have had a clear conception of the phoneme idea, though the theory had never been formulated. This is evidence in iaVour of a mentalistic view of the phoneme* 5, In fact, the theory had been by implication formu¬ lated at the time of Tholkaippiyam, the oldest extant Tamil Grammar written more than two thousand years ago, although later grammarians and commentators, who apparently were but imperfectly acquainted with phonetic principles, were unable to interpret aright the relative passage®. With a knowledge of modem Phonemics, however, the passage in question becomes clear and meaningful and illustrates the euphonic basis on which the phonemic structure of Tamil has been raised. In the words of Prof. Sankaran of the Deccan College Post-Graduate and Research Institute: * We meet with the accurate description of phonemes of the old Tamil language, built apparttdly on the results of phonetic study^ in Tholkazppiyam, which is the oldest descriptive Tamil Grammar. Such an emphasis on the pattern inherent in the soimds of the language of study, and the attempt to establish, on the basis of their occurrence and distri¬ bution, the types of sounds which must have been significant in distinguishing the meaning of words is not met with even in the Ashta:dhyaryi of Pa:n:ini*7. 5. Dr. Daniel Jones—* The Phoneme—its Nature and Use\ Cambridge 1950, pp. 22-23. 6. Tholka:ppiyam^ El-uththathika:ram, verse No. 22. 7. Prof. C. R. Sanlcaran, * Phonemics of Old Tamil ’, Poona 1952, p. 9. 62 TAMIL CULTURE Wg arg lost in wonder that in this Old Tamil Grammar, wg rgdiseooert^ as it were, many of our own modern ideas. The conviction is gained more and more that it is worth the while to^ubject Tholka:ppiyam to a detailed scrutiny exploiting this beautiful work from the rigorous view-point of modem Phonemics’8. ^italics ours^ 5. The inevitability of dialectal differences amongst language communities living over wide areas is well known to linguistic scholars. In Tamil speaking areas, this has been aggravated by social cleavages arising out of the caste system and the influence of two dominant languages, Sanskrit and English, the former as the language of liturgy, and religious literature and the latter as the administrative language of the govern¬ ment of the country. It is a remarkable tribute to the firm foundations on which the phonemic structure of Tamil had been raised that, in spite of these adverse factors, the phonemic structure as described in Tholkatp- piyam has undergone little change during more'than two thousand years. We can hence go back to this old Grammar to discover the norm or standard sounds of Tamil, eliminating the mere dialectal or non-significant deviations therefrom. 6. In this connection, it is well to recall the warn¬ ing sounded by Edward Sapir: ‘The conception of the ideal phonetic system, the phonetic pattern, of a language is not as well understood by linguistic students as it should be. In this respect the unschooled recorder of language, provid¬ ed he has a good car and genuine instinct for language, is often at a great advantage as compared with the minute phonetician, who is apt to be swamped by his mass of observations *9. Dr. Daniel Jones says : * A phonetic transcription for teaching pronunciation records the pronunciation of a single person (a typical one if possible) and the learners of the language learn to pronounce like that person *10. 8. Ibid, p. 58 9. Edward Sapir, ‘ Language ’ New York. 1921, p. 58. 10. Dr. David Jones—* Tiis Problem of a National Script for India* op. c\t. pp. 6-7. TRANSLITERATION OF TAMIL... 63 As a foreigner is usually not competent to decide whether a particular person is a * typical ’ persoU, such phonetic transcriptions merely add to the confusion. Take for instance the Tamil phoneme yo which in the attached Table A is represented by 1-. The following are some of the descriptions given of this phoneme by empirical phoneticians;— Prof. C. J. Firth 'a. frictionless continuant having an obscure tmrounded back vowel quality. 1- is made by drawing back the whole tongu^ and spreading the blade literally, maJeing it thick, short and blunt, so to speak, so that it approaches the middle of the hard palate. The result is a very retract¬ ed liquid sort of r sound ’ x 1. Prof. C. R. Sankaran voiceless retroflex latcralX 2. jfules Bloch a cerebral palatalized sonant spirant the pronunciation of which moreover varies from 1 to y 13. Don. M. De J^iloa Wideremasinghe A cerebral having the combined sound of r and soft 1, and pronounced by turning up the tip of the tongue'as far back as possible. In Ceylon however it is pronounced like an ordinary English 1. In the Tamil country it has often the sound of S in pleasure (the French J) 14 Dr. G. U. Pope Something like the Welsh 115 Cerebral; apply the tip of the tongue, as far back as you can, to the palate, and pronounce a rough irr, in which a z soimd will mingle.In the South, unable to articulate this letter, they use a strong 1 : («) instead. In the north in the same way they use for p 16 Of these, Prof. Firth’s description is nearest to the standard sound as described by Tholkarppiyam. 11. C. J. Firth—‘ A Short Outline of Tamil Pronunciation,' Appendix to Arden's Tamil Grammar, p. xvi. 12. C. R. Sa nk a ran — * Phonemies of Old Tamil,' Poona, 1951. p. 8. 13. Jules Bloch—‘ 7”Ar Grammatical Structure of Drauidian languages,* Poona 1954, p. xxxiii. 14. Don. M. dc Zilva Wickramasinghe— 'Marlborough's Tamil Grammar Self-taught '—London, 1906 Eighth impression, p. 10. 15. Dr. G. U. Pope— ‘A Hand book of the Tamil Zi^ongaage*—London, 1926. p. 7. 16. Ibid, p. 9. (J4 TAMIL CULTURE 7. Transliteration into Tamil. As will be seen from Table A, read in conjunction with Table B, the impression voiced in some circles that Tamil lacks certain sounds found in most other languages is wrong and based on a failure to appreciate the phonemic variants of Tamil phonemes. While most of these sounds are in wide use in Tamil speech, they are not represented by separate characters in Tamil ortho- gxaphy. The reason is scientific ^ the Tamil genius and feeling for sound appear to have been so highly develop¬ ed two thousand years /ago that they banned from speech all un-euphonious sound combinations in words; hence certain allied sounds such as ch (as in church), j (as in conjoint) and c (as in civil) are treated as a single phoneme, the value of whose allophone depends on the preceding phoneme in the same word. Taking into account this scientific and logical application of the phonemic theory by the ancient Tamil grammar¬ ians, it is easy to transliterate practically all sounds in English, for instance, into Tamil (Vide Table C). It is against the genius of the Tamil phonetic structure to adapt without modification foreign sounds which are not represented in Tamil; recognised rules and usage exist for the adaption of such soundsu These rules must continue to be observed if the phonetic pattern of Tamil is not to be mutilated out of shape but it is recognised that for use in scientific and technical fields, literal transliteration of English sounds may be necessary at present for certain restricted purposes. For such purposes only the system of transliteration indicated in Table C may be adopted. TRANSLITERATION OF TAMIL TRANSLITKRATION OF TAMIL... 67 /Mes. (1) The Phonetic values of vowels arc approximately those adopted by the International Phonetic Association in broad transcription. The vowels are simple, short vowds being pronounced distinctly short and the long distinctly long, the distinction being sharp enough to cause no confusion or ambiguity to the hearer. (2) In the case of consonants, phonetic values are generally the same as those of the International Phonetic Association, except in the following cases:— (i) y is chosen instead of j for a/, as a/ is used only as a consonant and not as a vowel in Tamil and the English letter y is identified by Indians gcicrally with this sound, rather than with the International Phonetic Association’s letter j which is usually equated with voiced c (repre¬ sented in the 1. P. A. alphabet by inverted f.) (ii) No distinguishing mark has been laid down by the I. P. A. to different¬ iate between sounds which are articulated with the blade of the tongue and those which arc articulated with the tip but arc otherwise similar. In order to avoid a mtiltiplication of diacritic marks, the colon: is used for the former ; tn: and 1 : are the three sounds falling under this category. (iii) Auxiliary consonant x This is an igenious and novel feature introduced by the ancient Tamil Grammarians for use principally in poetry. Its value is variable, being the same as that of the fricative member of the following phoneme as indicated in Table B. Because of its indefinite value, the symbol x has been chosen to represent it in transliteration. (3) The * hard* consonants arc phonemes, whose principal member is plosive, the secondary members being aspirated, voiced and fricative respectively as shown in Table B. Their value can best be ascertained when they occur as doubled consonants in a word, the first mute one representing the value of the principal member of the phoneme and the second the value of the aspirated subsidiary member «. g., *jbjo ai«»—kattavan—(KATTBLAVAN) 3 6, learned man. (4) The * soft* consonants are nasal continuants, whose articulating position is the same as the corresponding * hard * consonants shown opposite to them. The correct value of the soft consonants can be verified in words where they are followed immediately by a * hard * consonant the latter assuming the value of its voiced subsidiary member r. g., uq *—2 6 panjeu PANdU—Cotton. (5) The medium consonants form a class of non-nasal continuants, corres¬ ponding to the scmi-vowcls of the Indo-European group but in Tamil they have no vowel value at any time. When a medium consonant is followed by a plosive, the latter assumes the value of its fricative subsidiary, e. g. —va:l-ka (VA :L XA)3 5. 25. International Phonetic Alphabet. 68 TAMIL CULTURE (5) SanJIa t : is articulaled with the Uadi of the tongue assuming a fuUy retroflex position. (7) Zif/nM t “ articulated with the tip of the tongue, like the English * t ’ but in a retroflex instead of an alveolar or dental position. It differs from retroflex t;, in that the tip, and not the blade, of the tongue touches the palate. There is a general misapprehension in regard to the value of the principal member of this phoneme, owing to the-fact that it never occurs at the beginning of a word. The value of one of its subsidiary members—viz., the fricative—has been confused with the principal member and hence is often considered, as a form of trilled r. 2 6 As already indicated, retroflex ‘ t * is a plosive like all other ‘hard’ consonants as can be verified when it occurs doubled, e. g., —kattavan—(KAl’lHAVAN)3 7 In its fricative from, occturing after the auxiliary consonant however, its pronunciation is similar to r e- g-i —axtin:ai (A'H'SINrAI) 2 7 as shown in Table B attached. (8) Retroflex /- is a retracted* veriety of 1:, having the same articulating position as r. This is a sound peculiar to Tamil and is not always correctly articulated even by Tamilians. 26. Ceylonese Tamils generally pronounce the principal member of this phoneme more correctly than Indian Tamils. 27. International Phonetic Alphabet. TABLE B Tamil Phonemes consisting of more than one member or allophone (Narrow transcription) Subsidiary members Principal number When preceded by a hard consonant becomes When preceded by a soft consonant becomes When preceded by a medium consonant or the auxiliary consonant be* comes unaspirated & voiceless aspirated 1 voiced fricative 65 K KH . G X make SULIW napkin Liaaii) angle uiEJaib soho ajirips ' 1 C church CH Churchill J angel u0«tb 9 civil CTUflfto fi/.flr L. z TH J. card? carting? ? fashion ULib uiluib uconi-ib ©1 T+ T^H 8 9 Thames this thin U P wipe UM PH harping J^uuis B amber 4)|U)Ud> ? airuuir® s.’.q ID T TH D U Enter artistic mundane arrears , Jipib ^jbpii) ^ *.jS&tRir • • • This auxiliary consonant acquires the same fricative value as the following consonant acquires. 70 TAMIL CULTURE? ^otes : ThoUutippLyam. El-uthathika;ram, verse no. 22 it has been laid down that, when consonants occur tog^ether, their sound value is modified, a 8 As the first member of a consonant pair is articulated before the second, the latter is modified by the former. (ii) For reasons of euphony, permissible consonant groups or clusters are severely restricted and words in which * Soft ’ or * medium * consonants arc preceded by other consonants are so rare, except by way of doubling, that for practical pur¬ poses we may treat the ‘ soft ’ and * medium * consonants as phonemes having only one allophone. (iii) In the days of Tholka:ppiyam, the phonemes shown in this Table appear to have had the value of their principal mem¬ ber at the bcgiiming of a word and after a vowel. In many dialects now, they assume after a vowel the value of the fricative allophone and, in the case of people speaking in a highly Sanskritised way, the voiced allophone. Thus, for example: —Pakal is articulated as (PAXAL)—fricative or (PAGAL)—voiced Some persons use this pronunciation even where the consonant occurs initially. This is principally due to the influence of Sanskrit and English on Tamil Speech. In any case it is only a preference for one allophone as against another of the same phoneme 2 9. (iv) Although the auxiliary consonant should, according to the rules laid down by Tholka:ppiyam, assume one of six different sounds as indicated here, during the past several centuries owing to later grammarians’ inability to grasp the phonetic novelty involved in this highly ingenious invention of the ancient Tamil ' grammarians, its value has been narrowed down to (X)i.e., fricative K, something approximating to the Elnglish h. Instead of importing i^on- Tamil script such as os, af etc., Tamil scholars would do well to popularise in their place the use of the auxiliary consonant A as in the days of Tholka.'ppiyam. 28. Unforttmately, owing to a far-fetched inteipretation given to this verse by commentators, its phonetic significance has never been imderstood. . 29. El-uththathika:ram, verse No. 38 and 101. 71 TRANSLITERATION OF TAMIL... TABLE C Transliteration of English Sounds into Tamil English sounds not represented Symbol to be used for by separate phoneme in Tamil transliteration SOUNDS EXISTING IN TAMIL SPEECH. b (as in bad) (w) U c ( „ civil) d ( „ and) (ear) P g ( angle) (isi) (S ( „ \ angel) (®) <£F s ( „ shock) (.\) SOUNDS NOT USED IN TAMIL SPEECH. f (as in sofa) (.%) eu a (as in bad) z (as in Zebra) NoUs letter within brackets indicates that the following phoneme the value of the allophone which it acquires when preceded by the former which should however be treated as silent, as for instance k in know. (ii) The minus sign—indicates that this phoneme has a special sound not found in T amil . 72 TAMIL CULTURE Example of transliteration of Tamil into English: Quiriijds^ eiS^tr isGSiL.QLjg^ih aiTGOQpih surwib: ssrrff g> G\)rrajir) eufTGSTQfiihj lift ^caregih (^ifltLjih ® 0 &wr sifrilC^ib ssireoih; ^iup)9a& ^^dssr lj< 3 t Kalippu describe the greatness of the Almighty, the destruction of the soul and the consequent sufferings, and lastly the supreme pleasure in the realisation of the self. Moved by the lyrics of Mastan Saheb, another Poet, Aiyaswamy Mudaliarhas sung a Pathitruppattu AnthuthV^f i.^e., an Anthathi containing hundred verses in praise of him. Another prominent mystic poet is Kalamkuti Maccarekai Cittan, a physician, by profession, but a well-versed scholar in the Quran and the Upanishads. He deprecates the religious and communal differences. Good and great people, he says, will not have these petty-mindedness. His works abound with high philoso¬ phical thoughts, both of Hindus and Muslims. His style is difficult. Many Arabic words and sometimes Arabic phrases also are to be found in his works. The third mystic poet who deserves mention here is Pir Mukammatu of Thakkalai in South Travancore. His Gnanarmlai and Nava/rattinakhuravanchi, advocate religious tolerance and expound high theological ideas. Besides these important mystics, there are a large number of minor works by various authors, having a mystical,note. These works have contributed much towards religious unity and harmony among the Hindus and Muslims of Tamilnad. Muslim theological works are also not rare in Tamil. The Vetapuranam of Periya Nih deals with Kalimah, prayer, fasting and other Muslim ceremonies. Cu apil 86 TAMIL CULTURE Imam is another theological work, dealing with the various branches of the Imam faith. It is also published in Arabic script. Abdul Majid’s Acmrakhovai has gained popularity among the;Muslim and non-Muslim Tamils. It contains ethical maxims. This work contains remedies for physical maladies also^ as in the Hindu ethical works like Oh/iTupanchamiHamoT TTiiTVihadugam, Another voluminous work, perhaps the earliest of Muslim works in Tamil, for, it is said to have been written in 1594 A.D., deals with Muslim morality, Islamic customs, and Islamic laws. The author of it is Pir Muhammad Sahed It contains the answers of the Prophet at the coronation day, when Jews questioned him on religious matters. It also contains accounts of Muslim marriage ceremonies and divorce. The Muslim contribution to Tamil prose is not as noteworthy as in the field of poetry. Religious contro¬ versy forms the subject matter of many of the prose books. There are very few on literary subjects. Some are verbatim translations of Arabic works and a few from Persian and Urdu. Muslim Atvaita MulamoU is an important work in prose. It deals with the aspect of monism in Islam. The author of it is Abdul Rahman of Nellikkupam. A section of Muslims condemned this and another work by name Ulumuttin written by Syed Muhammatu Alim A few secular prose works by Muslim authors are also popular. In the book, ‘ Kalyurkkum Kallanurkhum Nadantha Khissu i.e., the story of a judge and a thief the author humorously sets the dialogue between a thief, who has no education but is full of common sense, and a learned judge. In the end, the thief wins over the judge. The stories of the famous Muslim court jester Abu Navas are collected in a work which is also called Navas by Miran Saheb. Biographies of great Muslim religious leaders are MUSLIM LITERATURE IN TAMIL 87 mostly Urdu translations. Maulana Rumi Jivya Carit- tram of Shahul Hameed Lebbai and Rahasul Ooul are important works among them. A few works on adven¬ tures have been written by Muslims. One is Putukuc- camy which narrates the invasion and conquest of Syria. The conquest of Egypt by Caliph Omar is the subject of Puttuhul Micir by Mukutum Mokammatup Pulavar There are also a few works on general topics. A handful of Tamil prose works on Musl im juris¬ prudence are written in Arabic script. It is interesting to note that nearly thirty Tamil Muslim works, compris¬ ing poetry, prose, religion and didactic literature are in Arabic script. Works, whose language is Tamil, but written in other scripts, are not uncommon in the border areas of Tamilnad. A considerable number of Tamil books written in Telugu and Malayalam scripts are to be foimd in the Manuscript Libraries of Madras and Trivandrum. These and the poetic works of the Muslims have enriched the vocabulary of Tamil by adding Urdu and Arabic words. The Arabic words in Tamil are few and these few words have been borrowed only through Urdu. As a whole, these Urdu and Arabic words num¬ ber about a thousand and-five hundred and no one, not even the exacting purist, dare expunge them. They have been mixed inextricably with the Tamil language. Even in the far off corners of Tamilnad, one can hear a villager using very commonly words of Urdu origin in his daily conversation. The words “Bathil” (answer) “Mathiri (type), ‘Mahaswl’ (harvest) “Palam” (bridge), “ Grakki ” (costly) etc., are as often used as any of the vital Tamil words. Many of the Tamilians will be surprised even to know that these words are of Urdu origin. The loan words from Urdu can be classi¬ fied into the following heads: (1) Legal terminology. 88 TAMIL CULTURE like Arji, Raji, Vakkil, Vaja, JaptM; (2) musical terms like Kanchira, Tandora; (3) terms connected with the division of lands like jilla. Taluk, Makanam, and, land revenue terms like kist, rayath, Jamapanthi; (4) terms about food and drinks like Arak, mittay, Bunthi, Sarbath; (5) terms for fragrance like Athar, Vaththi; (6) quite a number of the Urdu words are used in Tamil for household utensils. They are Anda, Kuja; (7) excla¬ matory type of terms like Ushar, Jalthi, Bale, Besh, Sabash; (8) miscellaneous terms like Kapsa, utan (for a lie) alka, choudal. Borrowed words are cultural indices and a close study of these words would reveal the cultural indebtedness of Tamil to Urdu. It will be evident from this brief survey that the Muslims have contributed not a little to the various branches of Tamil literature. This contribution inclu¬ des an epic, Chirn Puranam, and a number of minor poetic ■ and prose works. As already said, some of their compositions can be compared with the finest of Tamil works. While assessing the merit of these works, we have to bear in mind the period bet¬ ween the ,17th and the middle 19th century, to which almost all the Tamil Muslim works belong. It is a period of political turmoil and insecurity. Tamil Nad was harassed by successive invasions. Famine and pesti¬ lence took a heavy toll. For want of responsible govern¬ ment, lawlessness was rife everywhere. In that political background nowhere cotdd art and literature flourish. It is no wonder that the literary output of this time was not of a high order. There were no patrons, neither among kings nor among the wealthy. Poets had to look to the people for their very living. The increase of light literature is mainly due to these changed circumstances. Yet the interest or importance of these minor works cannot be minimised. MUSLIM LITERATURE IN TAMIL 89 In Madras State» nearly eigfit per cent of the total population consists of Muslims. Except in Madras City and in the Telugu-bordering areas, all other Muslims speak Tamil in their homes. But nearly five lakhs of Muslims, according to the census report of the Madras State in 1951, claim Urdu as their mother tongue. The census Report for 1951, says: “ It is true that these Muslims study the Quoran in Arabic, but their mother tongue is undoubtedly Tamil; but they claim Urdu or Hindustani as their mother tongue. Under our instructions, the enumerators had no option but to accept the answer given by the person” (1951 Census of India, Madras and Coorg, vol: 2 pt: 1). This deplorable attitude of Muslims and their general ignorance of the rich heritage of their Tamil poetry have led to the present day indifference to Muslim literature in Tamil. But we cannot forget here that there were and there are Muslim scholars who stand second to none in their devotion to Tamil language and literature. One among them is the late Seykuththambi Pavalar of Kottaru, the author of many prose and poetic works. Today signs are not wanting of a literary revival among the younger generation of the Muslim community in South India and they assure us of a bright future*. ♦Important books consulted: 1. Najagamum Kavi Vanargalum by M. S. Pumalingam Pillai_ Sri Kanthimatbi Vilasam Press, Tinnevelly Jn., 1942. 2. South India and her Mohammadan Invaders by Dr. S. Krishnaswamy Aiyangar, Madras, 1921. 3. SirappuTonam published by Sahul Hameedia Press, Tiruvallikeni- Madras, 1929. 4. Muslim Contribution to Tamil literature by M. M. Uwise, Kandy, 1953, 5. Rakkya Tenral by Viththyananthan, Kalhinnai, Kandy, 1953. 6. Census Report of India-^ISSl ; (V» >> 19 • • 1 >> 99 80 • • 5 9t 99 258 • • 4 Kam NalU • • „ f, »> »» 11 : 6 210 : 1 Nannan I of Puli, on the west coast, at Krt. 73 ; 2 Malaiyan, in the central hills of India, at Krt. 312 : 2.” Thus there are ten references to kings other than the ancestors of the “three kings”. Of the three kings themselves as a group there is no mention whatever. Moreover, the Cera king is completely ignored, and there is merely a solitary reference in each case to the Cola chiefs, Krt. 116 : 2, or to the Kuatiya king, Krt. 393 : 4. From other criteria as well, namely the obsolete diction, the old grammatical pattern of the nominal system, the peculiar adverbs, the archaic verbal system. THE EARLIEST TAMIL POEMS EXTANT 93 the ancient syntactical and lother features, it is quite clear that in the Kxt. we possess the earliest poems extant in Tamil, with the exception of those P. N. poems just alluded to and those A. N. poems to be mentioned presently. This statement does not include grammars. The NarHnai occupies an intermediate position, between the Krt. and the A. N., both as regards the size of the poems and the time of their composition. Thus in Narr. the Pantiya king is mentioned more fre¬ quently than in the Krt., e.g. at Narr. 23 ; 5-6, 150:4-5 etc. Likewise the Cola kings, e.g. at Narr. 10: 5-6, 87:3, 265; 6. In the last instance, the Cola ruler is •• called c^ kol oe^i i.^’e. “ Cenni of the small sceptreV. It is hereby clear that the Cenni of Narr. 265 is still a chief or prince and not yet a powerful-king or emperor, as he is portrayed in the smaller numbers of the P. N. poems. In the A. N. however, both the I^tiyas and the Colas are mentioned much more fre- •• quently and as ruling over lai^e kingdoms, almost as in the smaller numbers;of the P. N. Thus the I^tiya king figures at A. N. 27 : 8-9, 36:14-20, 116:12-19, 162:21,201:3-5, 253:4-5, 296:10-13, 338:5 and the Cola at A. N. 93:4-5, 96:13-14, 44:14, 125:16-21, 137:5-6, 246:8-14, 336:19-23, 338:18-20, 356; 11-15, 369:13-14,375:10-15,385 ; 3-4. When one recollects that each of these collections, Krt., Narr. and A. N., has 400 or 401 poems, this difference is highly signi- fiicant. But not all of the A, N. poems are comparatively late. A. N• 265 :4-6 mentions the Nantar of the city of Pstali as almost contemporary with the poet composing 94 TAMIL CULTURE the piece; pal pukal nirainta velppr Nantar oir miku Patali kkuln kkahkai nir mutarkaranta nitiyam kollo ? L//r6U rSesiiDisfi Qeu^Quirif tscs^ff uirueSa <3^^^ diiijeas ii(f Qp^fb iS^iUfii Qsrr^Qwir? A. N. 261:6 alludes to the exceedingly great wealth of the Nantan or Nantar, as well-known at that time;— isiB^ear (alt. lectio mis^tf) QeuQjiasetDs ertu^^ib. Nan- tan (alt. lectio Nantar) verukkai eytinum. The abundance of the Nahda’s wealth is here pictured as so great that nothing larger can be imagin¬ ed. Further, the ciljy of Patali is mentioned as a well- known town, almost contemporary with the poet, at A. N. 265:6 and at Krt. 75 ; 4. Here there is no doubt that he refers to Patali-putra, the capital of the Nanda kings and Maurya Emperors. For, Krt. 76:3-4 is emphatic as to its locality. It states: VEN KO^T- lYANAI conai patiyum pon mali Patali periyar. QsuvSsrQ^irL.iq.uj(r83sr (Sd^rr&m' uisf.qu} Gutrsisr ldcQ uni-.eQ Qufff^iurf. In the second line there is a distinct allusion to the abundant gold to be found in the Pataliputra of that time. This fact is admitted by modern historians. These allusions and references in the “ Love ” poems are the more important as they have ‘ no axe to grind ’: they are incidental to the main theme. As such, they are much more valuable to the student of ancient Tamil history than poems on set historical THE EARLIEST TAMIL POEMS EXTANT 96 themes” or poems written for or against certain kings or dynasties. The latter are bound to sacrifice truth to political expediency or propaganda. Who were the Nandas to whom A. N. 251 and 266 allude ? They were kings of Magadha before 321 B. c. In that year iChandragupta Maurya deposed and slew the last of them. Vincent A. Smith, in Eariy History of India 1908, p. 38, considers that the Nan¬ das reigned from about 370 b. o., i. e. about a century before the great Magadhan Emperor, Asoka, 273-231 B. o. There is nothing to surprise us in the fact that the Asokan edicts speak of five Tamil civilized kingdoms in /South India, since already a century earlier there were in these lands Tamil poets, who were not only contemporary with, but also thoroughly conversant with the circumtsances of the * northern * kings of Magadha. The authors of A. N. 265 and Krt. 75 were weU-informed of the exact situation and abundant wealth of Patali, the Magadha capital. “Founded in the fifth century B. c., it stood in the tongue of land formed by the confluence of the Son with the Ganges, on the northern bank of the former and a few miles distant from the latter”—V. A. Smith, op. cit., p. 119. We may well admire the choice phraseology that so aptly sums up and gives us such a delightful pen-picture of the ancient city, as is dis¬ played by the Tamil poets who composed Krt. 75 and A. N. 265, about 324 b. o. Some may object to the above statement of mine, asking me: “Is the mere fact that a certain king, chief or ruler is mentioned a sufficient guarantee that he was a contemporary of the poet concerned ? Could not the poet allude to a far distant historical event, preceding the composition of his verses by centuries?” 96 . TAMIL CULTURE In itself this is possible; but under the actual circum¬ stances in which these allusions occur, this is unlikely. Eor^- (A) Most of the allusions I am dealing with are found in the ** Love ” poems of a certain type, called Marutham In these the wife or heroine complains bitterly of the imfaithful conduct of the husband or hero. He has sought new pastures in the form of dancing girls and joined them so unashamedly, in parks and groves, in lakes and bathing-places, on river-banks and sea-shores, that the whole town or city is gossiping loudly about it. The gossip is like a tumult or uproar that strikes the ears of the heroine louder than the shout of the victorious armies of such a king when he celebrated his victory over such another king. It is here that the allusions occur. In the A. N. poems this allusion starts generally half-way down the piece and goes on down to its end. Thus A. N. 36, a “ marutam ” piece, contains 23 lines. The first 12 lines*speak of the gossip afore-mentioned, after a long address to the hero. We shall cite a few lines:— Lfsar^ Queueoiu eurnf ilgsst^ 9 U)(t^Qfiirihi®aj eBifiiDeoir^ afreQesr 10 rngj/ih L76i) dai.isfijb iDi—isesi^QiuirQ 11 €u^GaeiJ cStajifm^tbsT Qiuesru, IS Qarru OrQjp Li!re:9s Qa/ruj-fi Q^lJ^iuesr IS ^eo/hj airen-^^asar^Sso ^euuu 14 QffthiBiuGsr ^GsrmjQsQp ^^iugst 15 ffTQ^Qjff is^ Qjeoib §>({$ ua^ 20 (tfijQffirQ Qeuaxr^eDU 21 Q^rr^fSf <3ietrd) (SeuilL. (Qir^(SDp) 22 ■QojesrfS Qdsfrefr QurfKSfi. 23 If we should now compare the instances of 'v^ere the word ‘ alar ’ occurs in these texts with the size of THE EARLIEST TAMIL POEMS EXTANT 97 the poems concerned and the allusions made therein, we shall see that this contention is correct. To cite just a few instances, occurs at Krt. 97:4, 258:2, 262:1, 393:2, A. N. 36 :12; 116: 12^ 201:10, 211:17, 216 :6, 263: 3, 296 :14, 323 :1; Aihhurunuru 71:3,75:2,77:2, 164:4,236:1,279:5. The point of the poet’s comparison is to put before the readers or hearers of the poem two quite familiar facts, the gossip afore-mentioned and a contemporary or slightly anterior event. This point would be blunted beyond all recognition, if a fact, say, of a thousand years earlier were to be compared with the gossip in question. (B) In actual fact, this a priori assumption is borne out by the incipient comparisons that K. N. Sivaraja Pillai has made between the times of the authors of these poems and the times of the historical personages mentioned in these allusions—in his “C'Arono- logy of the Early Tamils ”. Dr. Vithianandan, of the Ceylon University, has en passant elaborated these synchronisations in his Ph. D. thesis on the Pattu- puttu. By a diligent comparison on these lines, one comes to the conclusion that the allusions are to either contemporary or recent events. There is no reason to make the allusions to the Nandas or to Patali an exception to this feature. (C) On the contrary, there is an additional argu¬ ment in this instance for our contention. Readers of Indian history know very well that the Maury a Emperors, especially Chandragupta and Asoka, eclipsed the Nanda kings of Magadha in wealth, power and dominion^ If the Tamil poet who composed these poems had lived at the time of the Maury as or later, he 13 98 TAMIL CULTURE would most certainly have mentioned them and not the feebler Nandas as the * upama * for abundant wealth and regal splendour. There is no doubt then that these poems are anterior to the accession of Chandragupta Mauiya in 321 b. o. Such an event would not have taken long to be noised abroad and to reach the ears of the Tamil poets in the South. We shall then date these poems as approximately belonging to 324 B. c., i. e. to the decade preceding the fall of the Nandas.^ 2. A Corollary : Concerning my identification of the Hida King of Aa'oka’s Shahbargarhi inscription with iy of krt 84:3 ;• PN. 128:5; 129:5; 131:2; 241:2; 375:11. cf. K. N. Sivaraja Pillai, passim and R. Caldwell: A Comparative Grammar of the Draoidian Languages^ 1913, p. 96: "Ptolemy’s country of the *'Aioi (Aioi)... South Travancore and South Tinncvelly (sic). It conLienced at the Red Clifis, south of Quilon, and included not only Cape Comorin, but also Kolchoi, where the pcarl-fishing was carried on.” Hida seems to be the Aryan form of -some such oldDravidian word as "Yida,” meaning sheep or shepherd, cf. Telugu e(Ja, Xam vjai'Cceri, i(^x-y^, icjaiy-ar, idaunakan, and whith nasalization Sinhalese ep(}.^. The "Aioi ” seem to be-identical with Tam. Ayar=.shcphcrds. Jami(iana NEWS & NOTES TEE ACADEMY OF TAMIL CULTURE T he Academy was formed at a meeting of scholars and lovers of Tamil held at Madras on Sept. 18, 1954. A report of the meeting published in the Indian Express is reproduced below : Madras, Sept. 19. An ambitious new venture with the avowed object of bringing together persons and institutions interested in Tamil for the development and advancement of the Tamil language, literature, arts and sciences, was launched here yesterday, when the Academy of Tamil Culture was formed at a meeting of scholars and lovers of Tamil held a^the. residence of Mr. A. Subbial^ Director, Indian Overseas Ba^kT Mr. Justice N. Somasundaram was elected Presi¬ dent of the Academy. Among those present were Messrs. S. G. Manavala Ramannjam, former Vice-Chancellor of the Annamalai University; V. Subramaniam, Member, Railway Rates Tribunal; K. Kothandapani Pilla,i, Member, Railway Service Commission; V. Sundaramurthy Mudaliar, Deputy Director of Income-Tax Investigation; Father Ceyrac of Loyola College; T. P. Meenakshisundaram, Professor of Tamil, Presidency College; K. K. Pillai, 100 TAMIL CULTURE Professor of History, University of Madras; S. Arumuga Mudaliar, Professor of Tamil, Teachers’ College, Saida- pet and V. C. Gopalarathham, Advocate. In furtherance of its objects, the Academy proposes to take measures to preserve from corruption or deterioration those features of Tamil which have contri¬ buted to its greatness as a language, foster scientific research in all aspects of Tamil language, literature, arts and sciences, make more widely known to the Tamil speaking peoples as weU as to the outside world the beauty and the antiquity of the Tamil language, publish and encourage the publication of books, bulle¬ tins and periodicals as well as translations thereof, and establish and maintain effective contact and collabo¬ ration with universities or other academic organisa¬ tions at home and abroad, professional groups, indivi¬ duals, Governments and Government agencies interest¬ ed in such matters. Mr. A. Subbiah, the prime sponsor of the Academy, extended a welcome to the gathering. A number of messages wishing the function success were read. Explaining the aims and objectives of the Academy, Rev. Fr. Thaninayagam, co-sponsor of the Academy, said the characteristics and values of the accumulated Tamil heritage of the centuries were such that the world should not be deprived of the knowledge of such a wealthy heritage. They had gathered, he said, because they realised that there were certain objects which it was the duty of cifitured people to foster without relinquishing to Governments and universities the task of their fulfilment. TAMILIANA 101 STXTDY Of CTTLTtniE There were no doubt a number of associations in the country which sought the promotion of Tamil culture and interest in Tamil, the speaker said. But there was need at present for an association which would include in its aims the. study of Tamil culture and the spread of knowledge regarding that culture. A very wide programme ol work remained to be done, Fr. Thaninayagam said. During his recent visits to libraries and cultural institutes in Europe, he had met several persons of distinction interested in Indian subjects. They complained that professors and lecturers from the South of India failed to attend regional and international Congresses on linguistics, oriental studies, history and archaeology. It should be their endeavour to make proper representations so that Tamil scholar¬ ship was kept open to modern influences and benefits by living contact with the outside world. Students of Tamil did not receive the same faci^ lities that students of western languages received in the West. The speaker suggested that a number of Government of India scholarships, available for post¬ graduate work abroad, should be made available for Tamil students also for specialisation in the languages, literature, history and archaeology of the South. It was gratifying to note that the British Ck>uncil had thought it fit to award a scholarship to a Tamil student to enable him to qualify in phonetics in the School of Oriental Studies, Lond Mr. P. T. Rajan^ M.L.A. Mr. K. Ramalingam, Oriental Insti¬ tute, Mayuram ,, Namakkal V. Ramalingam Pillai ,, A. Ramanatha Pillai, Annamalai University „ K. V. AL. M. Ramanathan Chettiar „ L. P. ^ R. Ramanathan Chettiar Annamalai University ,, R.- Ramanathan Chettiar >, S. Ramasami Konar „ T. K. Shanmugam Dr. S. Somasimdara Bharatiyar Mr. V. Subbiah Pillai „ G. Subramania Pillai „ M. Subramaniam Chettiar „ Putfaaneri R. Subramanian ,, V. Subramaniam ,, V. Sundaramurthi Mudaliar Rev. A. Arul Tliangiah ,, Dr. 3^vier S. Thani Nayagam, University of Ceylon Mr. P. ThirllgnAnn«atrihyf^^am ,, N. K. Vinayakam TAMIL CULTURE Subscriptions, advertisements, and rMaittanoes should be addressed to : The Manager, ‘ Tamil Culture * Thamilakam, Chetput, Madras-31. Bemittance for a single copy may be. s^t in Indian stamps. A single subsection is best paid by crossed postal order favouring * Tamil Culture . T. • Chequeif^ot di?awn on % b^nk in Madras should be covered by a olearhig cominS^on. V. P. P. chafes are extra. Suhferiptions .^nd^ remittances may also ba^ remitted to^ CEYLON: Colombo^Bpok Centre,20;-PajS5ns Road, •. Colombo. • '• ,-v MALAYA'i*., Manager,^Tam^Murasu^iSingapore - 7 Rate» of Subscri^on: India, Ceylon, Burma, Malaya Annual Rs. 5 Single copy 1/8 Literary comtnunications, ..^xchktlge, and Books for review should be ^dressed the Chief Editor, ** Tamil Culture ”,‘^&hamilakam, ^Chqtput, Madras-31. To 36(^6 their return if not adopted, the Mss. offered foi^iublication should "'^e accompanied by ja' stamped addre^ed envelope. The Editor does not take any respohlibility for Mss. that may be los^ 'Mss. should be typewritten and sUa^ in duplicate to facilitate printing. -The expression of individual views by authors of signed articles does not imply editorial endorsement. U. K. U. S. A. & other countries 10 "sh. U. S. $ 1*60 or itfec^uivalent 3 sh. U. S. $%50„ Published by the Hony. Secretaries, Academy of T^mil Culture, Thamilakam, Chetput, Madras -31, and printed by Rama. Anmachalam at ^^anti Press, 134/135, Coral Merchant Street, Madras-1 TAMIL CULTURE EDITORIAL BOARD: Chief Editor: Rirv. Dh. XAVIER S. THANI NAYAGAM, University of Ceylon Members: Rev. P. CEYRAC, S. J,. Loyola College Db. a C. CHETTIAR,-Annamalai University Mb. M. M. GHANI, Government Arts College Db. K. KANAPATHI PTLLAI, University of Ceylon Db. S. G. MANAVALA RAMANUJAM, Former Vice-Chancellor, A nn a m a l ai University Mr. T. P. MEENAKSHISUNDARAM PILLAI, Presidency College Mr. S. RUDRAPATHI, Central College, Bangalore. Mb. V. I. SUBRAMONIAM, University of Travancore Mr. P. M. SUNDARAM, Osmania University Mr. P. THIRUGNANASAMBANDAM. Inspector of Oriental Institutes, Madras Mn» RATNA NAVARATNAM, (Dist Inspectress of Schools), Ceylon. (The office-bearers of the Academy are ex-offlcio members of the Editorial Board.) ACADEMY OF TAMIL CULTURE Office-bearers for 1954-55 President: The Hon’ble Mr. JUSTICE N. SOMASUNDARAM, Puisne Judge, High Court of Judicature, Madras. Vice-Presidents: Mr. R. P. SETHU PILLAI, University of Madras Mr. KARUMUTHU THIAGARAJAN CHETTIAR Mb. A V. RAMAN Da. RM. ALAGAPPA CHETTIAR Mr. a SUBBIAH Hony. Secretary: Db. M. VARADARAJAN, Pachaiappa’s College Hony. Treasurers: Mr. V. S. THYAGARAJA MUDALIAR Mr. C. AMRITAGANESA MITOALIAR (See bock iiisidc cover page for names of members of the Governing Council) VoL. IV No. 2 APRIL. 1955 TAMIL CULTURE JOURNAL OF THE ACADEMY OF TAMIL CULTURE CONTENTS THE PROBLEM OF A ‘ NATIONAL ’ OR ‘ OFFICIAL LANGUAGE’ IN INDIA A Senthamilan 117 KURINJCI • P. L. Sarny. B.SC. 132 BARATHI’S YOUTH Kamil Zvelebil, ph.D., Prague 140 A BRIEF SURVEY OF THE TAMIL PRESS SM. L. Lakshmanan Chettiar, b.a. 158 SOME CONTACTS AND AFFINITIES BETWEEN THE EGYPTO-MINOAN AND THE INDO-(DRAVIDO) SUMERIAN CULTURE. H. S. David, b.a. (Hons.), ph.D. (Lond.) 169 THE PROBABLE ORIGIN OF CHOLA ARCHITECTURE Dr. M. Arokiaswami, M.A., Ph.D. 178 BOOKS OF NOTE iftn NEWS AND NOTES 194 OUR CONTRIBUTORS A Scnthamilan is a keen student of Linguistics, at present engaged in intensive research on the phonetic structure of TamiL P. L. Samy, B.Sc., is a District Educational Officer, in the Madras- Educational Service. His special studies are Tanoil and Botany. Dr. Kamil Zvelebil is Head of the Department of Dravidology, University of Prague. SM. L. Lakshmanan Chettiar, B.A., is a journalist and author, and has written a number of books of travel in Tamil. Dr. H. S. David, B.A. (Hons.), Ph.D. (Lond.) is Director of Oriental Studies and History, St. Patrick’s College, Jaffna. Dr. M. Arokiaswami is Lecturer in Indian History and Archaeology, University of Madras. The Problem of a 'National’ or ‘Official Language' in India A SENTHAMILAN An objective and dispassionate consideration of this subject is handicapped by the many extraneous and irre¬ levant issues which protagonists of the different points of view have succeeded in introducing into the discussion. If it is desired to lessen the confusion surrounding the issue and thus ultimately to pave the way for a solution of the problem, it is necessary first of all to define the issues involved in unambiguous terms and to remind our¬ selves of the necessity for approaching the problem with an open mind. The most powerfully backed and organised view is that of the advocates of Hindi and- hence it is entitled to serious consideration. It is essential in the first place to ascertain definitely what the objectives of the Hindi School of thought are. Do they merely advocate the acceptance of Hindi as the ‘ official language ’ of the Union of India as laid down in the Constitution,^ or have they a wider aim, namely, to secure the acceptance of Hindi as the sole ‘national language’ of India, i.e., as the language which will eventually be spoken throughout India at all levels ? The uncertainty about the objective generates a turbid atmosphere surcharged with suspicion, prejudice and, what is worse, bitterness. No one can view this with equani¬ mity, as in the meantime political parties make capital out of it and exploit the situation for partisan benefit. The distinction between a ‘ national language ’ and an ‘official language’ is no mere academic or sophistic I The ConstituMon of India, Madras, 1952, Art. 343 (1). 1L8 TAMIL CULTURE abstraction, but one of vital importance to the future oi India and its peoples. Any action that is not based on a proper imderstanding of this distinction would represent merely that much of wasted effort, quite apart from the bitterness that inevitably follows in its train. An attempt is therefore made here to focus attention on this distinction. A ‘national language’ is one which is spoken by a large compact group of people in a geographically conti¬ nuous area; it is the language spoken by the generality of its members from their childhood. It is the language of every day use, whose idioms and rich metaphor are drawn from situations with which people are instinctively familiar; it is also the language whose phonetic structure and euphony are well grasped and whose basic vocabulary is imderstood and used without effort by every one who speaks the tongue. An ‘official language’ on the other hand is the language of administration, and does not always fulfil the above criteria, especially in the present day world of colonial rule, multi-national states and the limited forms of World Government that the United Nations and similar agencies represent. The different purposes which language —^national or official—^might serve are described in detail later. It is unfortunate that this distinction has not always been clearly maintained by the participants in the language controversy. If it is intended that Hindi should be made the ‘national language’ of India, it is only fair, and pos¬ sibly imperative, tl^at this should be made clear because, irrespective of what people in other States may feel, neither the masses nor enlightened public opinion in Tamil Nad will ever agree to such a course. It is true that oppor- timists and others less wilful and dishonest but equally the victims of expediency may—^not always whole-heartedly —^pay lip service to Hindi as the ‘ national language ’ move. But, it is well to remember that, arraigned against them are one or two organisations in Tamil Nad of not incon¬ siderable influence, whp have adopted “ Pown with Hindi i>k6BL^ OF A ‘NATIONAL^ OR ^OFFICIAL LANGUAGE^ 11^ as one of their principal slogans. It is unfortxmately not so well-known as it ought to be that, outside these opposing organisations, there are vast numbers of sober, responsible people who are keenly interested in the problem and whose views have not received the same publicity, particularly outside Tamil Nad. These people are opposed unequi¬ vocally to the adoption of Hindi, English or any other language (not excluding Tamil) as the sole * national language ’ of India, aware as they are that it is a totally impracticable proposition. There is little doubt that, in the event of a show down, Tamilians of every shade of thought will support this view. Krishnaswami Bharathi, a longstanding Congressman and a member of the Consti¬ tuent Assembly which framed the Constitution of India, wrote as follows: “ I read the article of Sri G. V. Mavlankar, in your daily of the 19th mstant under the title ‘ Hindi Pilgri¬ mage to the South with all the interest and attention that it deserves. Sri Mavlankar is an astute intellectual and is generally accepted as a well-informed scholsu*. I must therefore confess to a sense of surprise that he of all persons should have made himself responsible for certain statements therein, which require correction in the interest of truth and knowledge. “ Sri Mavlankar says that ‘ Hindi in Devanagari script has been now accepted as the national language by our Ccnstitution.’ May I point out to him, in all humility, that this is not a correct statement of fact ? The Constitution of India nowhere refers to Hindi as the national language. All that the Act says is that ‘the official language of the Union shall be Hindi in Devanagari script.’ “ Need I hardly emphasize the vital difference bet¬ ween the word ‘national’ and the word ‘official’, both in its content and signification. As one who actively helped in the framing of the Constitution, I may say that we deliberately eschewed the word ‘ national ’ in refer¬ ence to Hindi, as it cannot properly fit into the context of the scheme of the Act in as much as the different regional states are given the right in the Constitution itself to adopt, by law, one or more regional languages to be the official language for the concerned States. With India presenting the ultimate picture of the different tAMIL CtJL'rtjRfe t^O States adopting their own regional languages as the official language of the respective States, Hindi can, by- no stretch of imagination, be called the national language of India.”* / Dr. C. P. Ramaswami Ayyar, Vice-Chancellor of the Annamalai and Banaras Hindu Universities, who has no political axe to grind in opposing Hindi, made the follow¬ ing statement before the University Education Commis¬ sion : “ A Madrasee will have to be taught through Tamil, Telugu, Kanarese or Malayalam. To him Hindi is as foreign as English, French or Russian. I can definitely tell you that you can never make Madras learn Hindi. This aspect of the question is not borne in mind by many who write on this subject.” ^ In fact, recorded history, with all the colossal race and language movements it portrays, is imable to offer us a single instance of a foreign^ language succeeding in assum¬ ing the character of a national language, and existing on a co-equal plane with the native tongue. The adoption of a single language as the national language in a multi¬ lingual state raises the same fundamental issues and is similarly doomed to failure. -^y student of Anthropology or the Social Sciences will confirm that such a possibility would be inconceivable in the case of any large, well defined linguistic group, living together in a compact area. There have, of course, been many instances of attempts by conquerors (or a dominant group) to impose their language on the con¬ quered peoples (or a minority group); but such experi¬ ments, which betray ignorance of linguistic psychology, have always failed and have resulted invariably in either 3 Indian Express, Madras, October 1, 1954. __ * of University Education' Commission, Delhi. 1951—Vol. II, Part n, P. 674. (Italics wine). ^ foreign* Ipguage in this context would indlude any tongue other thM the mother tongue. Hindi would for instance be in this language, to the Tamil speaking people and Tamil would be classified* similarly m relation to the Hindi-speaking population. PROBLEM OF A/NATI0|?AL^ OR ^OFFICIAL Li^GUAGE^ IlH (a) one of the languages being driven out from the field, or (5) the disappearance of both languages, to be suc¬ ceeded by an amorphous amalgam of the two, as in the case of North Indian languages whose structural charac¬ teristics are partly Aryan and partly Dravidian. In more recent times, imperialistic countries have often endea¬ voured to impose their language on the subject peoples of their colonial empires, but whilst the foreign language was adopted for limited purposes, it was never accorded a comparable status as a ‘ national language/ It always remained a foreign tongue, ready to be discarded the moment circumstances were propitious, although mean¬ time the national or native tongue had but a stunted and anaemic existence. Statesmen in multi-lingual countries have, in the past, shown great wisdom in handling this problem. In Swit¬ zerland, for instance, instead of forcing the majority lan¬ guage on the minority groups, they succeeded in getting the majority as well as all the minority languages recog¬ nised as national languages of the State: all the national languages save one were also adopted as official languages, the exception being the Romansh language which is spoken by less than 1 per cent of the population. Thus Canada has adopted English and French, Belgium French and Dutch, Switzerland German, French and Italian. Even the German speaking Swiss, though they belong to a race considered to be assertive and race proud and though they constitute a large majority (72 per cent) of the population, had the foresight to decide the issue not by coimting heads, but by conceding even to the small minority of Italians, constituting only 6 per cent of the population, the benefits of having their mother tongue as one of the official languages. In this connection it is well to clear up a misconception that appears to have arisen as a result of a confusion in regard to the connotation of the concepts ‘nation’ and TAMIL dtJL^tJRi: 12^ * nationality In the words of A. L. Klroeber, a distin¬ guished anthropologist and student of linguistic problems, “ nationality and nation are not necessarily the same, although they sometimes coincide .... An essentially single nationality can comprise several states that in modem political terminology are called nations such as Australians, New Zealanders, Canadians and British. On the contrary, most large states, and especially empires, have comprised a variety of nationalities .... Nation denotes a people organised under one Govern¬ ment, a ‘ body politic ’ . . . . “ Here are some contemporary cases of political nations that include two or more nationalities. Belgium is almost equally divided between Waloons speaking a French dialect in their homes and Flemings speaking a variant of Dutch. Switzerland is 72 per cent German speaking, 21 per cent French, 6 per cent Italian, 1 per cent Romansh. The Union of South Africa has a white population that is part English speaking and part Afrikaans or Dutch speaking, plus the racially distinct Bantu-Negro natives. India in 1947 set up house keeping on its own, as two independent political nations with dozens of nationalities and languages.” ^ What is the role and importance of language in the formation of nationalities ? Again to quote Kroeber : “ It is clear that of the several objective factors which operate to produce nationalities, language is on the whole much the most important. Without the free inter-communication that common speech provides, it is very difficult for the ‘ consciousness of kind ’ that is the subjective psychological precondition of nationality to arise.” ® Finally, Kroeber also dealt with the problem of lan¬ guage differences and political unity : There is a general understanding among the Swiss Citizenry that neither religion nor linguistic considera¬ tion is to serve as a basis for political crystallization.^ In India, on the contrary, religious cleavage has proved 6 A. L. Kroeber, in Anthropology—New York, 1948, p. 226-227. 6 Kroeber, op. cit p. 227. PROBLEM OF A 'NATIONAL* OR 'OFFICIAL IjANGUAGE* 123 a strong obstacle to political unity in the formative period. Language diversity was felt to be much less of a bar perhaps because of the wide availability of English . speech on upper educational levels. Should political intransigence drive out English, the diversity of natio¬ nalities kept separate by speech might become a greater threat to the political cohesiveness of India.” ® These are weighty remarks from the pen of a detached scholar, which have a ring of prophecy about them and which every Indian should read and re-read with care and solicitude. It is, of course, up to us to prove that Kroeber was mistaken in his forecast about the political cohesive¬ ness of India. This cannot be achieved, however, by mere wishful thinking. It requires first and foremost a recog¬ nition that the demand for linguistic states is a clear and unambiguous index to the ‘ consciousness of kind * which, reinforced by other factors, has produced many nationa¬ lities in India during the past 2,000 years and more. To ignore this development, or to delude oneself, like the proverbial ostrich, that it does not exist, is to ignore one of the most obvious and inescapable facts of history. Any attempt to circumvent or suppress this feeling of natio¬ nality based on language will surely result in mortal violence to the political unity of our country, which it should be the aim of every Indian to promote. The feeling that if somehow a single national language is forced on the multi-lingual population of India it would bring about unity is a dangerous illusion engendered by sheer wishful thinking and displays a gross ignorance of linguistic psychology. In fact it will have just the opposite effect. Having dealt with the ‘ national language * aspect, we shall now consider the question from the ‘ official language * angle. If the advocates of Hindi have as their objective the adoption of Hindi, merely as the ‘ official language ’ of the Indian Union, there is scope for better understand- f This has been made possible only because of the Swiss practice of giving equal recognition to all their mafor languages. 8 Ibid. p. m m TAMIL CULTURE ing between such advocates of Hindi and those who are not necessarily opposed to Hindi but would nevertheless prefer linguistic provisions based on practical considera¬ tions. Before we deal with this issue however, it is desirable to formulate exact views regarding the ‘ regional language If it is accepted that the essence of democracy is government by the people, no government which is administered in a language not spoken and understood by the people can satisfy this vital requirement of democracy. Bharatan Kumarappa, a close associate of Mahatma Gandhi, said with reference to Mahatma Gandhi’s views : “ Gandhiji felt that for the rapid regeneration of our people, the first step was to remove straightaway the foreign medium of instruction from our schools and replace it by the mother tongue. ‘ If I had the powers of a despot, I would to-day stop the tuition of our boys and girls through a foreign medium, and require all teachers and professors on pain of dismissal to introduce the change forthwith, I would not wait for the prepa¬ ration of text-books. They will follow the change. It is an evil that needs a summary remedy.’ (Young India, 1-9-1921). But what, it may be asked, has all this to do with the question of linguistic States ? Everything, would be Gandhiji’s reply. For the language of schools must also be the language of the State. In a democracy you cannot have a State run in a language foreign to the people. Hence the States have to be recognized on the basis of the language of the area.” ® No one who believes in democracy can therefore contest the absolute necessity for education and the administration of the State to be in the language of people of the State. If this is conceded, the next issue to be considered is the specific function to be performed by the ‘ official language ’ of the Union. In order to arrive at an agreed range of functions, it would prove most profitable if we were to spell out the 8 Hindustan Times, Delhi, October 4, 1954. PROBLEM OF A 'NATIONAL* OR 'OFFICIAL. LANGUAGE* 125 « different needs to be fulfilled by language in India, in its three aspects, uiz., regional, administrative (or official) and international. Having thus narrowed the range of needs which the proposed* official language might serve, it should then be possible for us to decide which language is best fitted to be the official language. Broadly, the functions served by the different lan¬ guages in India are : (i) The medium of spoken and written communi¬ cation generally witiiin the region. (ii) the medium of instruction in non-scientific and non-technical subjects; 'iii) the medium of instruction in scientific and technical subjects ; {iv) the language of administration of the State, local bodies, etc.; (u) the language of administration at the Centre and the medium of communication between the Centre and the States and between the States themselves; (vi) the medium of contact with world developments in the fields of science, technology, etc.; vuii) the medium of cultural contacts with the out¬ side world, particularly in regard to economic and political concepts ; (uiii) the medium of international contacts in the fields of diplomacy, foreign trade, etc. With the exception of item (i) and partly item (ii), all the other language needs are at present met by the English language, no doubt, largely as a consequence of historical factors. In the future set up, the functions of the regional 3 126 TAMIL CULTURE language will be expanded to covet items (i), (ii) and (iv) and perhaps also at a later date item (in). (M the rest, the needs of items (ui) to (viii) and also of item (iii) (until the regional language is in a position to handle this) can be met only by an international language such as English, which will therefore continue to serve these needs as hitherto. We are thus left with the single item (u) viz., the language of administration at the Centre and the medium of communication between the Centre and the States and between the States themselves as the sole function to be served by the * official language *, and it is for us to consider, in an atmosphere free of irra¬ tional prejudices and false sentiment, which language will serve best this limited—^indeed extremely limited— objective. Without going into the intrinsic merits or demerits of any language, let us confine ourselves to the question whether either of the two languages which every Indian citizen must of necessity learn to serve the needs specified imder (i) to (iv) and (vi) to (viii), viz., the regional lan¬ guage and English, cannot also serve as the * official language * for the purpose of item (v) and whether there is any compelling need to resort to a third language for this limited purpose. Leaving aside for the moment the ques¬ tion of restricting the number of official languages, there can be no objection on a priori grounds to either or both the regional language and English becoming ‘ official languages ’. Nor is it possible to make out a valid case for the introduction of a third language merely for the extremely limited purpose of serving item No. (u). In a country like India, with miserably low standards of literacy and education, the study of even two languages will consti¬ tute a severe handicap but the imposition of an additional third language will surely be an unbearable and unjustifi¬ able burden. tiftO^LEM OF A 'national^ OR 'OFFICIAL LANGUAGE^ lit? The ideal solution would, of course, be to adopt all the principal languages spoken in India as ‘official languages ’ of the Centre. We have already seen how other multi¬ lingual states like Canada, South Africa, Belgium, Swit¬ zerland and nearer home Ceylon and Pakistan have adopted this obvious solution; the last named country attempted to force a single language as the ‘ officii language ’ but the experiment proved disastrous and was promptly abandoned. There is, however, one weighty objection to the adop¬ tion of all the principal languages of India as ‘official languages * and that is their large number, viz., fourteen. The practical difficulties of adopting as many as fourteen as ‘ official languages ’, especially in the present stage of our economic and social development when there are so many more pressing problems awaiting solution, may prove well nigh insuperable. We have therefore to agree, how¬ soever reluctuntly, to restricting the number of official languages. However, once we concede this, we have also to reconcile ourselves to the natural corollary that the ‘ official language ’ (or languages) of the Union of India will not be understood or spoken by large sections of the people, a defect which, it must be admitted, detracts from the full effectiveness of democracy. In deciding this or similar questions, it is as well to remember that India is a vast sub-continent with a popu¬ lation of over 340 millions and it would show a total lack of statesmanship to think merely in terms of majority and minority, where the interests of large groups of this mag¬ nitude are involved. Any attempt to decide the language issue merely by counting heads or by agreement among political caucuses is bound to have untoward results, as happened in Pakistan. Having come to the conclusion that the number of ‘official languages’ has for practical considerations to be restricted, and having found that either of the two Ian- 128 tAMlL CTJLttift^- guages, which the people of every State have of necessity to learn, viz., the regional language and English, can well serve as the " official language we are left with English as the only language which would meet all the require¬ ments of the case, in other words, as the Hobson’s choice for ‘ official language English is already in the field as the de facto * official language ’ at present and a decision in favour of English creates no fresh problems to tackle. It would also avoid the inevitable discrimination which the choice of any one of the fourteen languages would neces¬ sarily involve. It may be argued that no other country has adopted a foreign tongue as its ‘ official language ’ but let us not forget that we are trying the unique experiment of uniting 10 or more nationalities with as many languages, into a single nation, a colossal experiment which at no time in the history of the world has been conducted with any measure of success. There is of course the sentimental objection against English being the ‘ official language ’ on the ground that it is a foreign tongue but, in a purely historical sense, all the main non-Dravidian languages in India trace their genealogy to what is known as the ‘ Indo-European group of languages ’ and in that sense they are as much foreign to the indigenous peoples of India as English, the only difference being that, in point of time, the former languages have been in India much longer and have been adopted by larger numbers of people as their mother tongue. Further, English is fast shedding its strangeness as a foreign lan¬ guage in most countries of the world on account of the diverse international fimctions it performs to-day and it would be as unreasonable to reject English on the sole, ground that it is not a native language as it would be to reject the political, economic, scientific, technological and cultural knowledge that we have imbibed and are con¬ tinuing to imbibe from’ the rest of the world, on the ground that such knowledge is derived not from na.tive but from foreign sources. One has to weigh the enormous advan- OP a/katIonAl' or ^OFPid^L language* 129 tages to be derived by adopting English as. the official language against mere sentimental prejudices. It would be appropriate here to recall what Mr. Hanumanthiah, the Chief Minister of Mysore and a distinguished Congressman, said in Madras on September 18, 1954. He said: “After all, what we want is knowledge, enlighten¬ ment and liberalization of our minds and outlook. What does it matter therefore, which language can get us these benefits ? And English—^without prejudice to other languages—^is one of the languages that can bestow these benefits on us. “ Space has been annihilated by the ingenuity of man. We are all passing towards what is called a One World State. Even some of our political parties have that idea not only for the purpose of forging a common language but also for establishing what is called ‘ World Peace.’ One World government or State is the ultimate idea. In that idea English language itself becomes an important element. Now as we carry on through the medivun of English, we do not think in terms of Telugu, Kannada or Tamil. We are made to think instinctively as Indians first and last, and to go, a step further and that is the core of the philosophy imbedded in our Sanskrit texts also—^we should treat the whole world as a family. If we develop that outlook, we will also develop the spirit of tolerance towards the English language.” However, if, in spite of all these weighty reasons that compel the adoption of English, it is decided to yield to the sentimental antogonism towards English, the only reasonable and practicable solution appears to be to adopt as ‘ official languages ’: 1. a representative of the Sanskritic languages of the north; 2. a representative of the Dravidian languages of the south; and 3. English, at any rate during a transitional period when the above languages qualify themselves to discharge all the functions which English now discharges; iso ^ A M i L c tj L f ti k i with the condition that all officials at the Centre should have a good working knowledge, in addition to their own mother tongue, of at least one ‘ official language * different from their mother tongue. This will enable those who have a conscientious objection to the use of English to dispense with it as soon as the other ‘ official languages ’ are competent to carry out fully the functions allotted to them. No one will then be imder compulsion to learn more than one language in addition to his mother tongue to meet all his linguistic requirements. Compared with Switzerland, a country with a much smaller population but with three ‘ official languages a similar number cannot be considered as too many for the sub-continent of India. This is a simple solution which meets all points of view, rational as well as sentimental, and at the same time provides for the contingency of English being retained permanently as one of the ‘ official languages ’, should the passage of time assuage the acerbity of feelings against English and render such a course more acceptable than it is now. If there is a spirit of mutual give and take and the people speaking one regional lan¬ guage extend to people speaking other languages the rights and privileges they claim for their own, the solution that is suggested is capable of immediate acceptance and the language problem will once and for all be solved to the satisfaction of everyone concerned, except those few who hanker for a special privilege or status for their own tongue. Undoubtedly, in the emotionally surcharged atmos¬ phere of to-day, the task is no easy one and leaders in this country are faced with an impleasant and thankless duty, but equally the responsibility of those who have to take a decision on such matters is great and any false or thoughtless step may cause imtold havoc to the coimtry and its peoples for generations to come, The sooner there¬ fore the issue is taken out of the arena of party pohtics and treated as a human problem to be studied at a lingu- PROBLEM OP A ^NATIONAL* OR 'OFFICIAL LANGUAGE' 131 istic or scientific level, the greater is the possibility of a permanent solution being arrived at to the satisfaction of all genuine lovers of the country and in the best interests of national welfare. We cannot conclude this discussion better than by quoting the advice which Mahatma Gandhi, the Father of the Nation, offered to Pandit Nehru, when the latter was assailed by doubts: “I will give you a talisman. Whenever you are in doubt, or when the self becomes too much with you, apply the following test. Hecall the face of the poorest and the weakest man whom you may have seen, and ask yourself, if the step you contemplate is going to be of any use to him. Will he gain anything by it ? Will it restore him to a control over his own life and destiny ? In other words, will it lead to Swaraj for the hungry and spiritually starving millions ? Then you will find your doubt and yourself melting away.” Kurinjci By P. L. SAMY, B.SC. The ancient Tamils classified the land into four conventional regions. They are, ‘Kurinjci’, ‘Mullai’, ‘Marutham^ and ‘Neythal’. ‘Kurinjci* refers to the hills and rocky regions, and ‘Mullai’ to the jungles and grassy regions. ‘ Marutham ’ is the irrigated and cultivated lands, ‘ Neythal ’ refers to the coastal tracts. Though they seem to be conventional, a study of the plants that are usually ascribed to these regions reveal that these regions are typical habitats of a few at least of the plants and animals. For example, the plant Cdlophyllum Inophyllum (Punnai) and Ipomea Biloha (At: umbu) are usually found near the sea-shore and they are invariably described in poems which are found under the classification of ‘ Neythal Thinai ’. All mangrove plants (plants suited for sea-shore regions) are accurately mentioned in ‘Neythal’. So also Xerophytic plants (those adapted to hot and desert regions) are described under ‘Pa:lai Thinrai’ which refers to the regions which are dry and rainless with scrub jungles. In order to understand fully ancient Tamil poetry, one has to get a full understanding of the classification under which ancient Cangkam poetry is found. The word ‘ Thinai ’ is very comprehensive and ali-inclusive, denoting the im¬ portant cultural features of ancient Tamils. The Tamil grammarians explained the meaning of it under three heads called ‘ Muthal Porul: ’, ‘ Karu Porul: ’ and ‘ Uri Porul: *. Under ‘ Muthal Porul: ’ come the different regions cind seasons of Tamil Nad. The flora and fauna found in these regions come under ‘ Karu Porul: ’; ‘ Uri- porul: ’ means particular episodes in a man’s love life, psychologically and idealistically ascribed to the particular- l egions. For example the meeting of the lovers is always ascribed to ‘Kurinjci’, the mountain and mountainous KURINJCI 133 regions. The separation of lovers is associated with semi- desert regions and hot summer. The word ‘ Kurinjci ’ originally meant the flowers of a group of shrubs called Strobilanthes. Then- it came to denote the ‘ Thinai ’ imder the three heads. Though Tamil- nad cannot boast of high mountains like the Alps and Himalayas, yet it has got the eastern and the western ghats. In poems classified under ‘ Kurinjci * we can have a glimpse of the food-gathering civilisation of our ancestors. The people of these regions are said to collect the roots and honey and barter them for rice and other foodstuffs of the plains. Though the civilisation portrayed in these poems is of the food-gathering type, it does not necessarily mean the people lived in that stage of civilisation during the third Cangkam period. Poetry by the time of third Cangkam became highly conventionalised and rigid. The same con¬ ventional, idealistic, sonietimes artificial, stereotype situa¬ tions, descriptions and similes are often repeated, but the treatment is often refreshingly free. Probably the third Cangkam poetry represents the declining stage of an epoch in ancient Tamil literature. It would have taken hundreds of years to become so conventionalised, solidified and rigid. Poetry after the third Cangkam continued to draw inspira¬ tion from Cangkam poetry and imitated it without origina¬ lity. It had its rigor mortis due to too much rigidity and artificiality. Then the Kavya period and Bhakthi cult in Tamil Poetry started. The Cangkam poets usually had a keen eye for accurate observation, what modem biologists would term as the ecology of natural scene, of which Crabbe is a past master in English literature. The realistic treatment of nature found in Akanha:- nuitu, Kutunhthokai and Nhattin: ai is absent in later works. Direct observation is found less and less while convention rules the roast in later poetry. The plants are not treated in those earlier works in an idealistic and con¬ ventionalised manner. They strictly belong to the different natural regions. Kurinjci Paittu is a long poem, sung by Kapilar, on ‘ Kurinjci Thin: ai In this work as well as in a 3 134 TAMIL CULTURE grammar called ItaydnaiT Akapporulif almost all the important plants in nature in different regions are grouped in one and the same mountainous region. Such artificial grouping of plants is not found in the earlier works of the Cangkam period. Tamil grammarians explain such artifici¬ ality as ‘ Thain: ai-mayakkambut it is really doubtful whether such a thing was meant by the ancient Tamil grammarians. Such confusion of plants in nature can never be thought of. It is difficult to think that one can find mangrove plants associated with the mountainous regions as Kapilar would have it in Kurinjcippaittu. The high altitude plants can never without mistake be described as belonging to the other regions. Though later commentators tried to give examples of the inter-change of plants in different regions from earlier Cankam poetry, they were not on the whole successful. Nhaccinairkkiniar, the celebrated commentator of Tholkaippiyam, cannot give indisputable examples for ‘ Thin: ai-mayakkam ’ and in the few examples from poetry he gives, he twists the mean¬ ing to serve his purpose. As Kurinjci Pa: ttu was composed to teach a form of Tamil literature as a grammar to a northern king, Kapilar probably took liberties in the description of plants. Such assemblage of all the beauti¬ ful plants in ‘ Kurinjci ’ was merely made to impress the pupil with the beauty of the lovers’ place of tryst. The description of the place of tryst in Kurinjci Pa: ttu and Itayana:r Akapporul: recall to one’s mind Baudelaire’s invocation to an ideal place, where all is beauty, where all is order—and why not— volupto. Even the trees and the creepers seems to be there by order. Later poets went one better than Kapilar in having artificial hills and man-made gardens as the place of the lovers’ meeting. Description of the lovers’ idyllic place of meeting abounds in Cangkam as well as later literature. Shakespeare’s sweetest scene is devoted to the idyllic forest of Arden. Modem psycho¬ logists would even see in such descriptions of idyllic forests and gardens primordial images of Paradise stored in the racial memory. KURINJCi i35 The main theme of Kurinjcippattu is the meeting of lovers. Nature in the mountainous and forest regions is well suited for such secret meetings of the lovers. Besides, as the commentator explains, the beauty of the woods is such as to make even an ascetic think of love. In one of the stories of Guy de Maupassant, an old couple are brought before the judge on a charge of misbehaviour near the woods. The judge takes a lenient view and dismisses the case saying that in winter the woods are dangerous. Love has a natural scope in the woody and hilly regions £ind also in the winter season. Has not Shakespeare said in Twelfth Night that “ Love thoughts lie rich when canopied with bowers ” ? Among the seasons winter was ascribed to ‘ Kurinjci *. A study of psychology made the ancient Tamil poets associate the meeting of the lovers with the mountain¬ ous and forest regions and the winter season. According to Tamil literature lovers like midnight and the small hours for their meetings. Descriptions of nature in Cangkam poetry are strikingly beautiful; The lover is coming in the midnight. The dogs begin to bark. The birds nestle in their nests. The bright moon comes out of the clouds shedding its cool rays on the world. A stray cock mistaking the hour for early dawn, begins to crow. Owls make strange screeching noises. To the lover all these natural phenomena are obstacles to his meeting. All the “ wakeful influences ” of R. L. Stevenson are obstacles to the lovers ’ meetings. In Tholka: ppiyam, the most ancient Tamil grammar now extant, the rising of the moon and the barking of the dogs are mentioned as some of the obstacles. In some of the poems (Akam 5), we see the lover complaining against the barking of the dogs in the midnight and the moon coming out of the clouds. R. L. Stevenson mentions in his book. Travels with a Donkey, the barking of the dogs and the crowing of the cock in the midnight. Poets and novelists seem to be very fond of this phenomenon of the barking of the dogs in the midnight. The dogs barking in the midnight is a common occurrence not only in the villages of Tamilnad but all over 136 tAMit ctiLTUii^ the world. Maurice de Guerin, the French Poet, when describing a French village in Brittany, says that hardly a sound comes from the villages except the barking of the dogs till far into the midnight. A striking similarity to the Cankam poem detailing the obstacles to the lovers’ meeting can be seen in one of the love songs of the tribes of Maikal hills in Central India: At midnight the dogs are barking The stars have come into the sky Long are the leaves of the yoimg bamboos And breaking through them comes my thief At midnight the dogs are barking. —Love Songs of Maikal Hills — By Verrier Elwin and Shamrao Hivale. Here in the simple song of the imsophisticated tribes of Maikal hills, the phenomenon of the dogs barking in the midnight is mentioned twice and, as is usual in Cangkam poetry, the lover is lovingly called a thief. It may bfe conjectured that Cangkam poems though much sophisticated had their origins in such simple love songs. In one of the novels of Alexander Kuprin, a Russian Novelist, the suicide of a university student at midnight is described. During his indecision and hesitancy, he hears the dogs barking from the Moscow suburbs. The student speaks to himself four or five times about the dogs barking and shoots himself. Dr. Verrier Elwin, the eminent anthropologist, says that the Baigas of Chota Nagpur, celebrate the festival for bees once in every nine years, when certain Strobilanthes group of plants bear flowers gregariously and attract swarms of bees. The Baigas celebrate the ceremonial eating of the wild honey at the end of the festival. The shrubs which they call ‘ Mohate ’ and ‘ Amhere ’ flower and the bees make a great deal of honey. The Baigas also have a legend for the bee festival. At the end of the festival the men return from the forest with baskets of honey and they dance round the fire with the' branches of Strobilanthes tied to their loins. I am indebted to Dr. Verrier Elwin for the above information. The ancient Tamils were very much interested in this plant, Strobilanthes. The word KUftikjCl ‘ Kurinjci ’ took its name after the name of the flower of the plant. In Kutunhthokai, Nhattin:ai, Akanha:^ nu: tu and other Cangkam works, there are many references to this plant. Putam 374 mentions mountains clothed with black stalk Strobilanthes. That the flower has got lot of nectar and is specially liked by the insects was well- known to the ancient Tamil poets. They also noted the numerous shieldlike honeycombs that were found during the flowering season of these plants. The Tamils consi¬ dered the honey of this plant the sweetest of all honey got in the forest. The present day Baigas and the ancient Tamils have noted the flowering of this strange plant and the glut of honeycombs during its flowering time. This shows that the tribal people should have had some sort of intercourse with the ancient Tamils. The Todas of Nilgiris even now calculate the age of their children by reckoning the flowering of this plant. The primitive Tamils calculated the years by the flowering of the tree called ‘ Vengai The Gazetteer of the Nilgiris also mentions the strange plant flowering every twelfth year. According to botanists, the Strobilanthes is a conspicu¬ ous undergrowth of mountainous regions. It flowers after about nine years and continues flowering till the twelfth year and then dies. There are several species of this plant in South India and Ceylon. They are found 6,000 feet above sea level in the Western Ghats, the Nilgris, Kodai- kanal and the Palni Hills. As the plant is found only in the mountainous regions and as it seems to be very strange and peculiar, the ancient Tamils aptly and ingeniously named the mountainous regions and its civilisation by the name of the flower. The other regions are also named after the flowers of the different plants peculiar to the different regions. No commentator can take refuge under ‘ Thin;ai- mayakkam ’ and say that Strobilanthes can be ascribed with accuracy to the other regions. Strobilanthes in nature can never be foimd in other regions. ‘ Thiniai-mayakkam’ as applied to many plants and even some animals can never be correct. TAiVIIL CULTURE m There are four well-known species of Strobilanthes in South India i.e., Strobilanthes caudatus, Strobilanthes anceps, and Strobilanthes kunthianus. Strobilanthes amabilois and kunthianus grow on the eastern side of the Nilgris. The Tamils even distinguished a few of the species by the colour of the flowers. Many Cangkam poems men¬ tion particularly the black stalk of the flower {Kutunh- thokai 3, Akanha:nu:tu 308 and Putam 374). The Tamils named the different ‘ra:kas’ under ‘Kurinjci Pan: ’ (a tune peculiar to the mountainous regions) by the different colours of the flowers of this plant. One ‘ ra: ka ’ was called ‘Me:ka Ra:ka Kurinjci’, as the flower of one kind of Strobilanthes had grey flowers. Another ‘ra:ka’ was called ‘ Viyarba Kurinjci ’ as the flower was of bright red colour. One later poem compares the colour of the ‘ Kurinjci ’ flower to that of ‘ kumkum ’ (a red powder used for adornment by women), ‘Ponvan:n:a Kurinjci’ probably refers to the yellow colour of yet another species. This shows that the Tamils psychologically associated certain colours with certain tunes and melodies. In the name of the well-known ‘ ra: ka ’ called ‘ Ni:la: mpuri ’ there is the association of blue colour. This ‘ra:ka’ was formerly called ‘ Sathari ’ which also means blue. The Tamils seem to have had some sort of notion about ‘ colour- music ’. Certain colours are associated with the music of certain well-known musicians like Bach, Mozart, Beethoven and others in western countries. It is realiably learnt that the gregarious flowering of the Strobilanthes has already started in Kodaikanal and the Nilgiris. It was seen to flower in 1910, 1922, 1934 and 1946. Some of the love songs of Maikal hills have strange, significant echoes in the love songs of the Cangkam litera¬ ture. The imagery and nature description in these poems and songs have something in common which one cannot fail to note. Some of the customs and ideas of the tribal people have their counterpart in Cangkam poems. There must have been some connection between some of the hill tribes KUBINJCI 139 of other parts of India and Tamil people in ancient times. This is a field of research which is sure to yield good results. Though nothing can be said about the cultural intercourse of these tribes with the ancient Tamils one cannot fail to notice the striking similarity of their customs and songs with those of the ancient Tamils. Incidentally such a com¬ parative study of the songs, customs and practices of the tribes will be helpful in finding out whether the Tamils came from the North or spread out from the South. Here is a field of research which scholars should pursue with profit. For the benefit of botanists and those interested in botany I am here giving a scientific description of the plant from an authority on systematic botany. STROBILANTHES I Shrubs, undershrubs or herbs, often gregarious and only flowering after a period of nine years and then dying off. Leaves opposite, often unequal, toothed or subentire, usually lineolate with raphides as are the bracts and other green parts. Flowers capitate or in strobilate or inter¬ rupted bracteate spikes or panicled, sessile or sometimes pedicelled, usually with 1 floral bract and 2 bracteoles. Calyx usually deeply 5-partite, the lobes narrow, sub¬ equal or one longer, rarely 2-lipped. Corolla usually white blue or purple, rather large, straight or curved, the upper part ventricose, the lower cylindric; lobes 5, rounded or ovate, twisted to the left in bud. Stamens 2 or, more usually, 4 didynamous; filaments monadelphous, the bases combined in a sheath more or less adherent at the middle of the corolla, the margins free; anthers oblong, muticous, 2-celled. Disk small or as a stalk to the ovary. Ovary 2-celled, ovules 2 in each cell; style linear; stigma of one branch, linear the other suppressed or a mere point. Fruit a 2- or 4- seeded capsule, the placentas sometimes separating elastically. Seeds much compressed, glabrous or hairy on strong curved retinacula. Bharathi's Youth (^1882-1904') KAMIL ZVELEBIL, Ph.D., PRAGUE. The southernmost part of the Indian peninsula is occupied by the district of Timnelveli the very heart of Tamilnad; it lies at the eastern foot of the sacred Podiyil hill—on its slopes the Tamil language is said to have been born. And not far from this part of the Tamil country lies the famous Madurai, the cradle of Tamil civilization. The district of Tirunelveli is a big plain, sloping gradu¬ ally to the east, cut by shallow river-beds which are fed by periodical freshes and floods. The surface of the soil is covered by a thin layer of crumbling quartz and reddish earth; yellowish and rusty dust gives the characteristic tinge to the whole nature here. Of all the thirty-four rivers, which spring in the mountains in the north-west, clothed in ever¬ green forest, only Tamiraparuni, and Sitraru keep water constantly, being fed both by south-west and north-east monsoons. Along the sea-coast run coral reefs ; on the arid shore and its dunes ((S^ifl)grow palmyra palms ; shallow waters, small lakes and back-waters near the coast are used as salt- marshes. The country lying to the north ot the Gulf of Mannar is a sort of arid steppe or heath; flat, sandy, salt, v/hitish or reddish ground is covered by bushes, palmyras, in places by patches of plantains, or banana trees, irrigated from wells, strewn here and there with herds of cattle and buffaloes and flocks of sheep. This arid country has for long been a typical emigration territory.^ The history of this country is unusually rich and varied. Politically it had belonged, incidentally, either to the neigh¬ bouring Tiruvidangur State or to the Pandiyan Kingdom (up till 1064, when the Pandiyans were beaten by the great Rajendra Choladeva). After Muslim invasion in 1310-11 1. In 1878-79 only, 34,083 emigrants left Tirunelveli District for Ceylon. BHARATHI'S YOUTH (1882-1904) 141 a restoration of the Pandiyas took place. But nearly for four hundred years the country was subjected to terrible anarchy and suffering, brought incidentally by Muslim ad¬ venturers, pretenders to the Pandiyan throne and Telugu Nayakkas. Since 1774 the territory was ruled by * inde¬ pendent* poligars, appointed mostly by the Nawab of Arcot. In 1801 the British made the best use of anarchy and confusion and occupied the whole territory. At the time of Bharathi’s birth the district had 1,700,000 inhabitants in 39 towns and 1,458 villages (86% Hindus, 8% Christians and 5% Muslims). Over 50% of the whole population were tillers. 16%, the Nadars, lived by the toddy-tapping and jaggery-making industry. There were about 9% of Paraiyar*, 6% of Idaiyar (herds-men), 4% of crEiftsmen and 4% of Brahm*ans. There was only 1% of Chettis (traders). The tillers cultivated rice (about 30%), sesamum )sesamum indicum), ragi {Eleusine corocana), castor-plant, betel, coriander, spiked millet (Pennisetum typhoideum ), cholam Sorghum vulgare ), bananas, red-pepper, tobacco, coffee (rarely), coconuts and mangoes (on river banks). 15% of cultivated land is occupied by cotton, especially round Kovilpatti not far from our poet’s birth-place. At the time of Bharathi’s birth, 60% of all inhabitants lived under ryotwari system, 29% of the soil belonged to the Zamindars and 8% was inam-land. Those 1,446 sq. miles of zamindari-land were divided among 19 landlords; one of the wealthiest of them was the raja of Ettayapuram, who has been paying yearly £8,836 fixed revenue. Ettayapuram in the Ottapidaram taluk of Tirunelveli District was, in fact, in Bharathi’s time, a small “king¬ dom ” for and in itself. In 1,878, 349 villages with 126,660 inhabitants belonged to the zamindar, whose revenue was 28,781 pounds yearly. In addition to the 2. Often mentioned in Bharathi’s prose and poems together with the Fallar. (udrmrit) 4 TAMIL CULTURE 142 tillers, there lived many Nadars there who made their living out of the 70 thousand palmyras growing in this samas- thanam. Now, Bharathi’s life begins like a fairly-tale. In this Tirunelveli country, in the land of palmyras, rice and cotton—and of the southern dialects of Tamil— there lived a devout Saivite Brahman by name of Suppaiyar with his wife Baghiradiyammal, childless and lonely for a long time. After much penance and many vows a daughter was born imto them, by name of Kuppammal and then a son Sinnachami, the father of our poet. The daughter was safely married, the son educated in the good old traditional way, Sinnachami Aiyar, learned deeply in Sanskrit and Tamil, in astrology, medicine and other traditional sciences and art—^but having also a fair knowledge of English—^won the first place at the ‘ court ’ of Ettayapuram. The then ‘ ruling * zamindar (he called himself maharaja or sama- sthanadhipati) gave assistance to traditional learning and education which was a medley of admirable formal knowledge and exceedingly well-trained memory, very minute and very uncritical knowledge of Tamil and Sanskrit literature, a hotch-potch of astrological, ayurvedic and linguistic as well as religious and philosophical ideas, of enlightenment and superstitions. This was the atmos¬ phere, in which Bharathi was living as a small boy and as a promising youth. At the Ettayapuram samasthanam—^this body of syco¬ phantic panegjrrists was called a rajasabha—the survivals of defenerate, oriental despotism had joined with typical marks of landlordish capitalism. According to Bharathi himself, this mixture produced an atmosphere of “ a cage ” and “ a drowsy kingdom The poet describes landlords in several places of his works and imdoubtedly the basis of these descriptions has been formed by his re- 14S fcilARATHl^S YOUTH (1882-1904) collections of his green years, spent in Ettayapuram. So, for example, he writes in his Essays p. 373 : “ In the above said Ettayapuram there lives also a zamindar. He is now about thirty or thirty-five years of age. He is handsome to look at—^not unlike a ripe, pinkish lemon. You recognize in his appearance and in his be¬ haviour English jeducation at once. Nay, his habits remain one of a poligar from old times . . . He loves horse-races and huntings dearly; he keeps four hundred pointers . . . In that palace of his he has twelve wives, wedded unto him according to law — and besides a train of mistresses . . . The said zamindar is also a great devotee of Shiva; he uses most abundantly ashes of cow-dung and rosary of nuts The poet’s father, as already said, became one of the first savants in the rajasabha of the zamindar. This wonderful man—^though an orthodox Saivite and Brahman —^was strongly influenced by the storm of his times and some of his keen ideas were both modern and surprising ; he spent his time in attempts to carry out his plans of industrialization of backward tracts of Southern India and in strong efforts to propagate modern technical and machine-work methods in handicraft and agricultme. Sinnachami Aiyar married the daughter of his maternal imcle, Lakshmi. On the 11th December, 1882, a son was bom unto them in Ettayapuram, whom they called Subrah- manya. The eighties of the last century were for India a time of social,, political and cultural revolution, the time, when the third period of modern Indian history began—^the era of monopolist financial capitalism. The era of commercial capitalism, the characteristic feature of which was forced import of English products, came to its end during that time. 3. I am informed that Bharathi has described a zamindar samastha n am in a brilliant manner in his ChinTuichankaran kathai. Unfortunately I have not been able to use this text for my study. 144 TAMIl C\j'LTURS About the year 1800 roughly half of all Indians had been living by agriculture, the other half had been spending its time in handloom industry, wood-carving, dye-work, metal- engraving and other handicrafts. At the beginning of our century nearly two thirds of India’s population lived by agriculture. The end of the nineteenth century is thus a period of further decline of Indian home-industry. At the same time it is the period of permanent crisis in agriculture in the form of repeated famines. There are three main reasons for this crisis : the constant move of the people from towns to the country, primitive agricultural methods and the indebtedness of the peasants, growing from generation to generation. The gulf between the landlord on the one side and the small farmer on the other deepens very consi¬ derably. The tendency towards industrialization appears simultaneously with the tendency to do away definitely with small Indian home-industry. In 1900, already more than a million of Indians worked in factories ruled by modern capitalist methods—especially textile-works and indigo producing factories. This development was recog¬ nized and felt by Bharathi, and, what more, it has been rightly analyzed by him in one of his essays.^ Politically this was the period when the last phase of the Indian National Movement was •started. The American fight for Independence, the French Revolution and the ideas and ways of Western European parliamentary democracies are some of the sources of the democratic and national movement in India in the nineteenth century. Not a few places in Bharathi’s work reveal deep influence of Gari¬ baldi’s and Mazzini’s writings. But, at the same time, the Indian fight for freedom roots deeply in native soil; it unfolds from the inner social and political relations in India itself,' ■The Engli^^ Western education in India. This education has become the means and channel through which Indian intelligentsia comes into contact with demo- 4. * QfEirifisoiriarit ’ Essays, p. 592. i4S feHAliATHi^s YOtJ’rtt (1882-1904) cratic ideas of the West, with the works of Shelley, Byron, Thoreau, Emerson, Whitman and those of Mazzini, Garibaldi, Tolstoy, Chekhov and Gorky, to name only authors cited in Bharathi's works. The progressive role played by the British raj in India—the deep and bold reforms, abolishing of suttee, thugee etc., led by such splendid men as Sir Henry Lawrence—ceases to be progres¬ sive gradually in the last years of the nineteenth century and, at the same time, new forces rise in Indian society, represented by young, greedy native bourgeoisie and the new, educated middle-class of lawyers, doctors, journalists, teachers and administrators. In the year 1882—^the year of our poet’s birth—first symptoms of fight between the old British and the young Indian bourgeoisie, full of progres¬ sive ideas of Liberty, Equality, Fraternity, appear in the well-known request of Lancashire weavers to abolish import duties, as a result of their feeling anxious about the growth of Indian textile industry. As another instance of new Indian undertaking we may mention the founding of Swadeshi Shipping Company by a friend of our poet, the Tamil hero, V.O. Chidambaram Pillai, in 1908. In those years, stir and commotion appear also among the masses of the Indian people. The evolution of the national movement was not, of course, equal in all parts of the land. The most progressive and awakened territory was Bengal, ready to fight. The southernmost parts of India, where Bharathi was born, had been more conserva¬ tive. South India was a country without industry, the prevailing system of agriculture being ryotwari,—^not so cruel and exploiting a system as Zamindari. There has been, also, in South India a strong and influential class of Brahmans, and the role played by religion has been very strong. Another important fact was that the Indian revolt in 1857 was nearly without any reaction in South India. Although the southern parts of India had been for long the scene of early colonial conquests, it was Bengal where the actual history of British occupation and rule began. Calcutta was the administrative, commercial and cultural 146 ^AMtLCULtttki centre of British India. And here also, in 1885, three years after our poet’s birth, the Indian National Congress was founded. And the cultural and literary development of the country has been very unequal, too. Whereas in Bengal the literary and cultural renaissance was fully flourishing, in Southern India the educated only began to contact Western thought, the literary products of Europe and ^ America, the political ideas of bourgeois revolution and parliamentary democracy. Tamil literature had been captivated by old, traditional, sterile and unproductive themes. Since Father C. J. Beschi’s Paramartha Kuruvin Kathai, there had appeared no really valuable piece of good Tamil prose. Tamil authors had been going on composing their stale poetry according to old prescriptions. The litera¬ ture was not at all quite so “ excellent ” as K. S. Ramaswami Sastri says in his book, A Primer . , Madras, 1953. And Bharathi felt it and fought against it: u3SS)fl)^rr& iSLD&^ishCoerr uipiij<3S&D^s^r Q^ir<^su^CBecirir LTlSleiDLDuSi^&O There is no use in boasting among ourselves in private about past glories. The author quoted says rightly in his book (p. 118) : “ . . . there is (sc, in the nineteenth century) a clash between the ancient and the modern cultures. It cannot be said that the century discloses any remarkable literary achievement . . . What we see in the nineteenth century is a crop of Puranas and Stotras in the old styles, and a crop of translations of western works ...” In the second haK of that century several more influential authors appear and their common feature is the love for the past; they do not or will not see the painful problems of the present. We shall show only a typical example of the work of such authors. It is the “drama” Manonmaniyam (1891) by P. Sundaram Pillai, Professor of Philosophy; the author says himself in the introduction : “ The play here sub¬ mitted, it is needless to say, is meant for the study room and BHARATHl'S YOUTH (1882-1904) 147 not the stage . . . The plot of the play is bas^ on one of Lord Lytton’s Last Tales of Miletus . . The author had to write a commentary on his own play, and he asks the reader to be “ provided with a good Tamil dictionary ” to be able to read it. Well, it was an attempt to create Tamil drama, and to incite the reader to study further the literary language. We shall not refer to various writers and poets flourishing in the second half of the nineteenth century. We want to mention only Arumuga Navalar of Jaffna (1823-1879) who designed certainly a more useful pattern for further development by his edition of classical texts. He was the pupil of Percival—and, here we want to stress the fact that it is time to appraise the work done for Tamil and Tamil literature by European missionaries and orienta¬ lists. Damodaram Pillai (1832-1901) deserved well of Tamil classical literature by his editing Tolkappiyam Kalittogai, Virasoliyam and other ancient works. This meritorious work had been kept up by the late Mahamaho- padhyaya Dr. Swaminatha Aiyar, one of the greatest scholars of Tamilnad in recent times. Conditions enabling Tamil literary evolution to change radically developed not until the very end of the nineteenth century when the Bengali Renaissance culminated in the work of Rabindranath Tagore, when the very bosom of national movement was shaken by inner struggle. Raj am Iyer is a forerunner of Bharathi in the sense that he deals with current and contemporary Tamil life in his novel Kamalamhal Sarittiram. He combines realism with romance ; and, naturally, it is necessary, according to him, to become reconciled with everything, for whatever happens is for oiir benefit. A sort of revolution in the development of Tamil litera¬ ture and in the whole cultural and political life of Tamilnad is the birth of Tamil Journalism, associated for ever with the name of G. Suppiramaniya Ayyar, the founder of Swadeshamitran, a future tribune of Bharathi. Stoa- deshamitran, had been playing in the service of the national 148 TAMIL CULTURE moveinent, a progressive role in political and literary development of Tamilnad for many years. Only when reading a quotation which says that “ the vernacular news¬ papers of Madras, printed in Tamil and Telugu, are politi¬ cally unimportant, being still for the most part devoted to religion” vide p. 480, Imperial Gazetteer of India, we realize the importance of this daily for South Indian development. In 1880 two papers were founded by Bal Gangadhar Tilak, the Marathi daily Kesari (The Lion) and the English weekly The Maratha. The movement in Bengal, Tilak’s speeches and writings and Swadeshamitran were the three important, native and Indian sources—contemporary, daily sources, of the intoxicating nectar of patriotic and revolutionary ideas for the young poet. Thus we see that at that time, economic, social, political and cultural condi¬ tions developed in such a way as to draw the attention of Tamil authors to the future of Mother India. Bharathi’s mother died when the boy was five. His father married again one of his remote relatives by name of Valliyammal to give motherly care and attention to both his children, Suppaiya® and his little sister, Bagirathi. This good young woman became Suppaiya’s dear and faithful friend, rather than a mother. The origins of the inner conflicts and contradictions in Bharathi’s work are rooted deeply in his very youth. There is, on one side, the atmosphere full of Brahmanic orthodoxy, customs and manners, of classical Tamil and Sanskrit poetry, of sutras and sastras and Puranic tales ; on the other the progressive, courageous ideas of his father, who prefers natural science to traditional knowledge, who regards mathematics as the queen of all knowledge._ And he hopes that his son will study deeply this science and then carry out the father’s plans of industrialization. 5. «ua>uujir rrdru^ uirir^iua-(si(s dtilQif Qs^&eoCiQuiuf, (Sellammal Bharathi, Bharathiyar Sarittiram, p. 6). BHARATHi’s YOUTH (1882-1904) J49 There is a nice anecdote told about' Bharathi’s Lehrjahre; his father asked him to go and study mathe¬ matics and Suppaiya began to sing words-, rhyming with (Kaniakku) (6sasrjn'(SiJ^jb(SU u^ecirs !5T(^® © (s3il-i—^. (BeuiriLQu lj^si/, s-rfies)LD <£5L_(sroLOS6S(^dS(gU UlUSsfiGOSsO. CTSWCoSi; 65irf5rri-^^ J^gg), ^aasfuuL^ £-if}6S}Uiujrr6fririS(e^d5(^ii> ^ssii—Qiu ^Q^iB^euis^ ^uuefith QfijSis^^. ^^(ssr L9fficio members of the Editorial Board) ACADEMY OF TAMIL CULTURE Office-bearers for 1954-55 President: The Hon’ble Mr. JUSTICE N. SOMASUNDARAM,- Puisne Judge, High Court of Judicature, Madras. Vice-Presidents: Mr. R. P. SETHU PILLAI, Mr. A. V. RAMAN University of Madras _ Mr. KARUMUTHU THIAQARAJAN CHETTIAR CHETTIAR Mr. A. SUBBIAH Hony. Secretary: ^Dr. M. VARADARAJAN, Pachaiappa’s College Hony. Treasurers: Mr. V. S. THYAGARAJA MUDAUAR Mr. C. AMRITAGANESA MUDALIAR • (fee back Inside cover page for names of members of the Governing Council) Vol. IV. No. 3 JULY, 1955 TAMIL CULTURE JOURNAL OF THE ACADEMY OF TAMIL CULTURE CONTENTS TAMIL CULTURAL INFLUENCES IN SOUTH EAST ASU Xavier S. Thani Nayagam, M.A., MJJtt., S.T.D. 203 TATAKA IN OTHER LITERATURES T. P. Meenakshisondaran, M.A., M.O.L., B.L. .t21 THE SHORT STORY AND ITS DEVELOPMENT IN TAMIL A. Chidambaranatha Chettiar, M;A., Ph.D. 227 THE PALLAVAS, THEIR ORIGIN AI^ THEIR TITLE “VIDELVIDUGU” C. Nagalingam 239 A STUDY IN MULLAIPPA;T:T:U V. Kandaswami Madaliar, B.A., L.T. 258 THE DRAVIDIAN QUESTION ANSWERED J. T. Cornelius, M.A., M.D.,M.P.H.,Ph.D. (Load). 263 REVIEWS 276 NEWS AND NOTES 279 SYSTEM OF TRANSLITERATION 283 All Rights Reserved Rs, 5 yearly OUR CONTRIBUTORS Rev. Dr. Xavier S. Thani Nayagam, M.A., M.Litt., S.T.D., founder and Chief Editor of this > journal is a member of the Department of Eduucation, University of Ceylon. HeL recently made extensive tours of South East Asian countries. T. P. Meenakshisundaran, M,A., M.O.L., B.L,, is the chief Professor of Tamil, Presidency College, Madras. Dr. A. Chidambaranatha Chettiar, M,A,, Ph.D., is a Professor of Tamil, Annamalai University. He recently visited the Universities in England. C. Nagalingam is in the service of the Government Department of National Museums, Ceylon. V. Kandasami Mudaliar, B.A., L.T., is a retired Headmaster of the Chintadripet High School, Madras. Dr. J. T. Cornelius, M.A., M.D., M.P.H., Ph.D. (Lond.), a retired officer of U.P. Public Health Services, is the Vice-President of the Archaeological Society of South India for 1955-56. Tamil Cultured Influences in South East Asia XAVIER S. THANI NAYAGAM It has been remarked that in the study of Indian and Ceylonese cultural influences in South-East Asia, Indian scholarship has not been characterised by dispassionate judgment and that Indian scholars have made large and juajlistifiable claims for their own part of India.^ If this may be said with justification of certain Indian scholars with reference to their own part of India, it may not be said with any justification of the scholars who have written of the overseas influence of the Tamil and Kalinga parts of India. The cultural influence for which these regions were responsible has not been sufficiently studied, nor has the available material been satisfactorily interpreted. As in a great number of fields of similar studies, the South Indian and Ceylonese, and, especially, the Tamil contribu¬ tion has not received the notice it deserves. The blame for this lacuna in South-East Asian historical research is to be laid at the doors of South Indian scholars themselves who, as a rule, have not directed their interests to South- East Asia. The French, Dutch and English scholars who have devoted themselves to the study of South-East Asia have been pioneers in exploring the various points of contac^ between India and the other countries. In tracing the history of Burma, Thailand, Funan, Champa, Cambodia, Malaya, Sumatra, Java, Bali, Borneo, and even the Philip¬ pines, they have examined the data available to them in documents and monuments. The studies of P. Pelliot, 1 H. G. QUARITCH-WALES, The Making of Greater India. London 1951, p. 1, p. 22. 204 TAMIL CTJI4TU11E G. Maspero, H. Parmentier, G. de Coral Remtisac, L. Finot. Ph. Stern, George Coedes, N. J. Krom, W. F. Stutterheim, P. Mus, R. Heine-Geldern, Quaritch-Wales, P. Schnitger, and the American, Lawrence F. Briggs, to mention the more prominent, have indicated sufficiently the material that yet awaits examination and study by Indians and Ceylonese themselves. Among the better known Indians and Ceylonese who have published studies on South-East Asia are A. F. Ananda Coomaraswamy, R. C. Majumdar, and K. A. Nilakanta Sastri. The Greater India Society of Bengal was formed for the purpose of these studies, and Bengal was the part of India that showed greatest interest in the historical discoveries and problems of South-East Asia. R. C. Majum¬ dar heads the list of historians from Bengal who have written on various aspects of Greater India, but no such list of names may be made of historians in those other parts of India which contributed to the colonisation and develop¬ ment of the lands across the Indian seas. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri stands almost alone in this field among living South Indian historians. With characteristic industry, K. A. Nilakanta Sastri has made ample use of the material to be found in the works of the French and Dutch savants, especially of George Coedes, but Sastri^s works have not thrown any appreciable new light on South Indian influences in South East Asia. Andhra and Tamil Nad contributed to the Indian overseas influences more than other parts of India, and though Sastri has collected together the data concerning Southern India, his works lack the freshness and resource that come of extensive investigation and studies made in the countries themselves subject to Indian influence. On a new unexplored field of study, it more becomes University men to make preliminary research in situ than transcribe from books, journals and periodicals available in a library. “ My obligations,” says Prof. Nilakanta Sastri in his preface to South Indian Influ¬ ences in the Far East, “ to the French and Dutch archaeolo- tAMlL CUtTtjRAii iJjFLUfeNCfiS tN S.E. ASIA 205 gists who have worked in Indo-China and in Java, in particular to the learned contributions'of Professors G. Ccedes and N. J. Krom, will be apparent on every page.”* His indebtedness to the European archaeologists is apparent in every page as also is his failure to make such new contribution or interpretation as may be expected of an authority on South Indian history. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri seems too preoccupied with illustrating the influence of Brahminism and Sanskrit to be able to make a satisfactory appraisal of the remaining sources of South Indian influence in the South East. While dealing with the sources of Indian influence abroad, K, A. Nilakanta Sastri has this paragraph: In. what manner did Hindu influences spread in the eastern lands, and what was the motive of the migra¬ tion of' the Hindus to the eastern countries ? In a general way, this movement may well be looked upon as just a continuation of the process by which the Deccan and South India were Aryanised and Hinduised by the inflow of northern influences. • Having secured the prevalence of their culture in the whole of Jambudvipa, the apostles of Aryan culture turned their attention to the neighboxir- ing lands {dvipantara) across the sea.^ The above passage is redolent of the kind of generalisa¬ tion that used to be current twenty-five to fifty years ago. Even K. A. Nilakanta Sastri has had to repeat like his source-books that the “apostles of Aryan culture” had non-Aryan precursors and sponsors, for he adds two pages later; The part of the learned Brahmin priest might appear at first sight to be the most important of all; but then his services would be required and appreciated only in a society that has already gained acquaintance with Hindu culture and institutions, and it seerris extremely unlikely that Brahmins went out in any numbers in a missionary 2 K. ^ NILAKANTA SASTRI, South hfidion Influences in the Far Bombay, 1949. South-East Asia is a more accurate designation for these countries than “Far East”, witness REGINALD LE MAY’S title to his book. The Culture of South East Asia, London, 1954. ^ K* A. NILAKANTA SASTRI, South Indian Influences o.c., p. 122: Id.; History of Sri Vijoyo, Madras, 1949, p. 6 ft ^06 TIAMIL CULTURE spvit to preach their creed and commend their practices to people who were utter strangers to both. Even Bud¬ dhist monks, who were far more eager to preach their gospel, often awaited a call before they started on a preaching mission. The case of a Brahmin founder of a kingdom like Kaundinya of Fu-nan is of course quite another matter. The best course then would be to sup¬ pose that the merchant’s role was the most important at the outset, and when success attended his enterprise and a mixed society arose, the priest came in to consolidate it and make it a centre from which the process of Hin- duisation could be extended further into fresh lands.'* K. A. Nilakanta Sastri’s book is disappointing regard¬ ing its avowed piirpose: We propose to consider only one particular aspect of the movement, and of the early history of the States, their art and social life with a view to estimating the role of Southern India in their evolution.® The art and social life of these States have not been estimated by the author. Except for a sentence here and there, the architecture and sculpture and the other arts have not been studied with regard to their origins and evolution. There is precious little of the social customs and institutions which argue a South Indian origin except for a condensed summary of what has already been said by foreign scholars. < Two illustrations of these shortcomings niay not be irrelevant. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri includes H. G. Quaritch- Wales’ Siamese State Ceremonies in his bibliographical list.® In this book, Quaritch-Wales has a chapter on the 4 K. A. NILAKANTA SASTRI, South Indian Influences, o.c., p. 125-6; see G. Coedes, Les etats hindouises d’Indochine et d’Indonesie, Paris, 1948, p. 36-38. 5 K. A. NILAKANTA SASTRI, South Indian Influences, o.c., p. 1. 6 H. G. QUARITCH-WALES, Siamese State Ceremonies, London, 1931, pp. 54-63 and 238-255. Quaritch-Wales in d.escribing the ceremony of actual coronation has these words (p. 83) : “ The king seated himself on the Bhadrapitha Throne beneath an umbrella of seven tiers, which, after the king was crowned, was replaced by one of nine tiers, emblematic of full sovereignty. The High Priest of Siva then came before him and, after gendering homage, pronounced the Tamil mantra, the Siamese name of which means “ opeidng the portals of Kailasa 1’AMtL CULttJRAt INFLtJENCES m Slt/AsiA 20*? swinging festival and refers to a hymn sung in Tamil at the coronation of the Thai Kings. Nilakanta Sastri has either not adverted to these references in the book or has ignored these references as being of no consequence to the descrip¬ tion of “ social life with a view to estimating the role of Southern India in their evolution Nilakanta Sastri would have estimated the importance of these pages differently had he visited the Brahmin temples in Bangkok and heard the Brahmin priests recite the Tamil verses used in the Triyamhavay Tripavay festival and in the coronation ceremonies of their kings. He would have recognised the verses as the first two of Manikkavasagar’s Thiruvempavai? 7 See G. U. POPE, Tiruvasagam, Oxford, 1900, pp. 104-105. The verses are given here with the English translation: (Sfir^maJ luirCbuiru^i (SsilXSi^iLfih, ajiruLi-jiiseisr LDirQfi ! aj&T(§^(3(utr .* ^ekQffeSQujir iSA'Qs=e3^irdr f uiirCS^aj^ ojirtsipAsm eutri^^^uj euirifi^Q^freSCSu/riu sff^deuirius QslLi—^CSid, eSihuSeQihiB QiPtuihiPinii jfi CSur^trir ^tLaDuS^Qm Lfir|p). The latter grows on sea beaches and on the banks of lagoons. We have already seen the meaning of the 8 C. Minakshi, Social Life and Administration under the Pallavas, p. 45. 0 Ibid, p. 46. I'Hte PALLAVAS ANb tHfeiR titLE “ VIDfiLVIbUGU Ml second part of the term videl vidugu. Now the first part videl may be split into vidu - Vel (eBCB’Qeud)) Vidu means to drop and Vel means chief. So Viduvel means the chief who drops and the complete term Videlvidugu split into (Vidu + Vel) + Vidugu means the chief who drops the sounder. In modern Tamil the position of the different words will be Vidugu + {Vidu + Vel). In old Tamil the position was perhaps the other way about or such interchange of positions may have been a peculiar feature in the formation of nautical terms. The Tamil name Muruga Vel which is also found in the form Vel Murugan or Vel Murugu shows that such change of posi¬ tions did take place in the past. As regards the words Vidu-Vel becoming Videl an examination of the derivation of the modern Tamil word Thandaiyal (^(sssretnL-iu^) which has been anglicised into tindal meaning master of the ship will show that the derivation of Videl from Vidu-V el is not wrong. The word Thandaiyal is derived from Thandu-Al Thandu is oar and Al is person. So Thandaiyal means oar person at the oar or holding the oar. It will be noticed here that the I (err) in the Al has become 1 (^) as in the word videl. Even today small crafts constructed by the Tamils are not usually provided with the device for fixing the helm and in place of the helm an ordinary oar is used as an improvised helm to control the direction of the vessel. In the distant past when the Tamils first ventured out on the sea in small crafts an ordinary oar must have been always used as the directing helm, and the person who held it was called Thandu Al or Thandaiyal. Another possible objection which may be raised with regard to the derivation of Videl may be about the word Vel ((Ssuerr). It is commonly believed and frequently stated that the word Vel had an exclusive application to the chiefs of the Marutham or agricultural regions of the Tamil land. That this view is not correct is evident from the Indus valley inscriptions as deciphered by Fr. Heras ^48 tAM^L CULTUfti in hi 5 epoch-making work The Proto-Indo-Mediterrahean Culture and also from the Tamil word Vela ((Seuetrir) which means the sword fish or shark which is the king of the tropical seas. In the early days of man’s adventure on the sea in small crafts the master of the craft probably had two functions as he has even today in such crafts, namely, (1) sounding the depth of the sea, and (2) controlling the helm. Of the two, sounding the depth was probably the earlier and more vital one. At a time when man’s knowledge of pro¬ pelling his craft was in the initial stage? he would have been extremely careful not to get into deep and dangerous waters from which he would not have been able to get' back to the shore, and therefore frequent soundings would have been necessary. In modern sailing vessels the two fimctions mentioned above are delegated to a senior member of the crew or to a second in command called the Malumi (mtr^Ld) ov Chukkani None else can attend to the two functions without an express order from the master or from the duly appointed second in command. When a ship happens to be sailing in the vicinity of shallow or rocky waters the order Viduthai Vidu (e3($6e)^ ©9 ®) which means ‘ take a sounding or literally drop the sounder ’ often rings out from the master as it is very vital in such circumstances to steer the ship off from the dangerous places in order to avert any possible disaster. It is said that the Hindustani term for this is dal-e-dal which seems to have a close phonetic similarity to the Tamil Viduthai Vidu. Each of these two original functions of the master in due time gave a name to him. One is Videl Vidugu and the other is Thandaiyal. So then the meaning of the word Videl Vidugu is master of the ship. Perhaps because the necessity for taking frequent soundings decreased as man’s knowledge of the sea and of propulsion increased, and because it is the longer word of the two, and the naval tendency is always to be curt and brief Videl Vidugu ‘the pallavas and their title " videlvidugu ” 249 4 ■ ■ * * % appears to have gone out of use and Thandaiyal remains to this day as the Tamil word for the master of the ship. Fortunately in the collection of epigraphical and literary references to Videl Vidugu given by Dr. Minakshi there are at least three which support and strengthen the meaning given above. They are (1) Videl Vidugu Kal, (eSQi—w ei3Q(^ ) a stone weight used during the Pal- lava and also the Chola periods, (2) Videlvidugu tulaiyitta sempon Q^ihQurr^) a gold coin which was identifiable with a hole in the centre certifying to the fineness and genuineness of the coin and which bore the hall-mark Videlvidugu (3) the words Videl vidugu ennum tiruvanai nadavi ahhisekam seydu (e3(SL^w ^Q^euirBstsr mi-jreS which form part of the Tamil inscriptions in the Vaikuntha Peruraal Temple in Kanchi which describes the coronation of Nandivarman II otherwise known as Pallava Malla (710-775 A.D.). (1) Videlvidugu Kal : At the present day in steamers as well as in sailing vessels the sounder is made of some heavy metal such as lead or iron but there can be no doubt that before man discovered the use of metals, sounders fashioned out of stone (Kal) were used for a very long period. This is proved by the fact that stone sounders are used even today by Tamil fishermen who sail the Catamaran (6SlL(P mjrih) which is perhaps the earliest and most primitive sea craft used by man. The figures 1—4 represent three stone sounders in actual use today in Thondaimanaru. (Fig. 1, 2, 3, 4). Figures 2 & 3 represent the same stone in different posi¬ tions. One noticeable fact about this stone is that the seamen while on land invariably referred to it as Viduthu Kal (e3(B^S(^) but on sea when it is put to use they always refer to it as mere Viduthu. The idea of stone disappears and it becomes a mere equipment. A few facts relating to the shape, size and weight of this stone may 250 TAMIL CULTUBE not be out of place here. It is made of ordinary Jaffna lime stone and chiselled as smoothly as possible. It is circular in shape and flat at top and bottom with a hole in the centre. The purpose of the hole is to secure the stone from slipping by means of a rope passed through the hole and fastened (Fig. 1). The dimensions and weight of an average stone are as follows :— Diameter Circumference Height Weight. lb. oz. 4" 14'' 21" 2 10 About thirty years ago almost every Catamaran which went out to sea was equipped with one of these stones. Today only a few old persons are actually using them, but their days are numbered and in a few years they will dis¬ appear altogether and even the name will not be known or understood. In fact some of the young fishermen did not even know what it was when the writer made inquiries about it in his attempts to obtain a few specimens. As this stone may prove to be of some historical value it may be worthwhile to record here the causes leading it its rapid disappearance in the recent past. Though this stone was originally used for finding the depth of the sea it seems to have been preserved by the fishermen for a quite different purpose. That purpose was to save their fish hooks and the lines from loss whenever they got entangled among sea weeds or rocks. At a time when hooks were rare and not manufactured in their millions by machinery as they are done today they were regarded as too valuable to be lost and so this stone was made use of by the fisher¬ men to disentangle the hooks whenever it became neces¬ sary. The slit which is clearly seen in each of the figures 2—4 and which has been sawn from the circumference to the centre of the stone provided the device to save the hooks. When the hooks get entangled in any obstacles the fishing line is passed through the slit to the centre hole, and hooks, and a few deft movements of the stone will inva¬ riably achieve the release of the hooks. Hooks are no Fig.- 3 Fig. 4 THE PALLAVAS AND THEER TITLE ** VIDELVIDUGTI ** 251 « longer a rare commodity and further the methods of fishing by a pair or two of hooks and line has given place to more modem methods and so this historic sounder stone which accompanied man on his first ventures on the sea is no longer required. It has served its last purpose and will very soon be numbered among man’s implements of a forgotten past. The weight Videlvidugu Kal used during the Pallava and Chola periods must have originated from this sounder stone. (2) Videlvidugu Tulaiyitta sempon : It will be seen from the details given about the sounder stone how the idea of the Pallava gold coins bored in the centre originated. No further explanation is necessary except to draw atten¬ tion to the fact that the gold coins bore the hallmark Videlvidugu pointing to the origin of the idea from the sounder stone. (3) Videlvidugu ennum tiruvanai nadavi abhisekam seydu (eSGi^^ ^(^euirSstsr isrrL^eS ^L9Qi~ir euebeSa) ^esafi isirpjS^ suSjp euiriii^ ^ispSais (j§ispui iSanjrp^ euiriii(ge3^ ^jreaarih sSfjreanh Gojpiusd QuQ^iiueiaL— isirLiuet&r GeuG([ffit QaQiiisiri^s ssssil^ GsireS .sisih O/s/fty ((yt&Su) The king’s pavilion tvas in the centre of the innermost circle of war-tuskers, round it was the circle of war chariots, round it was that of the lancers and th'e last was of the bowmen. Such was the arrangement of the forces at night, who guarded round the king’s pavilion fortified by palisades. And then follows the description of the king’s pavilion, A STUDY Uf mulla1t»pa;t:t:u 26l The lamp-lighters lighted the long wicks of oil-lamps. In the king’s regal t^t after filling the cups Of the statue-lamps with oil from their bottles of gourd And warrior-women, who followed the king to battle. Beamed bright with small bracelets and with black braided hair Fallmg down their towering alabaster necks. Their steel-hafted graven rapiers dazzled bright. As to turn night to day, in their xlace-lined waist-bands Roimd their willowy waists; and they trimmed to burning buds The glittering flames, when they burned low and flat. In the silence of midnight, after the toll Of the long clapper-tongue of the echoing bell. Well-tried lofty warriors turbaned in white and clad In long tunics rustling like spume-wind-swept Creeper Of athiral white in bloom, kept vigilant watch Roxmd the king’s pavilion in measured military steps. Rising and falling as they patrolled round for the night. Seers of unerring vision, who reckon the span Of men’s lives, with their hands joined in obeisance. Bespoke thus, after wishing long life to the king. Sovereign liege who marches to smite down foes Of the wide world girdled by the seas of roaring waves ! Your unfinished span of life, as told by the dripping Water-clock of your life, is yet of a long length. Dressed in awe-inspiring billowy tunics girdled with whip-cords. To rouse the half sleepy mute watchers of the night, Ionian guards, strong of sinew and severe of look, Lighted with the jewel-flames of their lamps the tent Of the king, fair in tent-makers’ cunning craft. And girdled with a tiger-leash chain of steel links ; And watched round the passage of worsted-screen partitions Of the king’s bed chamber of a room within a room. Where, clad in white robes, mute barbarians, who could speak Only in signs and gestures, kept their night vigil. The king’s bed chamber is a room within a room, and the passage round the inner room was guarded by mutes ; and Ionian guards with lamps patrolled round the passage, rousing the sleepy mutes with their whips. 2 The old commentators interpret curai as a kind of oil can. ^62 •TAMIL CULTUttii The king’s pavilion was girdled round with steel'- strong tiger-leash chains ; and round it well-tried warriors patrolled round with measured military steps. And within the bed chamber warrior women trimmed the lamps; and seers cheered the king who lay in bed with thoughts of the wounded warriors and deeply concerned with the result of war. 11 . 45 — 67 . ^jpiniQ^iriJi. QfimeaaA ^jretf usA Qa^tuiLjih ^eisnSiq. gtAeuirm eSjra^ajrfie £^cSr iLiiieoaiu/r Qistu ^Mnftuir Qs(^ii^tfla Qsiref^ji esiSJieaLD eSeirisiJb isi^Qfiirjjiih loiriLi^ QmQKir gfairiLSiafl i6y)p0iu isQistrar ^QQsirisf.u uu-ir^it (yiLif.^^u Gutrif'fi^ ^is/aA g>iii(siseiBL^ij 0/j(55P ^ireirif- ^mih QuiTQfifiarji^ ^j8iL{ih Qun’iuiuir lairism Qfiir(^^sir(sissr eta6SttJtr CS^irarjD erjSiSir ssioiiusth QaieS^iu QffACSeuirtuiSdr sarearA ^ssiffuu euSstr^iu injSn^eJiEi^ Q<7/z9fi.fi3)C- QunuCKnu Lfis Q6U0q;0U) Q^rpp^^ fueSLjaxP'f ujirs6S)£ eu^sessr lueussrir L^sd^^iruJt eStLu. qSbsrtnire^ isAedA ^0U)css6 eSaristh sirLLuj.Jb ^esir^trear euiriEiSiu ffjrenpih uAetHtnA ^t-jihiSAr e.eiajra(^ih a-snjriLiir aireSar UL—WLi(^ u9(3a>#<7/r £.ao^(u/f‘ v^t “ all things good and sweet and pure ” whereby Gods and men are fed.^^ III. Dualization of Supreme God. I am giving below a table showing the dualization of the ancient Gods of creation of Egypt and identifying and equating them with Dravidian Gods and tribes on the basis of their Common Cult emblems. 12 Ibid, pp. 167-169. W Ibid, p. 38, 270 fAMiL CttLTtiRfi Comments : (1) It will be noted there sire three pairs of Gods indicating the Egyptian Dualization of Gods, and the * House of Five ’ of Five Tribes. (2) According to Egyptian legends, the three gods (a) Nu or Ra, or Nuit representing the Sky, (b) Shu representing the Support God, and (c) Sibu, the Earth God, who preceded Osiris, had only ceased to reign, but they continued to live. Maspero adds : Ra had taken refuge in heaven disgusted with his own creation, Shu had disappeared in the midst of a tempest, and Sibu had quitely retired within his own palace, when the time of his sojournying on earth had been fulfilled. (3) Tameo or Tumu and Shu, father and son, were one.^* The term Shudra is derived from Shu the Support God (Fig. 7). This is the correct derivation of the word. Su in Sumarian means River : Shu therefore means River God or Hapi. (4) Elephant is animal representation as a support God for the Sky and Rat as the first object of creation out of the Mud of the Nile represents the art of pottery.^® Rat is known as Phraoh’s Rat in Egypt. (5) Cat of Maut, wife of Amon, represents the prin¬ ciple of incarnation in different manifestations of Gods. So Amon is called Maon or Hypocritical Cat. Goose is said to have laid the egg out of which the world was created. In Mahabalipuram Roqk Sculptures these three Gods viz.. The Sky God, The Support God, and the Earth God are represented, which absolutely identify the Dravidians 15 Dawn of Civilizations, Egypt and Chaldra by G. Maspero, 1694. p. 152. w Ibid, p. 155. Fig. i. Separating Sky and Earth Fig. 2. Ascent of Ra Krishna Mandapa — Mahabalipuram. wmmaWmi^ imfSm, mmBi mm&^m % lltE DRAvibiAN QtJEsttdN AiiswERfeb with the pre-dynastic Egyptians. I shall represent these relationships in a tabular form briefly as follows: Egyptian Mahabalipuram-Great Rock Panel. I, Sky God — Nuit Sun & Moon Gods at the top of Great Rock Panel representing the Sky. II. Support God — Shu Elephants, Indra or Arjuna in ‘ sup¬ port attitude’ including the Cat and Rat to represent support of the Sky and its separation from Earth. III. Earth God — Sibu. Siva, emerging from the Tank below in the form of ascending Nagas representing the birth of river, and Earth in general. (See Fig. 5) Krishna Mandapam : In this, the scenes represent the * Ascent of Ra In this, no doubt the Central figure is Balarama, as pointed out by Dr. Vogel, who will correspond with the Egyptian ‘ Support God ’ Shu, with Gauda-pada on his left, but as it is a Vaishnavite scene, his role as a Support God has been assumed by Govardhana Krishna of lending support to the Sky. The Sky is represented by a rough line at the top running above all the figures. To Balarama^s right are milking scenes in which Ra (Supreme Vishnu) is represented as an Infant (Santana Gopala) placed on the back of the Cow and held by the right hand of Yasoda (his foster-mother) with an up-turned body and up-lifted left hand, and with her legs raised much above the level of the ground, behind the back of the cow, the celestial cow, (Kamadhenu) which is milked. The Flute Player has his head at the top in the Sky line, with upturned wing attached to his left side in the girdle, all 17 Descriptirfe tc Historical Papers relating to the Seven Pagodas on the Coromandel Coast—1869 (Plate .n, No. 2). IfAMlL CttttURfi m these to indicate ‘ Ascent ’ or up-ward movement towards the Sky. Kavali Lakshmayya in his description of pagodas states that there are in all 27 cow heads below the Sky line, and* 16 cow heads are shown above the only Bull representing Siva.“ The Cow heads are to indicate the movements in the Sky of the only cow (Nuit) in all the scenes, during her Ascent with Ra on her back, (vide Fig. 4) Govardhana Krishna steadies the Sky with the palm of his left hand, holding it above his head. In Krishna Mandapam, the Sky Goddess Nuit is repre¬ sented as the only cow in these scenes, Shu, as Balarama, standing with Gauda-pada to his left, who has relegated his role as a Support God to Govardana Ejishna, and Sibu as the only Bull representing Siva. These scenes represent the ‘Ascent of Ra ’ of the Egyptian Legend. The Birth of the Nile. (a) A. H. Longhurst^® has drawn attention to the existence of a .tank 85' x 30'6" which was found on excava¬ tion at the bottom of the Great Rock Panel into which water from the cistern at the top flows down the Central cleft between the Twin Rocks. The Tank represents the Chamber in which Hapi (The Nile God) hides himself, with a snake outlining the Chamber whose head may be seen emerging at the bottom of the cleft in the Great Rock Panel, (see Fig. 5) symbolising the River and the Earth in general. (b) The two Kites seen at Tirukkalukunram are the counterparts of two Kites seen at the summit which repre¬ sent the Hawk and the Garuda or Eagle tribes (see Fig 6). The cell at Orukal-Mandaparri, at the foot of the hills, the original Mulasthana, the earliest temple in Tamil Country represents the chamber of Hapi in the Story of the birth' of the Nile, which is said to be visited by Indra, in the 18 Ibid Appendix—pp. 80-81 by Kavali Lakshmayya. 19 Pallava Architecture, Part II, by Longhurst, (Plate XXII, p. 41). ao South Indian Shrines, by Jagadifia Ayyar, 1828, p. 142. the dravidian question answered 273 o • . . form of a thunder-bolt once in twelve years, according to Indian tradition. Vishnu worships Siva at Vedagiri or Tirukkalukunram. % All these scenes in Mahabalipuram and Tirukkalu¬ kunram portray the three legends of Pre-dynastic Egyp¬ tians, (1) the separation of the Earth and the Sky by Shu, (2) Ascent of Ra, (3) Birth of the Nile, of Heliopolitan Cult: But there is a scene at the lower cleft of the Great Rock Panel which represents a Vishnu temple with Drona- charya, the Preceptor of Kauravas and Pandavas engaged in a discourse with ascetics assembled at the shrine in which Arjuha can be recognised. This scene represents Krishna’s discomse in which he conveys the teachings of Bhagavad Gita to Arjima. This is of purely Indian origin. Reference to this incident by H. K. Sastri is given below : Mr. Krishna Sastri states : After leaving Brindavana, Krishna became the clever and astute statesman and warrior of Dvaraka and took an active part in the War between Kauravas and Panda¬ vas described in the Mahaharata. He was on the side of the Pandavas, an intimate friend of Arjuna and even served him as his charioteer in the battle-field .... It was on this occasion in the battle field when Arjuna was dismayed at the prospect of a bloody war with his rela¬ tives, that the divine charioteer Krishna is said to have delivered to Arjuna, the famous discourse known as Bhagavad^Gita .... The Story runs that Arjuna and Krishna were bosom friends in far earlier ages, when under the names of Nara and Narayana, they are sup¬ posed to have performed penance in Badarikasrama.^^ I shall devote another article to locating the place of Badarikasrama in which at earlier times Arjuna and Krishna are said to have performed their penance, as Nara and Narayana. All the sculptural representations in the Great Rock Panel and Krishna Mandapam, and the visit of the two « South Indian Images oj Gods and Goddesses by H. K. Sastri, 1916,- p. 47. 274 TA^IL CULTURE kites to the Sacred Hills at Tirukkalukunram bear witness to the doctrines of the Heliopolitan cult of the Libyans or Badarians who occupied the Egyptian Delta area around 4500 B.C. The separation of the Sky God and Earth God by the * Support God’ as Arjuna, with Gauda-pada or Visvakarman standing to his right, is represented in the Great Rock Panel, and in the scenes of Klrishna Mandapam. The two Kites on the summit of the Hill and the cell at Orukal-Mandapam, the original Mulasthana represent the Legend relating to the Birth of the Nile. The iconographic representations of Siva-Parvati-Skanda, behind the Siva linga, in Mahabalipuram Temples, correspond to, and are identical with the Heliopolitan triad, Osiris, Isis, and Horus. The evidence thus available justifies the conclusion that the Dravidians are of Libyan or Deltaic origin known as Badarians of ancient Egypt. The Hermopolitan cult of the South is identical with the Vaishnavite Cult, and the Heliopolitan with the Saivite Cult of the Dravidians. When the real meaning which imderlies the Rock Sculptures of Mahabalipuram and Tirukkalukunram, thus disclosed, comes to be known, Mahabalipuram will become the Mecca of the Dravidians, and these Sculptural Monu¬ ments will constitute an imperishable chapter in the History of the World, assigning the Dravidian his true place in the History of Civilization. (To he continued) BOOKS: BIBLIOGRAPHY. 1. A. H. Longhiirst—PoZIauo Architecture, Part II, 1928. 2. Sir Gr. Maspero—Dawn, of Civilization—Egypt and Chaldaea, 1894. 3. H. K. Sastri —South Indian Itnag^ of Oods and Goddesses, 1916. 4., Jagdisa Ayyar—5outh Indian Shrines—1928. THE DRAVIDIAN QUESTION ANSWERED 275 JOURNALS & PAPERS: 1. Tamil Culture, VoL III, and IV, 1954-1955. 2. Descriptive and Historical Papers relating to the Seven Pagodas on the • Coromandel Coast —1869. 3. Archaeological Survey Report, 1910-1911. LIST OP ILLUSTRATIONS. Figure 1 ‘ Separating Sky and Earth' — (Maspero) —^p. 129. Figure 2 ‘Ascent ol Ra’— (Ibid)—^p. 169. Figure 3 ‘Birth of Nile’— (Ibid)—p. 39. Figure 4 ‘Krishna Mandapam’ — Mahabalipuram, C. Sivaramamurti : Department of Archaeology, India. Figure 5 ‘Great Rock Panel’ — Ibid. Figure 6 ‘Two Kites on Hill, Tirukkallukunram’ — From Photo by A. Ranganadan, Madras. Figure 7 ‘ Shu up-lifting the Sky ’ — (Maspero) p. 127. 10 Reviews (The books reviewed here are, except where otherwise stated, written in English) THE POLONNARUVA PERIOD (A Special Issue of the Ceylon Historical Journal— 129, Dutegemunu Street, Dehiwala, Ceylon. Rs. 6/-.) This Special Issue of the Ceylon Historical Journal, published in commemoration of the 800th anniversary of the accession of King Parakramabahu I (1153-86 A.D.) contains eleven articles, some bearing on the history of the Polonnaruva period in general, and others on the reign of Parakramabahu I. All the articles are from specialists in their respective fields and are of remarkable merit. Of those which deal with the Polonnaruva period or the early medieval epoch of Ceylonese history, special mention may be made of ‘ Art and Architecture ’ by Dr. S. Pamavitana and ‘Army and War in Medieval Ceylon’ by the famous Indologist, Professor Wilhelm Greiger. The forty illustra¬ tions provided by Dr. S. Pamavitana are excellently reproduced. Dr. Basham traces the history of the period preceding the reign of Parakramabahu I and provides a suitable background to the history of that monarch’s rule. Among the contributions bearing on the reign of Para¬ kramabahu I, Dr. B. C. Law describes the life and achieve¬ ments of the king, showing how his reign witnessed the Augustan Age of Ceylon’s history, and Prof. K. A. Nila- kanta Sastri gives an accoimt of the South Indian exploits of Lankapxira, the General of Parakramabahu, and demonstrates how the Chulavamsa is conspicuously silent about the reverses which the general sustained in the encounter. A comprehensive survey of the period can be had, as the Editor himself is aware, only if a picture of the social and economic history of the age is provided. In REVIEWS 277 respect of the articles appearing in this Journal there are differences in the quality of writing, which are to some extent unavoidable in complex co-operative enterprises of this kind. The get up of this Special Issue is good. K. K. PILLAY. THE INDO - ASIAN CULTURE (Published quarterly by the Indian Council For Cultural Relations, Patuadi House, New Delhi-1.) The July issue (Vol. IV No. I) of this Quarterly is in line with the high quality of the earlier issues of the Jour¬ nal, containing as it does, contributions from outstanding scholars. However, much of the matter is but reproduc¬ tion of addresses delivered at important Conferences. Doubtless they are learned contributions on cultural themes which cover a wide range including philosophy, politics, history, literature, epigraphy and archaeology. An attractive feature of this number is that it reproduces excellent photographs of several Indian temples and other treasures of art. A rather startling statement, made by Dr. N. P. Chakra- varti in his Presidential Address to the 17th session of the Indian History Congress and reproduced here, calls for comment. He says : ‘ It has been proved that the language found in it (the Tamil Sangam Literature) cannot be earlier than 500 A.D.’ Apparently he has arrived at this conclusion on the basis of certain inscriptions found in the Madurai and Tirunelveli Districts. These epigraphs, assigned by him paleographically to the 3rd or 2nd century B.C., are stated to be in crude Tamil, very different from the language of the Sangam epoch. Now, apart from palaeography being a rather indefinite source of inference, it is doubtful whether the language employed in inscrip¬ tions always correctly represented the current language. This is particularly so in respect of the short records engraved in natural rock shelters and the inscriptions on pottery excavated at Arikamedu, which have provided the basis for Dr. Chakravarti’s inference. It is important to 2^8 tAMlL e.X^L^tjRfi remember that the inscriptions in rock shelters in question were engraved by the Buddhists who in the early epochs of their history in South India employed a hybrid language, perhaps a combination of Tamil and Sanskrit. Moreover, if Dr. Chakravarti’s deduction is valid how can the follow¬ ing facts be reconciled with it ? 1. The Gajabahu Senguttuvan synchronism. 2. The striking resemblance between th^ evidence of the Sangam poems on the commercial relations of the Tamils with the Yavanas (Greeks and Romans) in this period and that of the classical writers like Strabo, Pliny and Ptolemy on the same subject. 3. The discovery of Roman coins of the 1st and 2nd centuries A.D. throughout South India which confirms the correspondence between the accounts of the Sangam poems and those of the classical writers. 4. Above all, how is it possible to hold that the language used by Tirujnanasambandar in his Thevaram, which is accepted to belong to the middle of the 7th century A.D., could have been evolved from the Sangam style within 150 years ? Besides, it is incredible that the vast difference in social life, religious institutions, methods of worship, etc., between the Sangam and Thevaram epochs could be accounted for by one and a half centuries. K. K. PILLAY. BOOKS RECEIVED AT-.AMUM AT:APE:T:UM: (^JI(y)li) «9fJDLi(Su||li)) by Vidwan T. P. Dandapani, b.a., in Tamil. Published by the author. No. 1, Kamatchiamman Koil Street, Pondi¬ cherry. pp. 40. Re. 1/-. SIX ST. THOMASES OF SOUTH INDIA by T. K. Joseph, B.A., L.T., P.O., Chengannur, Travancore (S. W. India), pp. 122. Rs. 2/8. News and Notes HINDI AND ALL INDIA TESTS Since our last issue there have been further develop¬ ments with regard to the adoption of Hindi as the medium of examination for all-India services. Persons in authority have given assurances that nothing will be done to prejudice the chances of candidates from non-Hindi speaking areas in the competitive examinations. The most important of these assurances is the following, given by Pundit G. V. Pant, Home Minister of the Union Govern¬ ment, to Sri C. Rajagopalachariar in June last. “ I am, however, clear on one point, namely that the candidates from non-Hindi-speaking areas should not be handicapped or placed at a disadvantage in these excimina- tions in which they have to compete with their counterparts from Hindi-speaking areas. The question of the adoption of Hindi as the official language of the Union need not be inextricably bound up with the language or languages that may be adopted for conducting the All-India examinations. We should stick to the time-table prescribed by the Constituent Assembly for the replacement of English by Hindi in the Central offices ; but nothing should be done that would tend to deprive the country of the services of the best qualified youths on account of any avoidable difficulty in the matter of examinations. I see no reason why we should not ,be able to find a satisfactory solution.” ♦ * an * The Vice-Chancellors of South Indian Universities met towards the end of July to consider the circular sent by the Home Ministry and forwarded to the Universities by the Inter-University Board suggesting the manner in which English could be replaced by Hindi for the purposes of 280 »rA3viiL ctJLTtrBi all-India tests. They felt that the issues involved were of major importance to the Universities in areas where Hindi was not the regional language. They therefore decided to call a conference of Vice-Chancellors of the Universities in such areas to meet at a conference to discuss the whole problem. The conference is likely to meet in Madras towards the end of September or early in October. The Vice-Chancellors of Universities from the States of Andhra, Assam, Bombay, Madras, Orissa, West Bengal, Hyderabad, Mysore and Travancore-Cochin, are expected to participate. HINDI COMMISSION The Government of India have appointed a Hindi Commission which will make recommendations to the President regarding the progressive use of Hindi for official purposes of the Hindi. The Commission has met and issued a questionnaire. THE FUTURE OF ENGLISH IN INDIA Side by side with the efforts to strengthen Hindi as an All-India language the idea that English cannot be dispensed with altogether is also gaining ground. We give below two typical views : (1) “ English has been used for various purposes and to eliminate it altogether is not a matter of joke. We cannot eliminate it even if we try to do it.”— Sri Harikrishna Mahtab, Governor of Bombay. (2) “ Undoubtedly English is one of the most beautiful and powerful languages of the world. The people of India want to draw as much as possible from the world’s life stream with the help of a European language, and English comes nearest to them because they have been intimately associated with it for nearly 300 years. Sri Sri Prakasa, Governor of Madras. NEWS AND NOTES 281 MEDIUM OP INSTRUCTION IN UNIVERSITIES At the conference convened by the Madras Education Minister in June last to discuss the medium of instruction in the University of Madras, there is reported to have been a general consensus of opinion that the regional language should be adopted as the medium of instruction in the University of Madras as soon as practicable. Following up this conference the Government have appointed a com¬ mittee to advise the Government on the question of the introduction of the regional language as the medium of instruction in colleges and the preparation of a list of suitable technical terms in the language for higher studies. Dr. A. Lakshmanaswami Mudaliar, Vice-Chancellor, University of Madras, is the Chairman of the Committee. SOUTH INDIAN BOOK TRUST The Vice-Chancellors of South Indian Universities met towards the end of July last and decided upon the formation of a South Indian Book Trust to sponsor the publication of classical works at low cost in South Indian languages and would help in the formation of an organisa¬ tion for an extensive distribution of books at low prices throughout South India. The books selected for publica¬ tion would include outstanding modern and classical literature in Tamil, Malayalam, Kannada, Telugu and also in other Indian languages. The Trust is expected to start functioning from September and the grant of financial assistance is under consideration by the Ford Foundation to help the Trust carry out its programme. TAMIL BOOKS FOR SALE (1) The original edition of Fr. Beschi’s Grammatica- Latino-Tamulica (Trangambariae 1738). The copy belonged to the famous astronomer G. Legentil, who spent two years in Pondicherry (1768-69) to observe the passage of Venus before the Sun. The copy bears the inscription : Ex libir^—G. Legentil, Regiae scientiarum Academiae 282 TAMIL CULTURE socius. ' In the catalogue of Pe Becker-Sommervogel as well as in the Cat. of Brunet this book is mentioned as very precious. (2) C. T. Walther: Ohservationes GrammaUcae quibus linguae Tamulicae idiorna vvXgare illustratur (ib. 1739). These two books have been sold in Belgium for Rs. 450. They have been purchased by the Lord Bishop of Chilaw (Ceylon) so that they might not be lost to the Tamil public. If any. library or individual wishes to purchase them, please write to the Secretary, Bishop’s House, Chilaw, Ceylon. TAMIL ACADEMY FOR MYSORE The Mysore State Tamil Academy is to be formed in Bangalore in order to propagate Tamil literature and culture in the State. The academy will be registered under the Companies Act. The above decision was taken at a meeting of Tamilians in Bangalore under the president¬ ship of Prof. S. Rudrapathy. TAMIL CULTURE IN INDONESIA Rev. Dr. Xavier S. Thaninayagam, Chief Editor of this journal, was on an extensive tour of Indonesia during last summer. Dr. Thaninayagam found great scope for research in Tamil cultural influences in Malayasia, including Indonesia. He saw not only evidences of Pallava and Chola influence in the monuments in Bali and Java, but also masterpieces of Indonesian genius. Dr. Thani¬ nayagam found in the museum library in Djakarta 4 Tamil books printed in Colombo 200 years ago. These books showed the mode of Tamil writing prevalent in the first half of the 18th century. They were religious books of the Dutch Reformed Church, and a translation of the gospel by Philip de Mello, a Ceylonese. Transliteration of Tamil Phonemes into Enf^lish VOWELS ^ — a (as in among) — a: ( „ calm) & - i ( „ sit) » — • i: ( „ machine) *- — u { „ full) UK — u; ( „ rule) IT — e ( „ fed) . ej — e: ( „ able) s — ai ( „ aisle) 9 — 0 ( ,, opinion) 9 — o: ( „ opium) QSir — au ( „ Now) CONSONANTS Hard' « — k (as in king, angle, alhambra) (Plosive) 9 — C ( chuich. angel, calcium) (Plosive) u. — t: ( ff card ?) ^ — th ( threat, this, thick) u — p ( pipe, amber) jD — t ( atlas, Sunday, arrears?) Soft ni — ng ( 99 sing) (Nasal) ® — nj ( 99 angel) existence in the vicinity of a big tank. Pu:ng-kul:am, the flower tank in Tanjore District and Pudu-k-kul:am, the new tank m South Arcot District are indicative of the nature of the respective tanks. Some of the great tanks constructed by the Tamil kings and chieftains came to be glorified as Camuththiram (Ocean), and Vairithi (immense sheet of water). A tank constructed by the Chola king Raja Raja, is mentioned in an inscription as Ch:ol-a-Camuththiram, the ocean of the Chola King. Ampa-camuththiram is the name of a place in Tirunelveli District. The original name of it was Il:ang- ko-kut:i. The lake which came into existence in the village was named Ampal: -camuththiram, the ocean of the lady. This name has been corrupted into Ampa: camuth¬ thiram. There is evidence in inscriptions to show that tanks originally called E:ri (lake), were in later times dignified as camuththiram (ocean). The embankment of an old tank in the village of Then-ne‘ri, was breached at one time by heavy rains, and an inscription says that one Tha:tha:ca:ri who repaired the bund, renamed this lakie* after himself as Thaitha:-camuththiram. Further, the words Emhthal and Thamgkal indicating ponds or pools occur in place-names. Places like Iha-v- PLACE NAMES OF AGRICULTURAL REGIONS 331 ^acan-einhthal, the prince’s pool and Cempian^e: nhthal, Chola’s pool are names associated with ,the rulers of the land. Similarly A:lanh-tha:ngkal, the banyan pool in North Arcot District and Val:avan-tha:ngkal the Chola pool in Chinglepet District may be cited as examples of Thamgkal. The words A:vi and Va:vi also signify a pool. They occur occasionally in a few place-names. Nhi:r-a:vi in Ramanathapuram District and Kal-la:vi in Saleni District are place-names having the termination A:vi, and places like Ko:t:al-va: vi in Madurai District have the suffix Va:vi in their names. A deep pool is known as Mat: u. There are place-names having this termination. Muthalai-mat:u, the crocodile pool in Tanjore District, A:nai-mat:u, the elephant pool in South Arcot District, Kal-mat:u, the rock pool in Tiru- nelveli District and Cem-mat:u, the red pool in Salem District belong to this category. The word Ilanjci also denotes a pool. There is a place known as Ilanjci near Tenkasi in Tirunelveli District. This village is glorified as Pon-n-ilanjci, the golden pool in the celebrated Tamil drama known as Kutta:la-k-kutavanjci. A natural pool is called Poykai. Poykaiya:r is the name of an eminent poet, and he is said to have been bom in a place known as Poykai. Again Poykai A:l-va:r is the name of one of the three great saints of the Vaishnava cult, who are known as the first A:l-va:rs. According to tradition, he was born in a lotus-pool near a temple of Thiruma:! (Vishnu) in Ka:njcipuram. There is, besides, another place known as Poykai in North Arcot District. It will thus be seen that the word Poykai has become a place- name. A pool containing drinking water for the village is known as Uirunii, (Ur: village Un: consume). There are several places going by the name of U:run:i. For instance, 332 TAMIL CULTURE Pe:r-u:run:i the great pool, in Tirunelveli District, Mayil- U:run:i, the peacock pool in Ramanathapuram District, and Purac-U:nm:i, the Portia pool in Tanjore District. Cetu is a literary word for tank. The hamlet of Raryalu-ceruvu, the King’s tank, lies in Chittoor District. It is said that this lake was constructed by Krishnadeva Raya of Vijayanagar with the object of developing agricul¬ ture in that area, and was therefore called after him as Ra:yar-cetu. In ancient times, this place lay on the highway from Kanchipuram to Tirupathi and was there¬ fore a centre of great attraction. The large lake cons¬ tructed by Krishnadeva Raya can still be seen in the village. It has been formed by a broad embankment half a mile in length connecting two high hills. Some of the ponds and pools of the Tamil country are supplied with water from subterranean springs. The common name for a spring is U:ttu. There are a few place-names-having this word as the suffix. Ta:l-ai-y-u:ttu the cactus spring in Tirunelveli District, Aththi-y-u: ttu, the fig spring in Ramanathapuram District, Kan:-n:-u;ttu, the eye spring in Tiruchirapalli District and Ma:-v-u:ttu, the mango spring in Salem District are instances of villages named after the neighbouring springs. In the same way wells also have given rise to place- names. Thiru-v-alli-k-ke:n:i, the sacred lotus well (modern Triplicane in the city of Madras), Na:rai-k- kin: atu, the crane well in Tirunelveli District, can be cited as instances of such place-names. There are numerous villages, the names of which emphasise the characteristic features of their soil. Na(l)- n-nilam is the name of a village in Tanjore District. The prefix Nal (which means good) is probably indicative of the fertility of the soil. The word Pulam also denotes land. Ta:marai-p-pulam, the lotus-field, Karuva-p-pulam the cassia-field and Cet:t:i- PLACE NAMES OF AGRICULTURAL REGIONS 333 p-pulam, the Chetty field are place-names in Tanjore District. Pattu in Tamil means land under cultivation. It has been corrupted into paththu in the South and into Patitiu in the North. A village comprising lands endowed to a temple is generally called Koyil-paUu, temple-lands. A village near Ramanathapuram is known as Perung-karun: ai-pattu the field of great mercy. The name Chingleput is a corruption of the beautiful name Ceng-kal-unhi: r-p- pattu, the field of red lily. A village in Chittoor District which originally bore the name of Pu:ththalai-p-pattu the field of flowers, now passes as Pu:thala-p-pat:t‘u. A place in North Arcot District was originally called Thel:l:a:ttu- p-pattu. In modern times, however, this name has been corrupted into Thel:l:a:ra:p-pat:t:u. The word Pdn:n:ai also denotes a field. Cenhthilain- pan:n:ai, the field of the Lord Muruka of Tiruchendu'r, is the name of a village in Tirunelveli District. There is also a village bearing the name E:l-a:yiram-pan;n:ai, seven thousand fields at a distance of eight miles south-west of Sattur in Ramanathapuram District. A classical word for the field is Pal-anam. Tiru-p- pal-anam is the name of a place in the Tanjore District, sanctified by Thevaira hymns. It is now known as Thiru- p-payan:am (payan:am means journey.) Kal-ani is yet another word for the field. It occurs in place-names like Then-kal-ani, the Southern field and Puthu-k-kal-ani, the new field in Arcot District and Ka:-k-kal-ani, the field of groves in Tanjore District. The word Vayal, also meaning a field can be seen in place-names like Puthu-vayal, the new field, Nhet:u vayal, the long field and the like. It is usual in the South to call any productive land, a Vil:ai.. Va:kai-vil:ai, the land of rain-trees and Thicaiyanvikai are names of villages in Tirunelveli District. 7 334 TAMIL CULTURE Ve:li and Ka:n:i are words denoting the extent of land. They also occur in place-names. It is evident that names of villages like Ai-veli the five Veilis and Onpathu- ve:li, the nine ve:lis in Chingleput District rose from the extent of arable land. In the same way, the word Ka:n:i finds a place in the names of villages like Muk-ka:n:i, the three Ka:n:is and Cang-ka:n:i. The words Kutunii and Na:l-i denoting smaller measures, are also found, though rarely, in certain place-names. There are villages like Co:l-ang-kutun:i and Et:t:u-nha:l-i in Madurai District. Wet lands of high productive capacity are known as Nhancey, and dry lands of scanty yield are known as Pun- cey. A place *in Tanj ore District formerly known as Nhani-pal:l:i is now called Punjcai (corrupt form of punjcey.) The practice of raising garden crops by baling water from wells is also found in Tamil Nad. Hence we find words denoting garden occuring in some place-names. Pu:nh-tho:t:t:am, the lovely garden, is the name of a village in Tan j ore District. Injci-k-kollai, the ginger- garden and Karuppu-k-kil:a:r, the sugarcane-garden are villages in South Arcot District. The words Tho:t:t:am, Kollai and Kil:a:r are synonyms denoting the garden. Although the Tamils lived in all the four traditional types of land, they considered Marutham as best suited for human habitation. The word U:r therefore significantly stands for a settlement in the midst of fertile fields. It is used extensively in combination with the names of trees and animals. Maruthuir is a village taking the name after the Maruthu tree (Red cedar) and Na;val-U:r, after the Naval tree (Jambulensis.) Further more, Thengkur, Panai-y-u:r, Pa:cu:r and Kat:ampu:r—all glorified by Theivaira hymns—are denominated in terms of the trees characteristic of the terrain. The ancient Tamils greatly admired the bravery of the Puli (tiger) among the beasts and cherished it in place- fLACE NAMES OE AGRlCULTtJRAL REGIONS 335 names. Many are the villages which bear the name of this animal. Places like Puli-y-u:r, Pa:thiri-p-puliy-u:r and Eru-k-kaththam-puli-y-u:r are sacred spots mentioned in Thevaram. Perum-puli-y-u:r, the place of the big tiger and Kutum-puli-y-u: r, the place of the small tiger, are names of villages in Tiruchirappalli District. The former is now known as Perampalu:r and the latter as KutUTnpalu:r. Citu~puliy-u:r, the place of small tiger, is the name of a village in Tanjore District. The names of birds are associated with certain place- names. The birth-place of Nhamma:l-va:r, the greatest of the Vaishnava Saints, was a small village called Knru- ku:r in the Tirunelveli District. Kuruku means a swan. Mayila;ppur (Mylapore), a suburb of Madras, obviously owes its name to Mayil, the peacock. Equally so are Thiruna:rai-u:r, the sacred place of cranes and Ko:l-iyu:r, the village of cockerels, are instances to point. Another interesting place-name is Van:t:a:nam, which means the stork. The name of places having the suffix 17: r may be considered under two main divisions, namely Nhalluir, good place and Puththu'.r, new place. Thiru-ven;n:ai- nallurr is a village on the bank of the Pen:n: ai-a:tu. This place is sanctified by a temple of Lord Siva, who bestowed his grace on Sunhtharamuirththi, one of the The:v:ara hymnists. It is also the birth-place of Mey Kan:t:a The:- var, the author of a philosophical treatise in Tamil, expcfunding the cult of Saiva Siddhanta. There is another village called Nhallurr close to Kumbakonam in Tanjore District. Periyapurainiam, the lives of the Saive Saints, mentions this Nhalluir as the place where Amarnhiithi, one of the sixty three Saiva Saints, attained salvation. Ce:y-nhallu:r, sacred to Lord Muruka the Son-God of the Tamils, situated on the river Man;n;i, is now known as Ce:ngkanu:r. Another Ce:y-nhallu:r in the North Arcot District passes now as Ce:nu:r. 336 l-AivirL cultukK The Tamil kings brought into existence a number of villages with the object of perpetuating their memory, and some of them bear the suffix Nhallu:r. Vi:ra-Pa:n:- f.iya Nhallu:r, Ma:na:paran:a Nhallurr and Cey Thungka Nhallu:r bear the names of Pandya Kings. Seme of the villages formed by the great Chola Kings are noticed in inscriptions. Mut: i Kon: t: a Nhallu: r, Anhapa: ya Nhallu: r, Thirunhi:ttu-c-co:l-a Nhallu: r Thiru-th-thon:t:aththokai- Nhalluir, Civapa:thace:kara Nhallu: r, Kali Kat:inhtha co:l-a Nhallu: r and many other prosperous villages bear the titular names of the Chola Kings. New settlements are known as Puththu:r, the new village. A sacred place in Pandya Nad, honoured by the hymnists, is known as Thiru-p-puth:thu:r, the sacred new village. On the banks of the river Aricil, a new village sprang up and it was known as Arici-t-karai-p- puththu:r. And the village that grew up on the banks of the river Kat:uva:y was called Kat:uva:y-k-li:arai-p- puththu:r. Both these villages have been sanctified by the Theivaira hymnists. The Periyapura:n:am says that the Puththu:r to which Sunhtharamurththi proceeded for celebrating his marriage came to be known from that event, as Man:am-vanhtha“puththu:r. A village that was founded by Ko:van, a chieftain, took the name of Ko'.van- puththu:r. It is now known as Ko:yam-puththu:r (Coimbatore), the great centre of cotton industry in South India. Srivilliputtur is a place held in great reverence by Vaishnavas. A Czech Missionary of the 18th Century as Author of a Tamil Grammar KAMIL ZVELEBIL, ph.D., Prague. When occupying himself with the investigation of C. Przikryl’s Principia linguae Brahmanicae S the editor of the Principia, Dr. Pavel Poucha, one of the leading Oriental scholars of the Oriental Institute in Prague, has found a fragmentary manuscript of a Tamil grammar by the same Carolus Przikryl S. J. This work of Przikryl has been unknown since neither Prof. V. Lesny who had treated the Ms. of PrzikryTs Principia in an article^ nor his predecesors in this matter, Martin Pelzel, the author of a short biographical sketch of Przikryl, and Josef Dobro- vsky, mention the existence of this (as far as we know the fifth) work of C. Przikryl at all. Dr. P. Poucha has investigated carefully the Ms., which has been, contrary to the Principia (which have been rewritten at the end of the 18th Cent.), preserved only‘in the original, written in PrzikryTs own typical small characters. Only the beginning of a Tamil vocabulary can be found on the 192nd folio of the copy of PrzikryTs Principia, comprising 48 words in all, 27 of which are translated into Latin. In the original Ms., the fragment of the Tamil grammar can be found on pp. 29—34 and, partly, on p. 45. This fragment comprises: (a) a list of Tamil characters with their Latin equivalents (pp. 29—31), (b) pronunciation (pp. 32—34), this chapter being, however, unfinished, (c) morphology (De declinatione nominum). On that 1 C. Przikryl, Principia linguae Brahmanicae, sign. X C. 35, in the National Museum in Prague. 2 V. Lesny, Principia linguae brahmanicae von Carolus Przikryl, Archiv Orientalni, VoL VI (1934), No. 1., pp. 50—53. 338 TAMIL CULTURE very page, unfortunately, the fragment comes to an abrupt end and there is not a word more about Tamil in Przikryl’s Ms. The fragment of PrzikryVs Tamil grammar comprises thus only the three mentioned paragraphs which are, however, unfinished. Nevertheless, it is necessary to deal with those frag¬ ments and to stress their importance in the history of Indology, since they belong to the oldest works dealing with the Tamil language. Carolus Przikryl had been working up in India not only the grammar of the Konkani dialect of Marathi (Principia linguae Brahmanicae), but also a grammar of Tamil. According to the view of Dr. P. Poucha who has actually found and discovered this fragment in the National Museum in Prague, this frag¬ mentary Tamil grammar was written between 1755—1762 (when its author left India for good). It must have been composed after its author had made use of some other Tamil grammars, very probably of Beschi’s Grammatica latino-tamulica, 1738 ,and Walther’s Observationes gram- maticae quibus linguae tamulicae idioma vulgare illus- tratur, 1739. It is the opinion of Dr. P. Poucha that, since the other Tamil grammars, written until his time, viz., P. Bruno’s grammar ( 1685), P. de la Lane’s grammar (1728) and Beschi’s other grammar of 1730, have been only in manuscript form, C. Przikryl very probably had been able to take as his model only the two grammars quoted above. It is difficult to guess if he had made use of Ziegenbalg’s Grammatica Damulica which had been published in Halle (?) in 1716. The present writer has investigated different parts of Przikryl’s Ms. in some detail. It seems that the list of 48 Tamil words has been excerpted out of some text (or texts) ; this seems to be indicated by the following consi¬ derations ; 1. only 26 words are translated into Latin; 2. some of the words form groups connected according to meaning; 3. the transcription of some words shows the A CZECH MISSIONARY. . AUTHOR OF A TAMIL GRAMMAR 339 author’s hesitation and is inconsequent: thus he writes ciagam for sirath, comix, but cai for manus ; aciham for ^ip^LD, metus, further however, accham, id. etc. This list of words has been used as material for the explanation of prommciation and orthography. It is very interesting to read the description of the cacuminal and retroflex consonants in the light of our experimental phonetic investigation, cf. l1 — . . pronunciatur inversa retrorsum lingua usage ad interiorem palati . ut n, sed inflecta eodem ut pauli anti dictum modo lingua; err— ut infLexa aliquantum lingua usque ad palati medietatem, — similiter ut wr ^crassiorc sono reflexa cymnino ad inte¬ riorem palati partem lingua.^ Przikryl treats orthography and pronunciation to¬ gether in his description, which is considerably condensed, to some extent, however, not quite orderly arranged. Some passages dealing with vowels are very careful indeed, cf. Li«€U— non pronunciatur pagal, sed paguel. dies.eodem modu ; — pugue.laus. ^euesr aven.ille _ And further : . I breve ante p adeo leniter pronun¬ ciatur, et quodammodo absorhetur quam nod adesset.Sic interminatione verborum cradu, gradu.” From the paragraph dealing with sandhi we may see that Przikryl has distinguished between the colloquial and literary forms of Tamil, cf. p. 33 of the Ms.:_ hujus tamen regulae rams est usus in lingua vulgari, inviolabilis autem in sublima. On p. 45 the Ms. has been continued with a paragraph on the declination of nouns. It is necessary to stress the fact that Przikryl does not simply enumerate the different suffixes of the traditional eight “ cases ”, but that he explains, in detail, the syntactic use of these suffixes. Let 3 Cf. the data obtained after the accomplishment of experimental phonetic investigation in Svarny, Zvelebil: Some RemarVes.Ar Or, Vol. XXIII, 1955, No. 3. 340 TAMIL CULTURE US quote only one typical example: “ut intendendo montem, respectu montis i navn gerundium est a verbo intendere. vel 3“ simili¬ ter per accu. sativum cum gerundip explicate quod genmdium est verbi quod etiam signi- ficat: assumere quae, phrasis 3 e significat ablativum instrumenti seu medii, quo utimur in latino sermone pro accusative cum praepositione per : ut ^eu fS)sf3ujji9(Q)esr per peonitentiam, sive a frumendo poeni- tentiae medium, aut mediante poenitentia salvus factus est.” With this last example which, by the way, indicates also the nature of some of Przikryl’s sources {salvus factus est!)y the whole fragmentary Ms. of the Tamil grammar is brought to a definite end. Maybe, and let us hope so, that in India itself more of Przikryl’s works, and, among them, possibly also some dealing with Tamil, will be found by future research. We can conclude : the fragment of the Tamil grammar by Carolus PrzikryP is based, most probably, upon the study of some older Tamil grammars (most likely on the works of C. J. Beschi and Ch. T. Walther), but it seems, that its author has compared these data with some other material obtained perhaps through the study of some texts or personal contact. Even if this fragmentary manuscript is, perhaps, not an attempt to compose a new and original Tamil grammar, it is necessary to stress the keen interest of its author in a neo-Indian living language, in Tamil; this interest has taken a definite and remarkable shape in Przikryl’s work on the Konkani dialect of Marathi. * Carolus Przikryl, 'born 7-12-1718 in Prague in 1734 joined the Jesuit Order, since 1784 in India (as Director of the Studies at the Archbishop’s Seminary in Goa), later imprisoned in Portugal, since 1768 in Bohemia, died in 1785 as the rector of the Bishop’s. Seminary in Hradec Kralove. Tamil Culture—Its Past, Its Present and Its Future with special reference to Ceylon* Xavier S. THANI NAYAGAM. tufria/dfifi QuiirifiserlKSeo QuiirjfiQuir& Sleififiireu Q^m^ih i’ , See G. SCHURHAMMER, Ceylon sur zeit des konigs Bhuvaneka Baku und Franz Xavers, 2 Vols.; Leipzig, 1928; and Die Zeitge- nossischen Quellen zur geschichte Portugiesischr—Asiens und seiner nachbarlander 1538—1552, Leipzig, 1932; M. A. HEDWIG FITZLER, Os tombos de Ceilao da seccao ultramarina da biblioteca nacional, Lisbon, 1927; PIERIS-FITZLER, Ceylon and Portugal, Leipzig, 1927, fails to mention or translate the Tamil sentences in the letters from the Court of the King of Kotte, though reproducing in a frontispiece plate the Tamil writing which precedes the signature of the Sinhalese king. 344 TAMIL CULTURE in its dedication to the Tamil language spoken within the greater area of this Island. (Maxima cum hujus insulae parte Tamulice loquentem).^ Robert Knox , and the Dutch despatches speak of the Tamil townships and the Tamil-speaking people of the Kandyan Kingdom. Twin Cultures The comparative study of the Tamil and Sinhalese languages, of the literatures and grammar in the two languages, of place-names, of the drama, the dance, the architecture, the sculpture peculiar to the two cultures of this Island reveal to what limits they influenced each other. Anthropological surveys have shown the extent to which the common racial characteristics are shared by the popu¬ lations that speak the two languages, and history testifies to the shifting of populations from one kingdom to another and to the sections of people that have changed one language for the other. The laws, the caste system, the patterns of social structure, reveal very many common elements. For the existence and inter-penetration of these cultures, there is no better evidence than a religious shrine like Kathirgamam held sacred by the Hindus, Buddhists and Muslims, located in the southernmost part of Ceylon, and the religious shrines of the Buddhists located in Nainativu, a northernmost outpost of the Island, held sacred also by Hindus. The existence of two different religions did not always prevent the patronage that kings of one persuasion extended to the religion that was not theirs ; did not prevent the patronage and employment of Saivaite Brahmins at the Sinhalese Courts; did not prevent marriage alliances of Sinhalese Kings with Tamil Saivaite Queens ; did not prevent the teaching of Tamil along with Sinhalese, Pali and Sanskrit at the more famous pirivenas as testified b y the Gira Sandesa (15th century). 5 Catechismus, Colombo, 1754 (Copy seen in the Museum Library of Djakarta). TAMIL CULTURE.REFERENCE TO CEYLON 346 There was a tune when Buddhism counted many Tamils among its followers, even in Ceylon, and Tamil Buddhist monks contributed no small measure to the eiurichment of Tamil literature and Pali literature. •Viharas were established in the Tamil-speaking areas of Ceylon and South India, and Tamil monks came to teach as well as to learn in the Sinhalese kingdoms. It will always remain a source of pride to us that the greatest, if not the only classical epic of Theravada Buddhism exists in the Tamil language. The poetry of Manimekhalai (2nd cent. A.D.) has been forgotten by scholars because of its didactic and doctrinal appeal, but it remains one of the finest jewels of Tamil poetry with an abundance of quotable lines, like “ uL.6uira- «pLfih sirajMm- g)«5r(2?a) ” The Virasoliyam, a compendious Tamil grammar, was compiled in the 11th century by a Tamil Buddhist, Buddha- mitrar. The origin of Tamil is attributed in this grammar to Avaloketiswara (Bhodisattva). This gram mar seems to have influenced the Sinhalese grammar Sidatsangaraiva. Among the more famous Tamil Buddhists that visited Ceylon on religious and cultural missions were Sangamitta (4th c.), Buddhadatta Mahathero (5th c.), Vajirabhodhi (7th—8th c.), Anurudha (12th c.), Dharmakirti, author (?) of the Culatoamsa (13th c.). Dignaga, Dharmapala of Nalanda, Bhodhidharmar of China were three other illus¬ trious Tamil exponents of Buddhism.® ® On place names, see B. J. PERERA, Some observations on the study of Sinhalese place names in The Ceylon Historical Journal. Vol. II (1953) pp. 241—^250; page 244 : " Tamil place names are found mostly along the sea-coast and in the Anuradhapura, Chilaw and Puttalam districts. Thou^ there are no native Tamils living along the sea-coast south of Colombo, the Tamil origin of most of the present inhabitants there is seen from the fairly large number of Tamil place names. The ' ge ’ names of these people too attest to their Tamil origin. The word molai meaning in Tamil ‘a mountain or hiU’ is found in even the central parts of the island. They are come across 346 ^AMlL CULTURE The Tamil Language The Tamil language has been spoken in this Island, it would seem, at least for the last three thousand years. The punchmarked coins of an early era point to connections that Ceylon may have had with Mohenjodaro and the Indus Valley civilisation. Tamil poetry composed in Ceylon has been included in the earliest Tamil Anthologies, and the Tamil spoken in Ceylon represents a pre-Pallava period with its ancient morphological and grammatical forms and its repertoire of words considered obsolete for centuries on the neighbouring continent. A language is always a mirror of a people’s genius.’ The Tamil language has been spoken basically in its present form for the last two thousand years, and it conti¬ nues even now to be the living language for thirty to forty million people—about thirty million people in India, more than two million people in Ceylon, nearly one million people in Malaya, Vietnam and Indonesia, and many thousands scattered over Fiji, Mauritius, Madagascar, .Africa and even Trinidad and the Martinique Islands. Tamil is as much a classical language as Greek, Latin or Sanskrit, with this difference that while her ancient contemporaries have changed beyond recognition or been long regarded as “dead”, Tamil continues to be one of the most vigorous of modern languages, and perhaps offers the only example in history of an ancient classical tongue which has survived to this day and yet remains young as it was two thousand years ago. In literature produced many centuries before the opening up of show that the Tamil element in the composition of the Sm^^e is far greater than is usuaUy conceded. Hanmalaya, Kotmale and Gilimale are some of the examples.*' I “y ^J^ague, K. Nesiah for the above reference. 4 ^ of the School of Oriental and African Stoics. The Di^idian Element in Sinhalese, pp. 837— ^NGADASAMY, Tamil and Buddhism, W^EHE^, Aims of Education, New York, 1951; "Language IS the incarnation ol the mentality of the race that fashioned it.” TAMIL CULTURE REFERENCE TO CEYLON 347 The monumental Tamil-English Dictionary by Miron Winslow was commenced in Jaffna by Joseph Knight, assisted by Gabriel Tissera and Rev. Percival (two Ceylo¬ nese), and it is in the introduction to this Dictionary that Dr. Winslow has the oft-quoted passagq: “ It is not perhaps extravagant to say that in its poetic form the Tamil is more polished and exact than the Greek, and, in both dialects with its borrowed treasures, more copious than the Latin. In its fullness and power, it more resembles English and German than any other language.” Dr. Slater said, “ The Tamil language is extraordinary in its subtlety and sense of logic ” ; and W. Taylor observed earlier, “ It is one of the most copious, refined and polished languages spoken by man.” ° Tamil speech as obtaining in Ceylon, and Tamil phonetics as obtaining especially in the Northern and Eastern Provinces, show a fidelity to the earliest Tamil grammars which the speech of South India does not—a clear indication of the development of Tamil in Ceylon unhampered by the extraneous influences to which South India was subject. Tamil Literature Tamil Literature has made certain definite contribu¬ tions to world thought and letters. Its love poetry and its inclusion of love poetry in its theory of poetics are indica¬ tions of the humanistic approach to life that is charac¬ teristic of Tamil Culture. The love poetry of the Tamils is the product of a people among whom the finest ideals of courtship and wedlock had long been cherished. The ethical poetry of the Tamils has been the wonder of all foreigners who have studied it. The maxims of Thiruval- luvar or the Tirukkural is a book of which Dr. Albert Schweitzer has said : ® Quoted in Preface to Winslow’s Tamil-English Dictionary, Madras, 18 fi 2 . 348 TAMIL CULTURE “There hardly exists in the literature of the world a collection of maxims in which we find so much lofty wisdom.’’* And Dr. Pope observed : “ I have felt sometimes as if there must be a blessing in store for a people that delight so utterly in composi¬ tions thus remarkably expressive of a hunger and thirst after righteousness.” If English be the language of commerce, French the language of diplomacy, Italian the language of love, and German the language of philosophy, then Tamil is the language of devotion. The devotional poetry in Tamil is so great in bulk, and in depth and intensity of emotional fervour, that its continued study has given the language a certain aptitude for the expression of themes pertaining to mysticism and contemplation. The Nature Poetry of the Tamils is again the result of a people who lived intimately with Nature. No people, except perhaps the people of the Pacific Islands, have made so much use of flowers and plants in daily life for various purposes as the Tamils have done. The Tamils said it with flowers not only in love but also in warfare. The ancient Tamil warriors went to battle, their brows decked with garlands, and each strategic movement had its own symbolic flower. The influence and vitality of Tamil Culture in Ceylon has been such that it has produced a Tamil literature of worth, of which there is indisputable evidence from the 13th century, and many a Ceylonese poet and scholar crossed the Straits and won fame and recognition in other lands where Tamil is spoken. The name of Arumuga Navalar is associated with a great revivalist movement in Tamil and Saivaism; C. Y. Thamotherampillai was a pioneer editor of the classics which spear-headed the Tamil Renaissance; V. Kanagasabaipillai opened up a new ® A. SCHWEITZER, Indian Thought and its Development, pp. 200— 205, London, 1936. 10 See M. WINSLOW, Preface to Tamil-English Dictionary; SRI KANTHA, Terra Tamulica, Colombo, 1910. TAMIL CULTURE REFERENCE TO CEYLON 349 horizon to many a foreigner with his “ The Tamils Eighteen Hundred years ago;” N. Kathiravelpillai distinguished himself as a lexicographer ; Cumaraswamy Pulavar was recognized as a scholar of outstanding merit; Swami Vipulananda occupied the Chair of Tamil at the Annamalai University, and Swami Gnana Prakasar established his reputation for comparative philology and for the history of the Tamil-speaking people. The records of some of the earlier Tamil writers of Ceylon have been included in the Tamil Plutarch’^ compiled by Simon Casie-Chetty.^' Sinhalese sovereigns of various periods extended their patronage to Tamil poets, and the story is told of the forlorn Tamil bard that set out from Jaffna with his poem to the Court of Rajasingha at Kandy, to be told on the way that the last Tamil-speaking King of Ceylon had been taken captive. Ideals of Life Tamil Literature was the result of the Weltanschauung, the world outlook of the Tamil-speaking peoples, and at the same time that literature kept alive the outlook and those ideals which shaped it. Imagination is a gift which has been associated with great commercial peoples, and no people in this part of the world were such skilful navigators or traders as the Tamils. The sea ports of the then Tamil country, which included all the Malabar coast as well, were busy ports of call into which ships from the West sailed with their gold, lamps, wine and goblets, to return home laden with pepper and silks and cotton and ivory, and with the pearls of the Tamil seas. Teak from the Tamil country has been found in the ruins of Ur of the Chaldees, and peacocks and apes of the South were sold abroad as early as Solomon’s time. Yavanar, or men of the Graeco-Roman world, established n K. KANAPATHI PILLAI, Ceylon's Contribution to Tamil Language and Literature in University of Ceylon Review, Vol. VI, No. 4 (1948) ; Articles by K. P. RATNAM and K. K. NADARAJAH in the Ceylon Tamil Festival Volume (Tamil), Jaffna, 1951. 9 350 TAMIL CULTURE colonies and trading stations in the Tamil Kingdoms, and were even employed as engineers, body-guards, palace- guards ,and city-guards in the service of Tamil Kings.“ In this trade and overseas expansion the ports of North Ceylon played a great part which is forgotten in the age of the steamship and the aeroplane. Kalpitiya, Mantote, Kayts, Elephant Pass, Trincomalie have a naval history that has yet to be studied from local and foreign records, including the Arab chronicles. The Tamil Argonauts turned their eyes even more naturally towards the East and with them they carried their art and architecture, their religion, their language and their laws. It is agreed by most writers on Indian influences on South East Asia that the Tamil Kingdoms were among the earliest and the most active. The author of the Periplus and Ptolemy speak of the ships that used to sail from the Eastern coasts of South India and Ceylon to the land of gold (Malaya and Java), and Fa Hien refers to his voyage to Java, via Trincomalie. Having travelled lately through South East Asia, I have been ablerto follow the routes taken by the Tamil Argonauts and see the many lands where the Tamil-speaking people left behind the traces of their genius and culture. In the architecture of Champa and Cambodia, in the sculptures of the Museum of Tourane, in the Saiva Siddantha system of religion once followed in Indonesia and Indo-China, in the bronzes of Siam, may be seen the traces of Tamil influence. The Baratha Natyam has affinities with the dances of Cambodia and Bali; the Tamil sacred verses are recited by the Court Brahmins of Thailand at the Tamil feasts of Thirupavay and Thiruvempavai and during the coronation of their kings; certain tribes in Sumatra go under the Tamil names of Chera, Chola, Pandya and Pallava ; and the temples of Dieng plateau, of Po-Nagar, 12 See E. H. WARMINGTON, The Commerce between the Roman Empire and India. TAMIL CULTURE.REFEEENCE TO‘CEYLON 35l of Mi-son (Vietnam), of Anghor Thom, show the influence of Tamil architecture.^ Islam was spread in the Malay Archipelago largely by Tamil-speaking people. Because of their international outlook, trade and navigation the Tamils eschewed insularity and developed a remarkable universality of outlook. Wendell Wilkie in One World begins his book with the statement, “ In future our thinking must be worldwide.” The Tamil poet antici¬ pated him by a two thousand years when he said tuirjfiih aaiQff luirai^ih (Ssaflit ! “ Every country is my country ; Every man is my kinsman.” This sense of universality was instrumental in fashion¬ ing Tamil society after a broad and tolerant pattern. Albert Schweitzer in his Indian Thought and its Develop¬ ment shows exhaustively the optimistic, humanistic sense of life and life affirmation, the joie de vivre, that is charac¬ teristic of the Tamil attitude to life. He has a^so shown that three of the greatest philosophers of India, namely, Sankara, Ramanuja, Ramananda came from the South and were indebted to Tamil thought. The happy warrior delineated by the Tamil classics is one who has a sense of honour and of chivalry, and who will rather die than turn his back upon a foe or an adverse circumstance. Honour, bravery and nobility ( mrearti ) required one to bear the marks and scars of battle on the bosom. The story is told of the Tamil matron that heard of her son who had fallen in battle. She hurried to the battlefield in distress lest he should have fallen in retreat, but was relieved and happy when she saw tjie wounds on his chest, the infallible sign that he had fallen facing the enemy. 13 G. COEDES, Lc« etcts Hindouises, Paris, 1948. 35^ 1’AMIL CULTURE The Tamil warrior was expected to cover himself with glory in the arts of war and of peace. Men were illustrious because they left a glorious name () :— « LfsQifiirQ eBariiiSu iSdr OojQe} " (Puram 21 ; 23). stresrQpuj^i eriufi sunSesflA luirSssr (Kural, 772). The ideal of tolerance, the will to live and let live, is well illustrated by the anthologies which include poems of every shade of religious and philosophic belief. It is further clear from the scenes in Manimekhalai of Tamil cities where philosophers of rival schools expounded their own doctrines from their respective booths, imder their own flags—a two thousand-year old anticipation of Hyde Park Corner. The tradition of Bakthi and the ideal of tolerance explain the fact that nearly every world religion can claim in Tamil a voluminous literature. Tamil Culture has been enriched by poetical works of Saivaites, of Vaishnavites, of Jains, of Buddhists, of Muslims, of Catholics, of Protes¬ tants. No other language in the world has been the vehicle of the epic poetry of so many different religions, not Latin, not Sanskrit. As the ideal of the Philosopher-Statesman was outlined by the Greeks, as the Orator was delineated by the Latins, the Courtier and Governor by the English, the Tamils conceived their educational ideal as the Complete Man, the Perfect Man endowed with honour, greatness, culture, benevolence and grace. Further, a life of altruistic love was recommended to every Tamil. It has been found that persons dedicated to service and love live longer than others, and probably it is the altruism of Tamil Culture ’* ^LDiQseBr tua-yurCi iSpiti^ifliuirarar ” “ srcSr SL^dr uoxB Q^iu^ that explains its long survival. 'TAMIL CULtURBJ.REFERfeNCti TO CEYLON 353 Present State When one examines the present state of the Tamil¬ speaking peoples and their fidelity to the ideals that moulded their culture one wonders if they have not lost a great deal of the virility and resource that characterized them of old. It is true they continue to live, to be theistic, and to have a love of the language and literature that nurtured them, but enterprise, initiative, creative activity and philosophic thought are necessary to them, if they are not to be noted for inertia and apathy. Some of their ancient contemporaries are no more; the Chams and the Khmers with whom they traded and who under their inspiration erected colossal monuments are themselves spent forces in the world of today. Unless we are alive to the needs for the conservation and transmission of this culture, it may well be that a few centuries hence we shall have precious little of this heritage left behind in the country of our birth. 1. As the basis and source of this apathy and inertia, I would point to the ignorance of the language, of the literature, of the arts, of the history, of the cultiue, that exists among our people today, especially among those sections that combine wealth and influence and a lop-sided Western education. Cultures disappear by those very causes by which they flourish, and the disappearcince of the ideals that nourished Tamil Culture will eventually lead to the disappearance of Tamil Culture itself. They say the Lion and the Lizard keep The Courts where Jamshyd gloried and drank deep. During the last fifty years* there has been a revival of interest in Tamil, and this revival must be attributed to the printing and pbpularising of the Tamil classics. But that revival in Ceylon will not be complete unless it reaches every section of the Tamil-speaking public, parti¬ cularly those who establish the norms of appreciation and the standards of refinement. ^54 TAMIL CxJtttjRfi 2. The dearth of philosophic thought is, perhap^, the greatest drawback in the popularising of true values in Ceylon. In the spate of talk and oratory about our past glories, we run very dry concerning the problems that aifect us in the domain of thought, concerning our beliefs, our code of right and wrong, our political creeds, our ideals of service, our national unity. Philosophy is not the peculiar business of the angels; it is human business, everybody’s business. The want of creative activity in writing and the Fine Arts that we remark today is mainly due to the lack of an interest in philosophic studies and in pure thought. The publishing houses are bringing out translations and adap¬ tations of foreign works and commentaries on the ancient classics, but original works, works in Tamil that deserve translation into foreign tongues, books on the problems vital to man today are noticeably scarce. 3. A lack of originality is seen in the Tamil radio, the Tamil films, and the Tamil newspapers. It is also visible (or audible) in the platform oratory that is being developed in a manner so that the sense follows the sound ; it is audible in the alien Tamil accent that is heard over Radio Ceylon ; in the hybrid imitations that pass for Tamil dance, and in the poor norms of appreciation of Tamil music.'* 4. The emphasis hitherto in the Tamil Renaissance has been on the study of literature. An equal emphasis is necessary today on the Fine Arts of the Tamils. We have not produced recently any great sculptor or any great painter. It is by a revival of these arts that we shall teach our people the art of life and the art of gracious living. A very famous English writer on the Tamil dance wrote to me some time ago from Canada : “ I would give anything to have a glimpse of a Pallava sculpture- or a Chola bronze.” It requires an aesthetic mind to be so moved by art. M BERYL DE ZOETE, The Other Mind, p. 14, London, 1953. TAMIL CULTURE.REFERENCE TO‘CEYLON 355 I have no intention of continuing these Observations because I see at the same time a few signs of an awakening of effective interest in our cultural heritage. But the question that agitates our minds today, the mind of every Tamil-speaking citizen be he Muslim or Hindu, Catholic or Protestant, or Buddhist, concerns the future of Tamil Culture in this country. Languages of Administration The stagnation in Tamil Culture that has been noted before is not a little due to the want of State patronage during the last three or four hundred years. With the dawn of a new era in our national life, it is but legitimate for us to expect the State to extend the same measure of support to the development of the culture of the two major nationalities that form the Ceylonese nation. (I follow A. L. Kroeber’s definition of nation and nationality : “ Here are some contemporary cases of political nations that include two or more nationalities. Belgium is almost equally divided between Waloons speaking a French dialect in their homes and Flemings speaking a variant of Dutch. Switzerland is 72 per cent German speaking, 21 per cent French, 6 per cent Italian, 1 per cent Romansch. The Union of South Africa has a white population that is part English speaking and part Afrikaans or Dutch speaking, plus the racially distinct Bantu-Negro natives. India in 1947 set up house-keep¬ ing on its own, as two independent political nations with dozens of nationalities and languages.”) In the formation and preservation of nationalities, language is by far the most objective factor. It is the free inter-communication of common speech that provides the consciousness of kinship. Language is the rational and spiritual matrix in which a culture lives, moves and has its being. Hence the Tamil poets have consistently lost »» A, L. KBOEBER, Anthropology, p. 22&—227, New York, 1948. 356 TAMILCULTURE themselves in a mystical enthusiasm over the nature of the language, calling it the sweetest possible names : SjApvS^, aiaisiL-tjS^, psirL^tBQ>, ^oirL-iSlP, The use of the Tamil language in the civil, educational and social life of this country is an absolute necessity if Tamil Culture is to survive. Today, Tamil is spoken in every part of Ceylon by over two million people; it is indigenous to this Island; its speakers constitute a major nationality; its cultural influence in the nation is very much greater than, may be gauged from the numerical strength of its speakers. Words are the living memorials in which are enshrined much of social and political history. The inner life of every people is stereotyped in their language, and retained there for the instruction of future generations. I could give you hundreds of Tamil words and terms, the disuse of which in administration would impoverish the Tamils in Ceylon in more ways than one. It is but a fundamental and human right that Tamil be one of the languages of administration all over the country so that the Tamil-speaking population may transact their business with Government in their own language, and consequently that their business is attended to by members of the Government service who have a minimum know¬ ledge of the Tamil language. There is a flagrant contradiction in the statements of those thinkers who would have Tamil as a medium of instruction in schools but not as a medium in administra¬ tion. If there is equality of opportunity in this Island, it should be made compulsory for a Government servant to have a minimum knowledge of both languages so that he may serve in any part of the Island. That two languages should function as languages of administration is nothing new in the history of multilingual or bilingual states. . South Africa, Canada, Belgium, TAMIL CULTURE REFERENCE TO CEYLON 357 Switzerland have their own solutions to the language problems. When three nationalities, four languages, and adherents of three religions have co-operated to build an exceptionally “ national ” nation in Switzerland, two languages in Ceylon should present no difficulties provided we are determined to preserve the unity of our nation and the territorial integrity of our country. The rule by majority as practised in homogeneous states which have only one language, one nationality, one race, one religion, may not be exercised in countries with a plurality of cultures, nationalities, languages and religions. If the Swiss confederation has made concession to a language like Romansch which is spoken by only one per cent of its population in one of its twenty-five Cantons, and to Italian spoken by six per cent of its population in two of its Cantons, there must be an affinity between democracy and language that is worth learning.^® “ In all these countries, Belgium, South Africa and Switzerland, none of the linguistic groups can be properly called a ‘ national minority,’ as each has absolute equality of status with the majority group and its language is used by the state side by side with the language of the majority.”—(N. Hans, Comparative Education, p. 50.) In the interests of national stability and solidarity it might be useful for cultural leaders of bilingual and multilingual states to study the questions of national languages on an international plane. Such conferences would strengthen the claims of the Tamil language in Ceylon. Tamil at the University If a language is to be the matrix of a flourishing and progressive culture, it is necessaray that it be taught at a University level both as a language and as a medium. I am making no suggestion here with regard to the time when our national languages may be introduced into the University or about the preparation needed for its intro- 16 Consult A. SIEGFRIED. Switzerland, A Democratic Way of-Life, London, 1950. 10 358 TAMIL CULTURE duction. Nor am I minimising the importance of a high standard of English desirable at our Universities, but if we wish to develop our languages and our literatures for modem needs and the expression of modern thought, such a development is inconceivable without the national languages becoming the medium in which our intelli¬ gentsia think and write, speak and teach. Even for the success of the national languages medium in the elementary and secondary schools, it would seem that a literature at a University level of thought is a prior requisite. So too it is a prior requisite for the progress of all technicalized means of mass communication like the press, the radio and the cinema. The history of the great Buddhist Univer¬ sities and the Hindu Mutts of the neighbouring continent, as well as the history of Universities in other parts of the world, should convince us of the creative influence exercised by these institutions of higher learning in the transmission of language and culture and in the develop¬ ment of the mother-tongue. The complaint of creative inactivity in Tamil letters and the barrenness of Tamil Art in Ceylon of today is primarily due to the absence of a centre of Tamil thought and Tamil basic research. Our population and our need, would justify the founding of two more Universities, which would be mainly concerned with the development of the national languages. A University in the Northern or Eastern Province with a Tamil cultural emphasis and another in the South of Ceylon, heir to Totagamuwa, would meet the needs. Of the Wijaya Bahu Pirivena, Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam speaking at the Calcutta University Institute in 1916 said : “In the fifteenth century we had in Ceylon a splendid College of the University type in the Wijaya Bahu Pirivena at Totagamuwa in Galle District, presided over by Ceylon’s greatest poet, Sri Rahula Sthawira. It was catholic in its aims and provided instruction for Buddhists and Hindus, clerical and lay, in zill the know¬ ledge of the time.” (Eastern Ideals in Education, in Studies and Translations.) TAMIL CULTURE.reference TO, CEYLON 359 • To deny Tamil, equality of status and opportunity at the University or at the Universities of Ceylon, is to deny to the Tamil-speaking people that scholarship and oppor¬ tunity for* national service and cultural refinement which are the ends and aims of higher learning. A University aims at raising the intellectual tone of society, at cultivating the public mind, at purifying the national taste, at supplying true principles to popular enthusiasm and fixed aims to popular aspiration, at giving enlarge¬ ment and sobriety to the ideas of the age, at facilitating the exercise of political power and refining the inter¬ course of private life.”—(Cardinal Newman, Idea of a University.) Are we to be denied these gifts of University life merely because a bilingual University is supposed to be a novel institution in our national experience ? Bilingual Universities are no uncommon feature of bilingual and multilingual countries. They tend to set the tone and the example in tolerance, good understanding and co-operation for the rest of the country. And bilingualism at the University and in administration function on the under¬ standing that on the part of the language groups there will be no linguistic or cultural imposition which involves the sacrifice of the mother-tongue. The existence of the age-long cultures side by side should be looked upon as a source of fruitfulness and mutual benefits. Hence our Universities, schools, and adult educational agencies should provide opportunities for the study of the two national languages. Citizens should be encouraged to learn the other national language so that they may break the linguistic barrier in the interests of social harmony. In Ceylon, we possess already a linguistic environment favourable to the study of Sinhalese, Tamil and English, and as many citizens as possible should avail themselves of this opportunity to obtain a knowledge of the three languages^ naturally, in varying degrees of proficiency. 360 TAMIL CULT UR t Responsibility of the State Thus far I have spoken of State patronage and of institutions for the promotion of Tamil Culture in Ceylon. The State may not relinquish its obligations in favour of private enterprise and initiative, nor may it attempt at consoling us with the assurance that “ Tamil will be taken care of in South India.” Our reply then would be : “ We are Ceylonese and the Tamil language belongs here in its own right, and even if Tamil per impossible ceased to be the living language in other parts of the .world, we shaU endeavour to make it continue to flourish in this Island reserve.” An assurance of Tamil prosperity in South India would be similar to assuring the French-Swiss nationality that French need not be an official language in Switzerland because it is the official language across the border in France, or that the University of Lausanne is superfluous because there is a University in Paris, or to saying that the mother-tongue may be neglected in Australia because English is taught in the United States. The growth of Tamil in Ceylon has been independent, though that growth did always admit of influences from across the seas in the same maner as the other great language of this Island. Nor is it accurate to say that the Tamils are so endowed with intelligence that they will learn the Sinhalese language and wield it with the facility of a mother-tongue even better than the Sinhalese themselves. This is a very unscientific conjecture entirely unsupported by facts. The Tamils can never acquire the same command of Sinhalese as those to whom Sinhalese is the mother-tongue, unless they are prepared to change their mother-tongue. There are very, very few people in the world who are able to think, speak and write two languages with the same equal faci lity. And what guarantee is there that even w MARIO PEI. The Story of Language, New York, 1949, p. 104: “ A trace of foreign accent is present in about 99% of cases where a person on one linguistic background tries to speak another tongue. tAMIL CUL^URjEi. .... .ilEiFfeRl^NCfe TO. CfiYLON 36i if they seU their birthright, origins, religion,' names and antecedents will not prevent discrimination shotild Govern¬ ment or society choose to discriminate against them ? Some Ways and Means There are ways and means by which individuals may promote Tamil Culture, either singly or in a body. It would not be wrong to say that the State and the Univer¬ sities receive their tone and their standards also from the society which they represent, so that the higher the standards of society, the higher is the standard of cultural patronage by the State and of efficiency at the University. Here are some ways and means by which the objectives of a cultural revival may be achieved : 1. Active support should be given to associations dedicated to the study and promotion of Tamiliana. 2. Tamil society should set the highest standards in this revivalist and progressive movement. Awards (cash, medals, books) should be offered for creative work and for translations. 3. Libraries and Museums should be established as means of adult education and films should be made of the Tamil heritage. The project of the Jaffna Library merits the support of the entire country. 4. A comprehensive Tamil-Sinhalese-English Dic¬ tionary and a Tamil Encyclopaedia for Ceylon should be compiled. 5. Basic research should be undertaken by cultural associations so that the significance and import of Tamil Page 191: “It has been fully established that a change in language on the part of an individual is attended by corresponding changes in gestures, facial expression, carriage, even humour and taboos. This is readily observable in the case of bilingual speakers when they pass from one language to the other.” Page 254: “Linguistic intolerance is manifested in the aversion to other languages than one's own. As a student of linguistic sociology puts it, ‘To the naive monoglot, objects and ideas are identical with and inseparable from the particular words used to describe them in the one language he knows; hence he is Inclined to consider speakers of other languages as something less than human, or at least foreign and hostile to the world of his own experience.’ ” 362 ‘TAMIL CUL^tJREi customs and habits and way of life may be popularised among the Tamil-speaking people. 6. Teachers of Tamil should be well-qualified and be lovers of Tamil literature that enjoy Tamil poetry in their leisure. A new orientation in the prescribing of books of study and in their teaching is necessary if Tamil children are to love their language and enjoy poetry and the Tamil Arts as the expression of life and experience, and wield their language for intelligent and effective citizenship. The writing of poetry should receive especial atten¬ tion, since poetry, more than any other Fine Art, is a powerful vehicle for the transmission of a people’s ideals, history and language. 7. Tamil monuments in Ceylon should be better studied and preserved. If the State for some reason or other, has not hitherto prepared specialists in Tamil archaeology or Tamil history, it should be the duty of the Tamil Cultural Association to request the State to do so. The University, the Department of Archaeology, the Public Museums should have scholars well versed in Tamiliana. Scholarships may be offered to deserving students by the Tamil-speaking public. 8. Tamil studies should be made to show the points .of contact and elements common with Sinhalese Culture so as to promote understanding and national solidarity. 9. The Tamil classics should be translated into Sinhalese and books on Tamil Culture be written in English and Sinhalese for the promotion of inter-nationa¬ lity harmony, 10. The contribution in thought, in literature, in art made by the Tamil-speaking people should be made known through translations in the principal languages of Europe and Asia, because that contribution is part of the world’s heritage. In the past, for political and religious reasons, Tamil studies had enthusiastic students in Portugal, Holland, France and England. In the future, it will be the duty of Tamils themselves to give their treasures to their fellowmen, and a few Tamil scholars at least should learn Hindi, Chinese, Japanese and Indonesian for this purpose. 11. Culture is dependent for its origin and its deve¬ lopment on geography and on the land. Tamil Culture has had always an intimate communion with the land TAMIL CULTURE...... REFERENCE TO CEYLON 363 as is to be seen from the earliest Tamil poetry down to our own day. The tendency of people to flock to the towns should be arrested, for extreme urbanization and the consequent change means death to a culture such as ours. One cannot be opposed to change or to the absorbing of elements that are conducive to cultural progress. But the process of change should not involve the ceasing of a vital internal development. The Tamil¬ speaking people should co-operate in colonisation pro¬ grammes and revive the agricultural bias of their social structure. 12. Every Tamil-speaking citizen should make his own contribution to this cultural movement, by study, by doing promotional work, and by material assistance. Many associations and authors fail to give of their best for want of adequate finances. Unto the Last These, ladies and gentlemen, are some of the measures that we may adopt in order that we may reacquire our Culture for ourselves and our generation, and that we may leave it to those who follow us, richer and nobler, if possible, than we found it. There is no doubt that the task of nation-building is not a light one, and that the problems that beset us are many and varied. While other bilingual states are parts of continents and have large territories contiguous to them. Nature and history and a common patrimony intend us to be one nation in our Island home. Because Tamil is the mother-tongue also in other countries, no Tamil-speaking Ceylonese has ever ceased to think of this Island but as his home, his country and his motherland. For two thousand years and more, our two major nationalities have lived together, and there is no reason for not hoping that Sinhalese Culture will be a source of inspiration and strength to Tamil Culture and that Tamil Culture will be a source of inspiration and strength to Sinhalese Culture. The great Sir Ponnam- balam Arunachalam in a speech that inaugurated the national movement in this country saw the vision of a future Ceylon which because of progress and leadership would serve as a beacon lihgt to the rest of Asia.^ Asia 364 TAMIL CULTURE today throbs with the consciousness of a new hope and destiny, and within the frame-work of a new world, our country situated in the centre between Sast and West has the new opportunity to evolve a life of its own, her own democracy, by learning from the experience of other nations on either side of her but by solving her own problems in the manner best suited to her own national genius. If I have ventured to suggest to you a few measures for the continued preservation and development of Tamil Culture, I have done so in the spirit of a student. The history that I have outlined, the language in which our mothers sang to us when rocking our cradles, the words that have become dear to us by traditional usage and the phrases that have become consecrated in our prayers at home or at common worship, the literature that has formed, nurtured and elevated us and offered us the ideals which we cherish, these are some of the factors that contributed to the Tamil-speaking peoples existing as a nationality upon this Island. One is not less a Ceylonese for being loyal to Tamil Culture or to Sinhalese Culture. While it is true that a culture may not be created artificially, it is equally true that it is in the power of men to contribute to the causes and work at those conditions necessary for a flowering of culture, and it is also in the power of men to combat those intellectual errors and the emotional prejudices which stand in the way of such con¬ ditions. The survival and the continued growth of Tamil Culture is, therefore, in our hands. It is selfless and noble to dedicate one’s time and energies under God to one’s Culture and one’s Country. The Tamil sage implied that Tamil Culture is the dearest possession of the Tamil people for the preservation of which no sacrifice would be great enough, not even life itself: uctri/soL-iuir/fti ULlQemQ tLsosih inasTLfi^ miriuaj Reviews TAMIL ENCYCLOPAEDIA-SECOND VOLUME The publication of the second volume marks another distinct stage in the endeavours of the Tamil Valarchi Kazhagam to complete the great task they have set before themselves. Compared with the progress made by lexicon- writers and editors of encyclopaedias in other countries, they have every cause for satisfaction that though lacking even in essential resources they are forging ahead at a rate that should rouse envy in the hearts of less enter¬ prising peoples, whose dream of an encyclopaedia of their own is yet too remote for realization. We owe it to the unrelenting and determined efforts of the editors as well as the contributors, that the target dates are being kept in every possible direction. Several criticisms have been advanced in regard to the first volume of the encyclopaedia, and the second volume too has not escaped strictures. But the concensus of opinion certainly is that in an undertaking so prodigious where the whole field of knowledge known to modern man has to be covered, omissions, perhaps some of them serious, are likely to occur, which to some extent detract from its value. So on the whole the editors of the encyclo¬ paedia must be congratulated on the measure of success that they have achieved in regard to the erudition and skill they have brought to bear upon the presentation of matter so vast and varied and which occasionally defies both analysis and synthesis. Sometimes descriptions of persons and things are neither full nor sufficiently illuminating. For example, the account given of the University of Ceylon is rather meagre. There is no mention made at all of Edward VIII 11 366 TAMIL CULTURE of England, while the other Edwards find a place in the encyclopaedia. Some of the sketches could contain illus¬ trative details and references.. In the brief account given of the Greek legendary hero, Endymion, a reference to the English poet Keats’s work Endymion may be brought in. Descriptions of Capital Cities sometimes leave much to be desired. If the editors could indicate to the contri¬ butors the precise nature and quanturn of information required, they would not give room for criticisms of the type already referred to. Besides, they should themselves ransack the literatures and other sources of knowledge available on the subjects concerned in order to supplement the meagre information that might be supplied by the contributors. In conclusion, one cannot but extol the good work done by the publishers in both volumes. We have to offer them special praise for the ingenuity, thoroughness and efficiency with which they have used in most cases pure Tamil terms for highly recondite and technical ideas which have been so far studied and understood only in English by Indians in general. This would serve as an eye-opener to those half-hearted reformers who are unwilling to make Tamil, or the regional language for that matter, either as an instrument of modern thought or as a medium of instruc¬ tion in Universities. The Tamil encyclopaedia will surely pave the way for the publication in Tamil of innumerable authoritative standard text books on modern sciences and arts which would come to be prescribed for study by students in the University. Especially when such a wealth of Tamil vocabulary has been created to meet the demands of higher knowledge the next step forward would be to bring out standard books in Tamil on all subjects accord¬ ing to the requirements of University authorities. This would by all means hasten the introduction of the Tamil medium in Colleges. In this regard, both the Tamil Valarchi Kazhagam and The Academy of Tamil Culture should vie with one another not only in the creation of REVIEWS 367 standard scientific and technical terminology but also in the production of books by offering the necessary incentive to Tamil scholars, who have creative ability and a talent for writing books. Above all the best service that could be rendered to the cause of the Tamil language would be to encourage the writing of Tamil that is pure, simple, chaste, racy and which carries with it the indelible stamp of the genius of the language. TRANSLATIONS OF TAMIL POEMS INTO CZECH BY DR. KAMIL ZVELEBIL Dr. Kamil Zvelebil, our contributor from Prague, has published recently an anthology of classical Tamil verse as an edition de luxe, richly illustrated. This anthology, which appeared under the title “ CERNY KVET ”, comprises about 50 poems in Czech poetical translation, selected from the Akam, Narrinai and Kuruntokai collec¬ tions. Soon another anthology of Tamil Cangkam poetry will be published in Dr. Zvelebil’s Czech translation, comprizing about 200 stanzas. Thus the Czechoslovak readers have been, for the first time, acquainted with the riches and splendour of old Tamil Poetry. News and Notes THE FIRST ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING OF THE ACADEMY OF TAMIL CULTURE The first Annual General meeting of the Academy was held on the 27th August 1955 in the Quinn Hall, Loyola College with Mr. Justice N. Somasundaram, President, in the chair and the usual business was transacted. Following the General meeting, there was a public meeting over which Professor R. P. Sethu Pillai presided. The gathering was large and the hall was packed to capacity. The proceedings began with a prayer in Tamil sung by the well known actor Mr. T. K. Shanmugam. Professor Filliozat of the College De France, Paris, then delivered an address on “ Tamil and Sanskrit ”. The full text of his address is printed elsewhere in this number. Professor T. P. Meenakshisundaranar, who was the next speaker, expressed gratification at the keen enthusiasm and interest shown by the Tamil public, particularly the student population, towards Tamil language and culture but sounded a note of warning that unless this interest and enthusiasm were capitalised and translated into action it would serve no purpose. Rev. Dr. Thani Nayagam of the University of Ceylon, the Chief Editor of Tamil Culture, mentioned that, in connection with his educational and religious work, he had of necessity to learn a number of languages including Latin, Greek, Hebrew, French, German, Spanish, Italian and Portugese and he had no hesitation in endorsing Bharathi’s dictum tuirw^a^ Qwirf^aefffQeo fBuB^ QwiryS Quireb Q^ia(§th sir(S^ih. NEWS AND NOTES 369 He referred to his recent visits to the countries in the Far East where he was able to recognise many elements of Tamil influence in the fields of religion as well as art and architecture. Amongst other things he referred to the fact that certain sects in Indonesia were known as Cheras, Cholas and Pandiyas and to the tradition obtain¬ ing at the annual coronation celebrations at Bangkok in Thailand of singing by the High priest there of Tamil stanzas from Tiruvachagam (Tiruvembavai). Dr. K. K. Pillai, Professor of History, Madras Univer¬ sity emphasised the need for conducting research in a scientific spirit and mentioned instances of scholars in. historical and literary fields in Tamil Nad who approached problems with preconceived prejudices, leading them to absurd and highly inconsistent findings. In particular he pointed out the fallacy of conclusions drawn by some scholars in regard to language on the basis of inscriptions raised by non Tamilians, particularly Buddhist and Jain immigrants into Tamil Nad. Professor Sethu Pillai, in his concluding speech, felt that it was a good augury that scholars of the type of Prof. Filliozat and Dr. Thani Nayagam were able after considerable research to bring out the antiquity, indepen¬ dent evolution and the expansive influence of Tamil language and culture. He was confident that it would no longer be possible for prejudiced writers, masquerading as historians and literary scholars, to belittle the antiquity and the greatness that belong of right to Tamil language and Tamil culture. He stated that a wave of enthusiasm was rising among all sections of the Tamil people and hoped to see ere long the achievement of his life-long desire, viz., to see Tamil enthroned as the language of administration and of education at all levels. The proceedings terminated with a vote of thanks proposed by Mr. Valavan Psmdian, Professor of Tamil, Loyola College and with a Tamil National Anthem sung by Mr. T. K. Shanmugam. 370 TAMIL C.ULTUltE HINDI AND NON-HINDI REGIONS President Rajendra Prasad has reiterated the Govern¬ ment’s assurance to the people of the South and other Non-Hindi regions that there is no question of imposing Hindi on any one. Inaugurating the Hindi exhibition organised by the Central Educational Ministry in August last, the President said that there was no attempt on the part of the Government to put the people whose mother- tongue was not Hindi in a position of disadvantage or to put whose mother-tongue was Hindi in an advantageous position. Referring to the question of the Union Public Service Commission conducting its competitive examina-; tions through the medium of Hindi, the President said that although steps may be taken to encourage the use of Hindi as the medium of these examinations those who might prefer to use the medium of English or their mother-tongue would be free to do so subject to their passing a test in Hindi later on. He was therefore of the view that there was no justification for thinking that there was even a remote possibility of the Non-Hindi speaking candidates being discriminated against or put to any disadvantage. HINDI AND GOVERNMENT SERVANTS The Home Ministry of the Government of India have issued an order that all Central Government servants should have sufficient knowledge of Hindi by January 26, 1965. In this connection, it is understood that the Home Ministry is considering a suggestion made by President Rajendra Prasad that, if necessary, Government servants should be asked to devote one hour out of their eight hour day to the learning of Hindi. HINDI AND ENGLISH The Official Language Commission, as it is reported, received surprising answers to their questionnaire. It is learnt that Kaka Kalelkar, who has been a Champion of Hindi as the State Language of India, has suggested to the NEWS AND NOTES 371 Gommission that English should not be replaced for another 15 years. The Syndicate of the Madras University in their answer to the questionnaire issued by the Official Language Commission has opposed the early replacement of English by Hindi. The Syndicate is of the opinion that the replace¬ ment of English by Hindi will place most persons belonging to the Non-Hindi speaking areas at a serious disadvantage, the more so in regard to such Non-Hindi speaking areas as South India, where Hindi language and script are almost wholely unknown. They further think that there cannot be any possible method of safeguarding the claims of persons belonging to the Non-Hindi speaking areas in regard to the public services unless English, is also allowed as a language of examination along with Hindi till such time as one of the regional languages has developed sufficiently to replace English in the higher stages of learning. The Syndicate is also of the view that if the medium for the Public Service Examinations is to be changed from English, any of the languages mentioned in the constitution may be used and the candidates must be given the choice to use any one of these languages. On the question of propagation of Hindi in Non-Hindi speaking areas, the Syndicate has stated that it may be the duty of the Central Government and . the State CJovernment of fhe Hindi speaking areas to expend money on the propaga¬ tion and enrichment of the Hindi language. But other States. will have their corresponding obligation for the propagation and enrichment of their regional languages. The Syndicate has also suggested that the use of English as the official language may be extended for at least a period of 30 years from the date of commencement of the constitution. TAMIL AS STATE LANGUAGE Sri K. Kamaraj, Chief Minister of Madras, has stated that ultimately the aim of the Government is that the administration of the State should be carried oii only in 372 TAMIL CULTURE the regional language. He also thinks that the process of introducing the regional language for conducting the administration of the State will gather momentum as soon as the re-alignment of State boundaries is completed in the light of the recommendations of the State Reorganisation Commission. During the discussion on the questionnaire issued by the Official Language Commission in the Madras Legisla¬ tive Assembly, Sri C. Subramanian, Finance Minister, stated that there will be no objection to the study of a common language so long as the autonomy of the State was ensured in regard to the development of the Regional Language for administrative and educational purposes. Regarding the adoption of Hindi as the official language, the Minister said that the part of the Constitution relating to that subject required complete re-thinking. The decision contained in the chapter was arrived at as a compromise formula and it should be re-examined in the light of the existing circumstances. The Madras Presidency Tamil Sangam at its meeting held at Tirunelveli welcomed the statement of the Finance Minister in the Madras Legislative Assembly that the regional language would be the official language of the State. It was also announced at the meeting that the Administrative Terms Committee of the Sangam had already coined about 5,000 Tamil equivalents of English administrative terms, and Government was urged to give financial aid to the Sangam to complete its work. DEPARTMENT OF DRAVIDIAN PHILOLOGY On the 15th of October 1955, the new Department of Dravidian Philology of the Annamalai University was inaugurated by Sri C. Subramanian, Minister for Finance and Education. The following is an account of the circum¬ stances which led to the opening of this department, sent to us for publication by the Public Relations Officer, Annamalai University. NEWS AND NOTES 373 ^ In recognition of the services of the Annamalai University to the cause of higher education, the Union Government sanctioned, on the occasion of the Silver Jubilee celebrations, a non-recurring grant of Rs. Three lakhs for the establishment of a Chair in Tamil. To formulate proposals for the utilization of the grant, a Special Committee was formed, consisting of the following gentlemen: Sri A Ramanatham Pillai, then Deputy to the Vice-Chancellor (Convener), Sri T. M. Narayana- swamy Pillai (now Vice-Chancellor), Dr. Chidambara- natha Chettiar, Professor L. P. KR. Ramanathan Chettiar and Professor G. Subramania Pillai. After deep thought and deliberation, the Committee reported that having regard to the genesis of the University, the intentions of the Founder, the wishes of the public, and the aspirations of the youth of Tamil Nad, the University has a distinctive role to play in the field of higher education, namely that of giving the foremost place to Tamil and providing facilities for and encouraging the study of Tamil and research in it in all its aspects—language, literature, culture, philosophy, religion, archaeology, fine arts, music, sculpture, arcl^itec- ture etc. In due course and as finances permit, facilities for the study of and research in Tamil in all its aspects should be provided. But provision of research in all these branches all at once may not be feasible, and so it would be necessary to undertake at present one or two schemes within the financial capacity of the University. Several fruitful lines of work that have to be pursued, were outlined in the order of preference. To start with. Studies in Comparative Philology were considered essential as they open out a vista of useful investigations. Preparation of a new Etymological Dictionary in Tamil and research in Comparative Dravidian Philology are very important subjects. Professor R. P. Sethu Pillai has stressed the importance of philological research in Tamil, and the need for the immediate preparation of an etymo- 19 . 374 TAMIL CULTURE logical dictionary in Tamil. He says, “ Dr. Caldwell gave the lead in this direction but after him no systematic attempt has been made to study the Dravidian Language from the scientific point of view.” Research work and the preparation of the etymological dictionary will necessitate the appointment of a competent Professor of Tamil assisted by research scholars in each of the other Dravidian languages namely, Telugu, Kannada, and Malayalam. The next proposal is a scheme for the study of, and research in, Tamil Philosophy—Saiva Siddhanta and Vaishnava Siddhanta. Due importance has nOt so far been given to these subjects. Again no research or study has been made of the work of Thirumular. It may be taken on hand as early as possible. There is no need to dilate on the importance of the two philosophies. The third scheme is research in the field of History, Archaeology and Epigraphy etc. There are many unex¬ plored regions in South Indian history. There is as yet no connected and authentic account or history of South India and its people from the earliest times, based on systematic study and research. ■ The fourth scheme is research in Tamil Literature. No doubt some work in this field has been done already and is being done even today. The department of Tamil Research in the University is at present engaged in the work of publishing a Variorum edition of Karriba Rama- yanam and also in publishing the twelve Tirumurais. Further lines of research would have to be pursued in the following: (a) Research in Sangam Literature. There is need for authoritative commentaries on some Sangam works and also on important later works. (b) Critical editions, with translations in English and notes, of Tamil classics, such as Kamha Ramayanam, Thirukkural, Silappathikaram and Thiruvasakam. NEWS AND NOTES 375 (c) Further, Tamil Literature is in need of literary criticism. One of the directions in which research should be imdertaken as early as possible by this University is the production of critical works on Tamil classics like Kamba Ramayanam, Silappathikaram, Periyapuranam and some Sangam works on the lines of Bradley’s “ Tragedies of Shakespeare (d) An exhaustive history of Tamil literature on the lines of Saintsbury’s “ History of English Literature A Histpry of Tamil Literature up to the end of the 10th century has been completed by the Research department. It has to be continued and brought up to date. (e) The History of Tamil Grammar from the age of Tholkappiam has to be presented to the public in a fresh light after adequate research. (f) In the field of music and dance, Tamil Literature has something valuable to contribute. Rare passages from Silappathikaram have to be studied and explained. As it is, it is a sealed book. Research in these would be interest¬ ing and instructive. and (g) Similarly, research in sculpture and temple architecture has to be undertaken under the auspices of the University. The Syndicate accepted the above recommendations of the Special Committee and decided to create a Silver Jubilee Chair in Tamil with a complement of lecturers for work with special reference to the preparation of the new Etymological Dictionary in Tamil and research in Compara¬ tive Philology. The Academic Council unanimously accepted the proposals of the Syndicate. ARCHAEOLOGY AND DRAVIDIAN CULTURE It was brought to the notice of the Academy that the Central Advisory Board of Archaeology nominated recently 376 TAMIL CULTURE by the Government of India has many representatives on it interested in Aryan or Sanskritic Culture, while not a single representative interested in Dravidian or Tamil Language or Culture has been appointed thereto. It was resolved that the Academy should make suitable represen¬ tations to the Ministry of Education in this regard. MISCONCEPTIONS ABOUT THE TAMILS CHICAGO NATURAL HISTORY MUSEUM In its issue of October 17, 1955, Tamil Nadu, Madurai, published a photograph of a bronze statue of a palm tree climber exhibited in the Natural History Museum, Chicago, with the following descriptive caption : The Tamils are a mixture of White and Negro stocks and have dark brown and wavy hair. They climb toddy palms to obtain sap for making wine. This gross misrepresentation has drawn indignant protests from Tamilians both in India and abroad and on the matter being brought to the notice of the Governing Council, it was decided that the Academy should take suitable action to correct the misconceptions. Transliteration of Tamil Phonemes into English VOWELS — a (as in among) — a: ( „ calm) — i ( .. sit) R* — i: ( „ machine) S. — u ( >. foil) tSB. — u: ( „ rule) «r — c ( .. fed) cr — e: ( able) S3 — ai ( „ aisle) 9 .— o ( „ opinion) 9 o: ( „ opium) 9 «ir — au ( » now) i CONSONANTS Hard^ a — k (as in king, angle, alhambra) (Plosive) ff — c ( „ church, angel, calcium) L. —- t: ( „ card ?) ^ — th ( „ threat, this, thick) U — P ( „ pipe, amber) requested to send their subscriptions, renewal or fresh, to reach us by 31st December. Literary communications, Exchange,, and Books for review should be addressed to the Chief Editor, “ Tamil Culture ”, Thamilakam, Sterling Road, Madras-31. To secure their return, if not accepted, the Mss. offered for publication should ^ accompanied by a •, stamped addressed envelope. The EdHc fe does not take any responsibility that may be lost, i tff^^ hould 1^ typewritten and sent in duplicate to facilitate printing^.. The expression’ of individual views- by contributors^or reviewers does no^ imply editorial endorsement. Published Dr. M. Varadarajan for Academy of Ta: Thamilakam, Sterling Road, Madras-31, and printed by K. S. The Jupiter Press, Ltd., 100-C, Mount Road, Ma^as-18. ISBN: 978-93-85165-04-7 TAMIL CULTURE Vol. IV -1955 /. Inter national Institute of Tamil Studies i / Vol. V. No. 1 JANUARY, 1956 TAMIL CULTURE « JOURNAL OF THE ACADEMY OF TAMIL CULTURE CONTENTS ANCnpfT TAMIL UTERATURE AND THE STUDY OF ANCIENT INDIAN EDUCATION Xavier S. Thani Nayas^o^ ^ THE PLACE OF ENGLISH IN INDUN EDUCATION C. Rajagopalacbariar 16 LINGUISTIC PREHISTORY OF INDIA Murray B. Emeneau 30 SOME FURTHER CONTACTS AND AFFINITIES BETWEEN THE EGYPTO-MINOAN AND THE INDO-(DRAVIDO) SUMERIAN ' CULTURE H. S. David 56 A NOTE ON TAMIL SYNTAX-NHATnN:AI Kamil Zvelebil 72 KAMBAN’S MODERNISM A. C. Paul Nadar ,74 A SHORT LAY OF MINSTRELS Translation by Sri V. Kandaswami Mudaliar 78 REVIEWS 92 NEWS AND NOTES 95 SYSTEM OF TRANSLITERATION 103. THE TAMIL SCRIPT 105 All Rights Reserved Rs. 7 yearly Ancient Tamil Literature and the Study of Ancient Indian Education XAVIER S. THANI NAYAGAM The contribution that Comparative Education bids fair tc make towards the promotion of international under¬ standing and fellowship in this latter half of the twentieth century is similar to the contribution made by Comparative Philok^, Comparative Law, Comparative Religion and Comparative Literature in the last two centuries. There is already the promise of educational Bryces and Montes¬ quieus classifying and analysing educational institutions of the Western World, but Comparative Education opens up yet wider horizons, and these include the evaluation of the ideals, aims and values of educational systems and thought in the ancient world as a whole, and not merely in the sector represented by Graeco-Roman culture. It is but natural that the educationists of Europe and America should be concerned with the well-springs of their educational thought, but Comparative Education in an era of inter¬ nationalism has the opportunity to extend its scope and purposes both in time and in space. Just as research workers in Comparative Education today and Modern Year Books of Education would consider it necessary to include India, Africa, China, Japan and Indonesia within the range of their studies and their surveys, a cultural history of Comparative Education would always remain incomplete without the inclusion of thought in India and China when, for instance, Plato was outlining his Republic and formulat¬ ing his Laws, and Quintilian was instructing students for the Roman bar^ 1 KANDEL, I. L., Comparative Education, pp. xvi-xxv, Houghtoii Miflin Company, New York, 1933, pp. xvl-xvii, “The Study of Foreign 2 TAMIL CULTURE European scholarship, particularly that branch of it engaged in historical, cultural and philosophic studies, has been mostly Hellenocentric and Europacentric and has neglected to a large extent synoptic and s 3 mthesising studies of the World that belongs to Mankind as a whole. For this restricted v/orld-view the specialist should shoulder much of the blame. Excessive specialisation has resulted in the most "restricted meanings applied to “humanism” and the “ humanities The classification of specialists into Egyptologists, Indologists, Sinologists under a general trade-mark “ Orientalists ” has not contributed to their acquiring respectability on an equal plane with those engaged in classical scholarship. The narrow outlook engendered by. a certain type of Hellenocentric scholarship sometimes leads to the most startling and unscientific conclusions, as in the following passage in which the author dismisses the consideration of non-Grecian cultures with much the same sweep as Macaulay dismissed the study of Indian literatures. “ We are accustomed ” says the author of Paideia, the Ideals of Greek Culture, “ to use the word ‘ culture ’ not to describe an ideal which only a Hellenocentric world possesses, but in a much more trivial and general sense to denote some¬ thing inherent in every nation of the world, even the most primitive. We use it for the entire complex of all the ways and expressions of life which characterise any one nation. Thus the word has sunk to mean a simple anthropological concept, not a concept of value, a cons¬ ciously pursued ideal. In this vague, analogical sense it is pernussable to talk of Chinese, Indian, Babylonian, Jewish or Egyptian culture, although none of these nations has a word or an ideal which corresponds to real culture.” * systems of education is not new; since the days when Athens was the school of Greece and ‘captive Greece took captive her rude conqueror history is rich in examples of international exchange of ideas, principles, and practices in education"; SCHNEIDER FRIEDRICH, Triebkrafte der ^sogtk volker, pp. 324-407. Das ausland als gestaltender faktor. Otto Muller Verlag m Salzburg, 1947. j > 2 J^GER WERNER, Paideia, the Ideals of Greek Culture, translated ftom the second German edition by GILBERT HIGHET Vol I n xvii Cf. BARM® EARiraST, Tr^dHiZ ^Ci^mySl W Ujuveraty Press, Cambridge, 1948. ^ , ANCIENT TAMIL LITERATI^B^;. . . .INDIAN EDUCATION 3 Humanism could hardly be less humanistic, at least not in a world that reads Max Muller and Berridale Keith and Lafcadio Heame, Ezra Pound and Radhakrishnan. Plato himself would repudiate this branch of humanism, for his liberal education consisted partly in his travels and in his study of institutions of those countries and peoples asso¬ ciated with Hellas. Like the histories of literature and the histories of the world that by-pass the East, even histories of Education forget one-half the world in spite of their comprehensive titles; and even if they do provide a section or two to India and China, they seem to do so to satisfy some qualm of historical conscience or much in the fashion of a sop thrown to an intellectual and cultural Cerberus.® The student of Comparative Education, therefore, has a vast and unexplored field before him, and it is yet possible for him to work as a pioneer in synthesising the world’s experience and cultures at given epochs and at given periods of her history. The world is not understood and the achievements of mankind are not understood except “ by an appreciation of the intangible, impalpable, spiritual and cultural forces ” operating in various parts of the world at given epochs. It comes naturally to persons familiar with Eastern and Western thought to desire that standard works on the History of Secondary Education and the History of Universities and reference books on educational, wisdom should include the wisdom of the other half of the world which they tend to neglect.'^ The interplay of 3 E. g., MONROE PAUL, A Text-book of the History of Education, London, 1925; COLE, PERCIVAL, R., A History of Educational Thought, Oxford University Press, London, 1931; BRUBACHER, JOHN, S., A History of the Problems of Education, McGraw-Hill Book Company, New York, 1947, contains inaccurate statements. E.g., ibid, p. 2, “India, an oriental country, had no regard for such occidental social aims as patriotism, economic prosperity, and social progress or for the individual aims of ambition, personal responsibility and self-reliance”; EBY and ARROWOOD, History and Philosophy of Education, Ancient and Medieval, Prentice-Hall, Inc., New York, 1951. * ULICH ROBERT is one who has expressed the need of a place to Ancient Indian and Chinese Education. See his Three Thousand Years of Educational Wisdom, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass., 1947; ULICH ROBERT, History of Educational Thought, American Book Com¬ pany, New York, 1945, p. vii, “It is regrettable that this book had to be 4 Tamil cULTURfi international forces and the communication and commimion of ideas between peoples of the world may be traced even further than the age of the dolmens, and the deeper we go into history, the more surprising are the common charac¬ teristics of a uniform development to be traced among groups divided both in space and in time. The vision of reality, for instance, which dawned upon the thinkers of Greece and Asia Minor about the sixth century was not confined to Europe. It was broadly the age of Zarathustra in Persia, of Confucius in China, of the Buddha in India, and of the Hebrew prophets in Palestine. If we go still further, it does not become impossible to trace relationships between the Indus Valley Civilization on the one hand and Sumer, Akad, Egypt and the Aegean Civilization on the other.® Our failure in synthesis arises from the fact that we wish to educate for international understanding, on a curriculum and a literature meant for instruction in nationalism*. We have also failed to note that the school is so much dependent on the scholarship of the University, that so long as scholarship takes a restricted view, education in internationalism and a synthesis of world-knowledge. restricted to one western civilization, for the time is ripe for a history of educational thought which conceives of our western world as only a part of the total civilization of mankind. Particularly in the thought of Asia could we find sources of profound wisdom. We sometimes forget m our western conceit that, in spite of all their philosophical richness, Europe and the countries with typical European civilization have failed w produce anything which deserves to be called a world religion. Confuciu^ Lao-tse, Buddha, Isiah, Christ—all have sprung from Asiatic sou. And, whether or not we like to admit it, tiiey have done more for ^ together.”; RADHA- Philosophy, Eastern and Western, Unwn, London, 1953, is almost a first attempt to brmg together the pholosophic thought of different countries. de Histoire de VAsie anterieura, de Vtnde, et T?ad wf M ?! mquan debut du second millinaire, HERAS, H.. Studies EtoShT Historical Research Institute, * KANDEL, I. L., Ifationalisrn and Education in 'Pha nt pPP* 26-46, Evans Brothers, London. 1949 • JACKS M T Totni Education, a Flea tor Svnthesu i London, 1950. ^P^rnests, pp. 113-126, Routledge & Kegan Paul, ANCIENT TAMIL LITERATURE. . . .INDIAN EDUCATION 5 what should be the twentieth century realisation of the pan-sophic ideal of an Alexander and a Comenius must remain distant and remote. If the ideal of one world is not to become an empty word, children of different conti¬ nents should hear not only of Alexander but also of Asoka, not only of the Parthenon and the Ara Pads but also of Anuradhapura and Anghor Wat, Prambanan and Panataran, not only of the Iliad but also of the Ramayana, and the Silappadikaram. It is not unlikely that at some future time it will be possible for the student of Comparative Education to have a synoptic perspective of educational thought down the ages. It is stimulating to see how certain ideas and techniques dominate parts of the world, at the same epoch or at different epochs. A comparison of the Indocentric area with the Hellenocentric points to certain dominant factors which show a parallel development across the centuries. There were eras, not necessarily synchronistic, when wandering minstrels and poets were the great educators of the two continents. There were periods when great epics like the Iliad, the Ramayana, the Silappadikaram constituted the content of popular education. There were long periods when exegetical works and commentaries on grammarians, philosphers and poets formed the subject of study and scholarship. University life at Taxila, at Nalanda, post-Christian Athens and at the Mediaeval Universities of Europe offer striking resemblances. Monks and monasteries in India and Ceylon played a similar role to that played by monasticism in the West in spreading' learning and preserving the traditional lore. Chantry schools and Cathedral schools find their Eastern counter¬ parts in the educational institutions that were, attached to Buddhist and Jain monasteries and Hindu temples. Just as a great missonary movement carried the torch of learning to new peoples and remote places of Europe, a similar movement carried the Indian religions and Indian learning to the many states and peoples of South East Asia. 6 TAMIL CULtUR^ It is instructive to trace how literature, the theatre and the Fine Arts were the media of adult education in both regions. Whole systems of Comparative Education study await the • enterprising students that.will function as interpreters of one part of the world to another so that men may see human' destiny and human thought steady and see them whole. Such vision is an absolute necessity for a world, that needs to understand Asia and her peoples. Further, these studies become indispensable at this stage of Asian history when countries that have once again achieved independence are searching for the roots of their culture and their beliefs. Few Europeans and Americans are in a position to imagine the extent to which the history, philosophy and culture of these countries as extant before their contact with Europeans is being studied by these nations. There is every indication that educational thought, which in these countries has been mostly European in content during the colonial era, will be modified and altered by the study of the nation’s past. It is but proper and natural that while on the one hand they are open to the influences of the outside world, they set up their educational house after their own indigenous traditions and in answer to their own social and economic needs. This will secure for them the most natural and organic development. Indian and Ceylonese education during the period of English rule has not been characterised by any great philosophy of education. It ,has been mainly utili¬ tarian, arising as it did out of administrative needs. If foreign ideas were imported under foreign rule, they were mainly m the domain of methods, not of values, and hence a rethinking of education is observable in all countries which have become independent.’ Report of the University Education Commission, Vol. I, pp. 56-57, M^a^r of ^blications, Delhi, 1950; The Report of the Secon- of Education, Delhi, 1954; RAHMAN FALZUR, New EdAt^icmin the Making in Pakistan, Cassell and Company, Education in Indonesia, Burrm, Govt of the Union ‘ liistory of our education = complete revolution in our ANCIENT TAMIL LITERATURE. . . .INDIAN EDUCATION 7 Dr. Nicholas Hans in defining the international scope of Comparative Education says : “ The task is tremendous and can be successfully completed only by team-work of educationists of all countries and internationab educational agencies. The first step is to study each national system separately in its historical setting and its close connection with the development of national'character and culture.” ® An attempt should be made to trace in the spirit of team-work that Doctor Hans has envisaged the educational thought contained in one of the most ancient literatures of the world, written by a very ancient people in a very ancient part of peninsular India and Ceylon. It is true that ancient Indian education has been the subject of a number of studies by various scholars but like most studies on India they have been concerned almost exclusively with Northern India and the ancient Sanskrit and Pali literatures.® The notion that the Sanskrit and Pali literatures are fully representative of the entire field of ancient Indian culture is widely prevalent. This view overlooks the fact that an accurate and complete understanding of Ancient India and Ancient Ceylon is well nigh impossible without a study of the history and the only remaining literature of the Dravi- dian language-speaking peoples. On the distinctive and independent culture of the non-Aryan peoples of India and Ceylon in ancient times and on their importance in the evolution of the composite culture of India and Ceylon, I prefer to quote from non-Tamil speaking critics. Dr Suniti Kumar Chatterji in a notable contribution to a new series of volumes on the history of India says : 8 HANS NICHOLAS, Comparative Education, p. 7, Routledge & Kegan Paul, London, 1951. 9 BOKIL, V. P., The History of Education in India, Bombay, 1925; DAS, SANTOSH KUMAR, The Educationol System of the Ancient Hindus, Calcutta, 1930; KEAY, F. E., Indian Education in Ancient and Later Times, O^ord University Press, London, 1938; WOODY THOMAS, Life and Education in Early Societies, pp. 152-176, Macmillan, New York, 1949.r ALTEKAR, A. S., Education in Ancient India, 4th edn., Nand Kishore & Bros;^ Banares, 1951; KUNHAN RAJA, C., Some Aspects of Education in Ancient India, University of Madras, Madras, 1950. 8 TAMIL CULTURE “ When the hypothesis of an Aryan invasion and occupation of India was first proposed some four genera¬ tions ago, it was believed that the white-skinned, blue¬ eyed and golden-haired Aryans, like their kinsmen of Northern Europe, entered India from the plateau of Central Asia, which was then a land of romantic mystery, came to this land of the black-skinned non-Aryans, made an easy and matter-of-course conquest of them, and imposed upon an inferior race or races their superior religion, culture, and language. It was believed that ^1 the better elements in Hindu religion and culture—^its deeper philosophy, its finer literature, its more reasonable organization, everything in fact which was great and good and noble in it—came from the Aryans as a superior white race; and whatever was dark and lowly and superstitious in Hindu religion and civilization represented only an expression of the suppressed non-Aryan mentality. This view is now being gradually abandoned. It has been generally admitted, particularly after a study of both the bases of Dravidian and Aryan culture through language and through institutions, that the Dravidians contributed a great many elements of paramount importance in the evolution of Hindu civilization, which is after all (like all other great civilizations) a composite creation, and that in certain matters the Dravidian and Austric contributions are deeper and more extensive than that of the Aryans. The pre-Aryans of Mohenjo- daro and Harappa were certainly in possession of a higher material culture than what the semi-nomadic Aryans could show.”^® And again: “ By far the most significant elements in the ancient civilization of India as it had evolved by the middle of the first millennium B.C. were contributed by the Dravidians.” The Dravidian language groups today are represented by the Telugu (33 m.) the Tamil (28 m. in India, Ceylon and Malaya) the Kannada (14 m.) the Malayalam (13 rri.) 10 CHATTERJI, S. K, Race^movements and Pre-historic Culture, in The Ved^ Age. p p. lOT -8, History and Culture of the Indian People, Vol. I, G^rge & Unwin^xmdon, 1951; see KUNHAN RAJA, C., Pre-Vedic ot Philosophy. Eastern and Western, VoL L PP. 31-39, George Allen & Unwin, London, 1952. .lOb CHATrfiRJL S. K., The Basic Unity underlying the Diversity of Culture in Inter-relations of Cultures, pl 169, UNESCX), Paris, 1953. ^ ANCIENT TAMIL LITERATURE. . . .INDIAN EDUCATION 9 and by smaller populations in the Southern part of India and in isolated pockets in Central and North India.“ These chief Dravidian language groups formed a solid bloc south of the Vindhyas in Ancient India and at least the Tamil area arrested active and intense Aryanisation at the frontiers during the period under survey while permitting the inflow of trade and to some extent of religious thought. Their country, their language, their culture and what we have of their literature are different from those of the Rig- Vedic Aryans. Southern India, therefore, especially the Tamil-speaking area, at least up to the period of Pallava ascendancy was not the scene of an ethnic, linguistic, religious, cultural interfusion of Dravidian and Aryan elements, the like of which was vigorous and active in the land roughly north of the Vindhyas. Pa: n: ini whose know¬ ledge of Indian geography is extensive mentions none of these races except the Andhras, and his silence may be taken as an indication that his literary contemporaries recognised no linguistic or literary affiliations with the Southern societies.'* The Dravidian speaking peoples of Ancient India are best known in history by the kingdoms which the Kalingas, the Andhras and the Tamils established in the Dekhan and by their overseas trade and colonisation.'* The Tamil speaking areas being at the southernmost extremity and having other Dravidian language groups as buffers between Aryavartha and themselves were not open to the non- Dravidian influences that were so active during this period n BURROW, T., The Sanskrit Language, Faber and Faber, London, 1955, p. 376, “Besides the major languages th^ are numerous minor non-literary Dravidian languages spoken in variotis parts of India, namely; (i) Southern: Tulu, Coorg, Toda, Kota. (ii) Central: (o) Kolami-Naiki; (b) Parji, Ollari, Poya; (c) Gondi, Konda; (d) Kui-Kuvi. (iii) Northern: (a) Kuruch, Malto; (b) Brahui.” 12 BHANDARKAR, R. G., Early History of the Dekkan, 3rd ed., pp. 8-14, University of Calcutta, Calcutta, 1928; AGRAWALA, V. S., India as known to Pamdni, University of Lucknow, Lucknow, 1952. 13 Cambridfiic History of India. Cambridge, 1935, Ch. XXTV, BARNETT, L. D., The Eorly History of Southern India, 2 10 . TAMIL CULTURE in the Northern and Central parts of India. Ceylon, though in the South and in the pre-Buddhist period for cultural purposes dependant on South India, may have been an exception, since Central Indian influences, before ‘♦'he Asokan period could have reached it by sea. This explaLis how up to the beginnings of the Pallava period • (3rd Century A.D.) when strong political forces penetrated the Northern boundaries of TamilakSn (the Tamil land), the Tamil language area enjoyed an autonomy in culture, and how it becomes culturally and historically an independent source and subject of enquiry. I am aware that the term ‘ cultural autonomy ” is misleading and might suggest a complete absence of foreign impact. No culture of civilised people, especially of a sea-faring and commercial people, is ever isolated. But if it be legitimate to speak of Rigvedic culture or Sanskrit culture or Greek culture or Aegean culture as separate autonomous independent cultures, then it is equally ligitimate to speak of the autonomous and independent Tamil culture of the Academy or Cankam period. Our field of enquiry ranges broadly from the third century B.C. to the second century A.D., a period of five centuries to which may be ascribed the corpus of ancient Tamil literature known as literature of the third Academy or Academy literature or Cankam literature.^® At the beginning of this epoch itself, during the reign of Chandra- gupta Maurya and of Asoka, the Tamil, states appear independent, well-established governments already posses- __ Jj* SASTRL K. A., Age of the Nandas and Mauryas, MobM Ban^das, Banaras. 1952, p. 256. “The first immigrants into the (Ceylon) were probably people from the Malabar Coasts who °3me Nagadvipa to the Northern s^on of the i^^d;the ancestors of the modem Nayars of Malabar — Naya being but the Prakrit form of the word Naga.” unequivocal rworded account that there were Uterary of literary merit occurs about the ^ tradition, the literary works of the first remains are the works of the third according to tradition ended about the ^SsDUted^h^^^^^* Academy tradition may ANCIENT TAMIL LITERATtJRE. . . .INDIAN EDUCATION 11 sed of a developed language and a literature and enjoying commercial relations with the Western world and possibly also with the East.^* The evidence of Megasthenes, it should be remembered, is fragmentary and second-hand, but it is remarkable that of the fragments of his four books preserved for us, those fragments pertaining to the South are valuable for their witness to Southern political stability and trade. The political stability is confirmed by the second and thirteenth rock edicts of Asoka, from which may be argued that the Tamil kingdoms were independent states with which the Mauryan emperor had established good-will relations. While Tamil sources of probably a little later date refer to the wealth of the Nandas and the military prowess of the Mauryas, non-Tamil sources of this period, both Indian and foreign, are evidence of the commercial inter¬ course between Tamilakam and the outside world.^^ Endowed as were the Tamil kingdoms with a coastline of more than a thousand miles and with islands in the neigh¬ bourhood, the Tamil kingdoms probably developed sea¬ faring from very early times, a calling in which the Austrics, their predecessors on the Indian peninsula were accompli¬ shed.^® The pearls of the coasts of Ceylon and the Pandyan kingdom, the soft muslin of Madura, the peacocks, teak, and sandalwood of the western range reached Northern India and the Mediterranean regions, and a few Tamil words for exported commodities lingered in the Hebrew and Greek and Sanskrit tongues to indicate the extent of 18 NILAKANTA SASTRI, K. A., For^gn Notices on South India, University of Madras, Madras, 1939. 17 On the literary evidence read SRINIVASA IYENGAR, P. T., Pre- Aryan Tomil Culture, University of Madras, Madras; ED, History of the Tamils from the Earliest Times to 600 A.D., Coomaraswamy Naidu & Sons, Madras, 1929; SIVARAJA PILLAI, K. N., The Chronology of the Ancient Tamils, University of Madras, Madras, 1932. Cf. McCRINDLE, J. W., Ancient iTidia as described by Megasthenes and Arrian, London, 1877; ID., Ancient India as described by Ktesias the Knidian, London, 1882. 18 BAGCHL P- C., Pre-Aryan and Pre-Dravidian in India, translated from the French of SYLVAIN LEVI, JEAN PRZYLUSKI and JULES BLOCH, University of Calcutta, Calcutta, 1929. 12 tAMIL Ct^LtURfi southern trade earlier than Chandragupta Maurya and Megasthenes.“ The case for an independent and developed Tamil society at the opening of this epoch receives most strength from the independent cultured vocabulary and the literary conventions of the earliest Tamil poems extant which argue a very long period of literary and social culture preceding them.*® The absence of direct evidence for the growth of Tamil literature from its primitive and earliest stages is no indication that these stages did not exist, and it is the function of the critic to attempt reconstructions of earlier societies from the available evidence and from the laws of human development obser¬ vable in similar, societies. When Tamil literature makes its appearance in history, it does so as in a flourishing age of letters. But within this literature of a flourishing age are to be found the relics and reminiscences of tribal customs and primitive conventions and old forgotten far off things and battles long ago.*^ • • • ♦ In i^ite of the independent light thrown by Ancient Ta mil literature on the non-Aryan influences prevalent on the Indian peninsula, no non-Tamil speaking scholar appears to have hitherto published any work which necessi¬ tates the study of the entire volume of this literature in its original. The reasons for this neglect are many. The notion pointed out earlier that Sanskrit literature along with Pali is representative of the totality of Indian thought is widespread both in. India and outside of India. Since the Sanskrit language is an important representative of the SoiSSif. ' ^<^nguage. o.c., pp. 373-388. ^-Aryan of IYENGAR, P. T.. Pre-Aryan Tamil Culture, University of the Tamils, o.c., THANI Centra Poetry. Colombo Book ANCIENT TAMIL LITERATURE. . . .INDIAN EDUCATION 13 Indo-European family of languages, it has been a subject of most industrious and laborious scholarship in Europe and America. Its affiliations with Old Iranian, with Greek and Latin, with Baltic and Slavonic, with Hittite and Celtic make it an indispensable study in Western Linguistics. Rig-Vedic literature is the earliest of the literatures of the Indo-European languages and has an importance that can be scarcely attributed to any other literature in the world. Further, in the field of Indian studies, there is a false assumption that the historic process in India is one of pro¬ gressive Aryanisation of the Indian peninsula, a process which, according to the same assumption, was complete several centuries before Christ and which did not accept of any exceptions. This assumption is responsible for the ignoring of the Austric and Dravidian constituents of Indian culture and of the process of Dravidisation of the Aryan speaking colonisers and the extent to which Dravidian cultures and languages held the field in Central and Northern India over long periods of time. Scholars like Max Muller and Sylvain Levi did deprecate the “ too exclusive examination of India from the Indo-European standpoint,” but so far it is only in the field of Linguistics that the non-Aryan elements have received a certain recognition. Pali literature, of course, as the sources for the study of Theravada Buddhism has been consistently examined with Sanskrit in the examination of ^re-Christian Indian thought, as also the Jaina literature "written in the Prakrits. The study of Sanskrit literature in Europe and • even America has been also promoted on the basis of suppositi¬ tious blood relationship between the Aryans of India and the Aryans of Europe. Max Muller did repudiate in later life the transfer of his linguistic nomenclature to ethnology by saying : “ I have declared again and again that if I say Aryas, I mean neither blood nor bones, nor hair, nor skull; I 14 ^AMIL CtTLttlRfi mean simply those who speak an Aryan language...... To me an ethnologist who speaks of Aryan race, Aryan blood, Aryan eyes and hair, is as great a sinner as a lingiiist who speaks of a dolichocephalic dictionary or a brachycephalic grammar.” 22 Nevertheless, among literary men in Germany, and to a lesser extent in other countries, appeals for greater interest in Sanskrit continued to be made on the basis of Aryan racial afBnity.^ These appeals, apart from their false and unscientific basis, ignored the contribution of the non- Aryan speakers of India to the development of Sanskrit literature and thought in centuries when the Sanskrit language occupied a position of eminence in the halls of learning all over India. The earliest Tamil poetry unlike the earliest Sanskrit poetry is predominantly secular and personal poetry. It is not the composition of a sacerdotal caste but of poets of Several castes and of different religious and philosophical beliefs. It is the poetry of a society in which the poet and the artiste played as educative a role as the priest in Rig- vedic society. It is a poetry that is not exclusively, not even predominantly, of kings and princes, but describes the sentiments, emotions and the ordinary life of ordinary people, of the hunters of the hills, the shepherds in the plains, the fisher-folk by-the sea and young lovers evefy- ■^here. It speaks of valorous kings, of self-sacrificing chieftains, of patriotic mothers, of palaces and cities and of the poor and the lowly.. Even K A. Nilakanta Sastri, not always a reliable writer on Tamil influenc es, has^had to concede the unique *2 UUXJ-JKy JUUAN, S., and HADDON A C Wo a ™ci«J TtXaOm,. p. 151, Jonathan c5e, ioSdo^ 1936 L n'T UnivCTsily of at^all'-4n/S?^r Indians are not fl**^** of our flesh of hnna ^ existed.... Though the coy« mind a onr.mlod tn thf^;o?M'S MaS^oSSw/^ ANCIENT TAMIL LITERATURE. . . .INDIAN EDUCATION 15 picture of early society portrayed by Ancient Tamil poetry. He says: “If, as is commonly"lielieved, the colophons embody a tradition, which, apart from the corruptions ^d losses due to neglect and time, may be accepted as correct, then we must recognise in these poems a quantity of literary evidence of unique value ; because then, no other part of India can be said to provide such sober and realistic pictures of contemporary life and politics as these early Tamil classics furnish.” ^4 It is not only as historical sources that these classics’ are of value. Judgments on various aspects of Ancient India remain incomplete and one-sided because of the ignoring of this ancient literature. The studies of culture and society by Sorokin, of literature by the Chadwicks, of history by Toynbee, of Education by Brubacher and Woody contain inaccurate inferences because they have been un¬ aware of this hterature which represents literary genres not to be found elsewhere. As a source for the study of Ancient.Indian Education, it offers unplumbed depths and unchartered seas. NILAKANTA SAST&I, K. A., Studies in Cole history and adtninis- tration, p. 1., University of Madras, Madras, 1932. The Place of English in Indian Education* C. RAJAGOPALACHARIAR Recent events in the Madras University bring to prominence two important (questions. Is the Rnglish Language the proper medium for education in our country ? Again, what .share of importance should be attached to the study of the English Eonguege end Literature iu our system of education ? On these two questions the view submitted in this article is, first, that the proper media of instruction in our system of education are our own great national languages, and that steps should at once be taken to bring about the substitution, and secondly, whether the medium of instruction be English or not, much less of the time and energy available for the education of our youth should be devoted to the pure study of the English Language than is at present insisted on by our Universities, especially that of Madras. The Turks once made an expedition into Persia, and because of the steep lines of mountains in Armenia, the Padshaw consulted which way they should get in. One of the council said : “ Here’s much ado how you shall get in ; but I hear nobody take care how you should get out.” We have found our way into Western science and culture in spite of the steep barrier of language and have conquered • This is a paper read by Rajaji to the Salem Teachers’ Association forty years ago and published on September 1, 1916 in the political fort¬ nightly, Commonweal, edited by Mrs. Annie Besant. The article will be read with great interest for its lucid exposition of the unique function of language in the culture-development process, and for the cogency and vigour with which the thesis was presented so long ago by Raja}! to a body of teachers. The article came to light in the course of a search— now in progress—^for materials covering the early years of the dis¬ tinguished leader’s public life, by Mr. S. Krishnan of the USIS and is republished with Rajaji’s approval.-—Editor, THE PLACE OF ENGLISH IN INDIAN EDUCATION 17 the country ; but we have no means of extricating our expeditionary force from the enclosing language, so that the wealth of the conquered country may pass to the Nation. In fixing English as the sole medium of instruction in all the departments of study here, as in English-speaking England or America, a grave miscalculation was made as to the future of Indian national life. Educative effort produced a class isolated in cultural form from the people. The languages of the people were not fed with the new aliment. Hence the full result of the impact of Western civilisation on Eastern culture could not be attained. When making a European language the medium of instruc¬ tion for spreading European knowledge in India, due allowance was not made for the persistent life of Eastern culture and Eastern languages; and an over-calculation was made as to the number of people who would come in time Under the direct influence of the new culture. This is the reason why the new knowledge has not reached the people and produced those beneficial results which other¬ wise were long overdue, and by vicious interaction, why it has failed to produce full results even in those few who have come imder its direct influence. While the people’s life remains much where it was ages ago, the University scholars are living in an unreal world of their own, fed on the culture and activities of a fanciful world that has nothing to do with the life of the community to which they belong. The culture of our Universities has no real living connection with the life around us. The best products of our Universities actually live in a fanciful world brought over from Europe. They deal with what may be realities elsewhere, but only with shadows and unrealities as far as India goes. Had a gradual substitution of the national languages been provided for, after a half-century of work modern civilisation and knowledge would have found a real resting place in-the languages of the people, and there would have been a living connection between the life of the nation and 3 18 TAMIL CULTURE the culture of its Universities. At present the two are apart. A cultured product of our Universities would be intellectually more at home if permitted to move in English society than.among his own people; and he has to lead a strange and pernicious double life, with a foreign culture existing only in his brain for individual intellectual enjoy¬ ment, and conforming to the actual daily life and thought of quite a different community. There is not that beneficial mutual interaction between the highest products of culture and the growing national life at its average level, which is the true national function of culture and not individual intellectual pleasure. Indeed, the more complete the product of the Univer¬ sity, and the more teenly he enjoys his English literature, the more inseparable to him is the EngUsh language from that culture, and the more hopelessly impossible to him is the act of transferring that culture on to the life of the non- English-knowing people around him. So vicious has been the training that it is not possible for us, except with the •highest effort of intellectual detachment and imagination to conceive of .University education being imparted through our own national tongues. To develop in the body and the soul the fullest extent of beauty and perfection of which they are capable is the aim of education as put by Plato. But in successive ages, and in different communities, there has not been agreement as to what is beauty or perfection. A proper conception of education to serve as a guide to actual practice must be relative in every way to the state of development of the society in which it is given. Perfec¬ tion of life in Athens of the age of Plato is different from perfection of life in the Arabia of the age of Muhammad ; very different from what it was in the eighteenth-centurv Oxford; or what it is in modem India in our own changing times; and this again is not what it was in India at the time The PLACfe OF ENGLISH IN INDtAN EDUCATION 19 of the Mahabharata, or what it was in the seventeenth century, or what it is in modern London or Paris. In times of unrest and change in any community, in educational conceptions, as in social and intellectual life, the type of culture is not absolutely accepted and may be regarded only as a stage in development. We are in such an age of unrest in our community. ■ During such times of unrest and change, even where the community governs itself in matters of education, the conservative classes, and the very schools and the Univer¬ sities which are the channels by which adult culture flows to the yoimg, offer conservative and traditional obstruction to any change in themselves to correspond to the changes in moving national hfe. Added to this difficulty, where the education of such communities vests by the chance of politics in an external force. Monarch, or People, the mistakes which such an external agency is always liable to commit in the gradual adjustment of educational pro¬ cesses to national ideals are likely to be greater during such periods of unrest, whose changing pulse they naturally fail successfully, and quickly to feel. Witness the troublesome unsolved questions of literary, scientific or technical education, moral or religious or secular instruction, standards of efficiency in various departments of education,^on which the battles are fought unaided by the potent answers of the voice and the life of the people. If our University culture had been imparted through our own languages, and'the people had had access to the new wealth of knowledge, these questions would not have been permitted to be questions of cold logic based on the notions of individual philosophers and faddists, but would have been solved by the involuntary and irresistible force of national life and experience. For an age of unrest and change, continual readju^- ment by small and imperceptible steps should be provided tAiviiL c'UL-rtJRE 2D for in any schema of national education. Otherwise the cleavage between educational process and national life is bound, in order to bring about the necessary concordance, to end in sudden revolutions in the former. However necessary and ultimately desirable the final results of such revolutions may be, yet, during the actual period of violent change, the work must suffer. In maintaining that the national languages of India should be the media of instruction in the schools and Universities no stress need be laid on what is generally put forward, especially by the teaching profession, as the chief argument in the matter, viz., the great waste of energy over a foreign and difficult language ; nor need we consider the proof of this waste by seeing how far it explains the general lassitude following University studies in most cases in our country. The waste of time and energy is in the lower stages of education, wherein there is no justification whatever for maintaining English as the medium for instruction. As for University, and, generally, higher education, the standard of proficiency in English necessary for the purpose has been greatly exaggerated. To serve as a working medium for instruction in the highest courses of study, a very easily attainable degree of proAciency in English, is quite sufficient, which need not involve any deplorable loss of energy. But the one aspect here insisted upon is the national effect of starving the languages of the country, and imprisoning culture in a foreign language. It is no answer to say that the medium pf instruction in Universities- does not matter, and that there is nothing in it to prevent the absorption of science and the growth of thought and literature in oiu own languages, if men realised the duty they owed to their nation and its languages. It is idle to refuse to recognise the very great effect the medium of thought and instruction in the Universities has upon the life of the cultured classes, and upon their capacity to add to the literature of a language in which they were tHfc PLACE OF ENGLiSil IN iNblAN EDUCAtlON 21 not brought up to think in the higher levels. It would be ignoring the potent direct influence which the activities of the seats of learning in any country have upon the growth of the language and literature of that country. . Not having provided for gradual change in this matter, we must accept the only other cure, a revolution with all its immediate evils. Our national life demands that the new knowledge must come on the sacred vehicles of the national tongues. English must go, and the people’s, languages come into the Universities, even as, in England, the tyranny of the classical languages had to yield in favour of Science and the living language. The incidental immediate loss of power due to the crude condition in which many of the national languages were allowed by us to remain, and the absence of necessary books, may cause great confusion, pessimism, and even despair. But these are the well known and necessary evils of all revolutions. We must reap the reward of past neglect. But the sooner the change, the less violent the gathering force and the revolution. It should be remembered that there is no gain what¬ ever, except’ for individual enjoyment, in a merely higher degree of culture which cannot flow in full quantity to the people. It is far better to have even a much lower degree of culture if, by its form and nature, it be really and fully fluid and assimilable. Let us, therefore, focus public opinion on this matter and hasten the inevitable revolution, so that the travail may be easy. Those who are of this opinion need not be taken to be wanting in keenness of enjoyment of English literature or in_ a Just appreciation of the cultural value of that great literature. But they hold that it should be relegated to its proper place in Indian education. The culture of that 22 TAlViltCULTI^Rt! literature and.the reality of it in Indian life should be proved by divesting it of its unessential English form, and clothing it in our own tongues ; and, not mistaking words and symbols for the things themselves, by finding for it final and permanent shape in thought and action, which alone are the real life and body of all true culture^ Constructive work should be begun at once to break the force of the coming revolution as much as possible. The work of feeding the national languages with modern thought and knowledge must be taken up with patriotic zeal. What appears crude, make-shifty, hybrid, and vulgar today will become the plastic, wealthy, scientific and standard language of the next generation. What now seems pure, correct and classical, though unyielding, will be treated as stiff and antiquated then. Let us begin the patriotic work of translation, taking no thought of purity of language, but only of advancement of national education. Truth, time, and the people, will sift the product, and make the standard. To believe that English will become the national language of the people of United India is obviously absurd. No less absurd is the more moderate hope that-English will occupy such a place as a universal second language as to perform the function of conveying thought and knowledge to the people as a whole, however much it may serve as a political lingua franca. We cannot dispense with the national languages. There is no insuperable difficulty on account of the number of the prevailing languages. Each one of the greater Indian languages is sufficiently strong to serve as the language for many Universities. Tamil serves as the language for a population about half the total population of France, and Telugu for a larger number. Tamil is spoken by more than three times the population of Sweden, and Telugu by about four times that number, ^di is spoken by about 60 millions; the populatiim of Germany is only 70 milUons. BengaH is spoken, by a THE PLACE OF ENGLISH IN INDIAN EDUCATION 23 population much bigger than that of France or that of the United Kingdom—^England, Scotland and Ireland together Are these languages not to be the languages of Universities for the training and culture of the youths of these several communities ? The study of English literature in our Universities should continue. The study of one or two fqjreign languages is very essential for true culture. Huxley once summarised the advantages of such study. “The know¬ ledge of some other language than one’s own is of singular intellectual value. One of the safest ways of delivering yourself from the bondage of wDrds is to know how ideas look in words to which you are not accustomed. Many of the faults and mistakes of ancient philosophers are traceable to confusion of the symbol with the thought which it embodied, a confusion to which they were led by their not knowing any language but their own. A foreign language opens new fields in art and in science. Then there is the. practical value of such knowledge,” especially where it is the language of the great nation that governs us.. Adminis¬ tration and commerce as well as national politics are rendered easy by a wide knowledge of English. Lastly : “ You will know your own language better if you learn an additional language.” For all these purposes a good working acquaintance with English is quite enough. A standard no higher than that which is demanded for French and Glerman in British Universities, or better still that which is insisted on in English in German Universities, is nearer the ideal than the present extremely high and compulsory University standard, which takes away an undue share of the time and energy of our University students to the detriment of real education. There cannot be any thing more atrocious than that our young men who have enough English to go through all advanced Sciences from English books, and with English teachers, and who satisfy severe tests con- 24 TAMIL CULTURE ducted in English in those branches of knowledge by Doctors of Science, History and PhUosophy, brought from England and Scotland, should yet be debarred from all branches of University Education simply because they do not also pass a severe test in pure English conducted by English-speaking scholars of the older Universities of England with, in most cases, no sense of moderation or proportion induced by a study of modern sciences. Such a system lays a premium upon mere language attainment, and keeps off much really good material from our Univer¬ sities. The enormous loss to national life and culture cannot be adequately estimated and would be tolerated nowhere else. After all^ for culture in the Matthew-Arnoldian sense— of possession of* a just criticism of life, of refinement in intellectual thought and emotion—one may doubt whether Eastern culture has much to learn from the West. With our own literature, our manners and our life, I believe we take no mean place in the scale of civilisation in this sense. True, even here, we need not believe that the West has nothing to teach us; but it is maintained that in Spread, in extension of the higher life over all classes, we have succeeded better ; that the average national level of culture in this sense is on the whole higher among us than in Western communities. In self-restraint, the breadth of philosophical and moral vision, in the realisation of the higher elements of life, a far deeper culture beautifies the life and manners of our people, the literate as well as the common and ilhterate, than really can be claimed by the people of the West on behalf of their masses. There is not much need to draw on English or other Western literature" for progress in this direction. Equipped with a study of our own literatures and philosophies, we can attain a very high degTTO of literary, moral and aesthetic culture. The real want is in the direction of political and social strength, and on the material. side of civilisation. Here is exotic nourishment needed, and for this, Western science and THE PLACE OF ENGLISH IN INDIAN EDUCATION 25 history are our foster-mothers. All effort, therefore, should turn in this direction, and the energy of our Universities should not be wasted on the unnecessary, but ought to be conserved for things essential. If there is anything in the West that the East should absorb, it is not its civilisation on the intellectual or emotional, moral or philosophical side, but it is the material, and what are usually considered the baser, elements of it. To us the material element is the all-important part. Apart from the importance and value of science for our national progress, the methods of science and scientific training have the highest cultural value, and are just the elements of education most necessary to perfect our national type of intellect. $ It is believed by some, taken for granted without sufficient examination of causes, that a large number, if not most, of our students are unfit for scientific culture, and are suited only for literary, historical or philosophical courses of study. This is a false belief. These defects are made, not born. They are developed by a long process of parental and pedagogic error continued also by the vicious reaction of one generation of mistrained boys upon the succeeding generation. Put our boys and girls through the proper training from their childhood onwards ; they will not be inferior to any other in the world, in this or in any other respect. Against the reduction of the high and compulsory standard of attainment now demanded by some of our Universities irrespective of the particular departments oi study in which the students specialise, it is argued by some that it would be an ugly spectacle if holders of high Univer¬ sity degrees spoke and wrote unidiomatic and incorrect English. It wants some effort to get over any convention. It seems absurd that an M.A., of the Madras University should not talk chaste idiomatic English. But it does not, 4 26 TAMIL CULTURE if he is unable to talk or write even indifferent Tamil, his own mother tongue. The supreme ugliness of the preten¬ sion to be a cultured Indian, though entirely ignorant of Samskrit, pronoimcing even the very names of your places and your languages as ignorant foreigners pronounce them, and unable to express the commonest sentiments in your own mother tongue, this ugliness is not realised. Our futile though praiseworthy attempt to write and speak, for the commonest purposes of life, the language of another nation without error of idiom or style, instead of our own ; the hybrid jargon of the conversations of our educated men when unbending in the Vernaculars, are really the ugliest things in this world which we do not realise. University men of Oxford or Cambridge do not feel it a shame if they are unable to talk or write idiomatic French or German, as spoken and written by born Frenchmen and Germans; but, indeed, they would feel it a shame if they did not learn to talk and write the very best English. An Indian Degree, it should be remembered is not an English Degree. Nor is an'Indian University a branch of the Universities on the Cam and the Isis. An Indian Degree should be recognised as an Indian Degree, and should connote high culture and learning in Arts and Sciences, which are of all languages and not of English alone. It should no doubt connote a good working acquain¬ tance with one or even two of the modem foreign languages of importance, like English, French or German. But above all it should connote the very best knowledge of Samskrit, which contains all the living though ancient culture of India; while the principal language of the University and its Faculties, the language of its arts and' its sciences, should be one or other of the great living languages of the people. Then alone will the culture of the Universities perform its national function. iiUorms us^at his views as expressed forty years aeo in this article remain uncl^ed. (Editor, Tamil Culture) ^ ® l-Hfi PLACE OF EiJGLISIt IN INl)tAN EDUCATION ^7 NOTE The above in substance was placed before the Salem Teachers’ Association at a debate held on the subject. There was remarkable unanimity of opinion in support of the views expressed above, with one noteworthy exception. The President of the Association, Mr. P. Seshadri, now English Professor and Vice-Principal-Elect of the Benares Hindu College, expressed from the Chair a dissenting view, the logic of which the writer failed to follow. He said that we owe a great deal to the English language and English literature; there was not a single good movement of modem India in politics, social reform, literature or even religion, which could not be directly traced to the effect of English literature. Granting, it follows that we ought to be grateful, it does not follow that we should eternally keep a foreign language as a medium for instruction. He said that it was a retrograde step to give up the elevating study of English literature. But this step no one proposed. He further maintained that the best proof of the error of the proposal would come in the actual experiment of it, as the people of the country would certainly send their boys to the English teaching Colleges, and not to the Tamil, Telugu, Marathi, Hindi, or Bengali Universities; a wrong argu¬ ment, proceeding on an unfair competition between a pro¬ tected institution and an unprotected one. What we ask for is a proper share of protection for Universities constituted as we suggest, which we maintain will ultimately be of the highest national value. He also added that in area and spoken strength the languages of India were not big enough to serve as University languages, a position obviously erroneous. If he referred to the smallness of the literate population, this applies as much to English as to the Indian languages. The large percentage of illiteracy even in mother tongues is a condition that can and ought to be remedied quite apart from the question of language in Univemties. Mr. Seshadri laid no stress on the absence of suitable books in Indian languages, as evidently he felt 28 TAMIL CX^LTURE that it was a defect which was as much an effect of the existing state of things as an objection to a change, and we cannot wait to begin till everything is ready. C. R. ENGLISH AS THE MEDIUM OF EDUCATION* My article on the above subject has been adversely criticised by your Allahabad contemporary, the Leader, in its Editorial of September 17, by merely repeating the more plausible arguments among those advanced by the Principal of the Benares College, which I had already noticed in my original article. The Leader charges me with a confusion of thought that is said to vitiate my logic, but does not choose to point it out, nor guard itself against a very inexcusable and real confusion of ideas in which Mr. P. Seshadri’s arguments were lost, viz., that of confounding education through the medium of English, with instruction in modern science and thought—two totally distinct things. 0 My chief point was this: Western knowledge and culture would flow more easily than at present to the masses, if ^e employed the medium of our own languages in the Universities and schools. I also maintain that our languages will not improve in adaptability to modem science and modern thought unless we begin to emplov them for the purposes of education in the Universities eUid schools. The Leader has not met either of these points.’ A supposed inconsistency is referred to, in connection with a passage quoted from my article, wholly based on ^^•^Published in Commonweal on October 6th, 1916 as a letter to the THE PLACE OP ENGLISH IN INDIAN EDUCATION 29 a total misunderstanding of the meaning of the first person plural in the sentence quoted. Whereas I referred to the few English-educated men,* your Allahabad contemporary reads the whole nation into it, and an inconsistency natu¬ rally follows. A perusal of the passage referred to would show the obvious error of the criticism. The Leader refers with great eloquence to England “ the proud possessor of an Empire,” and points out that it “ derived its culture and the inspiration for its insti^tions through the Greek and Latin languages,” I fear I do not see here that close reasoning and that preference for ideas rather than for words, the absence of which the Leader deplores in my article. I have not been able to see the correctness of this parallel either as to the facts relied upon, or as to their having occurred after, or in spite of, England’s becoming the possessor of an Empire' or of the bearing of the comparison on the question at issue. I believed English boys at no time studied their history of England in Greek or Latin; or their geography, or their mathematics, or even their science, in any language but their own. I fancy they learnt even Greek and Roman History only in English. I also never heard they conducted their scientific journals in England in Greek or Latin at any time, nor that they ever acted on the policy of improv¬ ing their own language by letting it alone and carefully avoiding the use of it in teaching science and other branches of knowledge in their schools- and Colleges. In any discussion on this subject, there can be no pro¬ fitable result if we confound the subject-matter of studies, viz., modern science and modern knowledge, with the medium of instruction ; and this error vitiates the Leader*s criticism, as it did Mr. Seshadri’is remarks. Salem. C. Rajagopalachariab., Linguistic Prehistory of India* —IVIUKRAY B. EMENEAU At some time in the second millennium b.c., probably comparatively early in the millennium, a band or bands of speakers of an Indo-European language, later to be called Sanskrit, entered India over the northwest passes. This is our linguistic doctrine which has been held now for more than a century and a half. There seems to be no reason to distrust the arguments for it, in spite of the traditional Hindu ignorance of any such invasion, their doctrine that Sanskrit is “ the language of the gods,” and the somewhat chauvinistic clinging to the old tradition even to-day by some Indian scholars. Sanskrit, “ the language of the gods,” I shall therefore assume to have been a language brought from the Near East or the Western world by the nomadic bands. These invaders did not penetrate into a linguistic vacuum. What did they find to the east of the passes ? If the archaeologists’ reconstruction and chronology of the events are at all well-founded, they iound over the whole of the Indus Valley a high culture (the Harappa culture of the archaeologists), which was a sibling or a remote cousin of the high cultures of the Near East—^Egypt, the Fertile Cresent, Mesopotamia.' Here were great and small •This i>aper was read by Prof. Emeneau, before the American PhQosopliical Society, Philadelphia, on April 23, 1954 and is reprinted in Tamil CuUitre with tteir permission. iSee, fcfl, Uadcay. Ernest, Early Indian civilizations, London, Luzac and Co, 19tt; Wheder, R. E. M. (now Sir Mortimer), in various places, esp. Ancient India 8; 74—76, Jan. 1947, and The Cambridge history of India, supp. voL The Indus Civilization, (Cambridge, Univ. Press, 1953; Piggott, Stuaxt Prehistoric India to 1000 B.C., PeUcan Book, Harmonds- worth, Middlesex, 19^ wiUi good select bibliographies. LINGUISTIC PREHISTORY OF INDIA 31 cities, whose life was based on the riverine agriciiltnre permitted by a great river and its tributaries in a vast, irrigable, alluvial valley. The probabilities are that the culture was as rigidly regimented and as firmly based on a system of serfdom or slavery as were the Near Eastern cultures.^ So far the excavations have not yielded, and it seems improbable that they will in future yield, evidence of a material brilliance such as that of Egypt and Meso¬ potamia. It may be that the Harappa culture was the “ repellent ” thing that one of its interpreters^ has called it—“ drab ” or “ dull ” * might be a better, because a less subjective, word. For our present interest, hpwever, it is to be recalled that this culture was literate. The many short inscriptions on seals are written in a script that is non-identical in its forms with either the Egyptian hieroglyphs or the Meso¬ potamian cuneiform, but that is somewhat similar to the early stages of both in that it probably developed from a picture-writing, rebus-like in nature, and was apparently, like both, syllabic in its structure.® The unknown script and subject-matter, combined with the shortness of the inscriptions, have so far defied convincing decipherment. The most ambitious attempt up to date, that of Father Heras,® has posited that the language is an old member of the Dravidian family which is now located chiefly in South and Central India, but which stfll has an outlying member, Brahui, in the highlands of Baluchistan to the west of the Indus Valley. There is nothing a priori against this assumption. Speakers of Dravidian languages now 2 Wheeler, Ancient India, loc. cit. sPiggot, op. cit. 201. 4“Dull" is Wheeler’s word in Tamil Culture 2 : 20, 1953; he declares, however, in The Indus Civilization, 63 f. that the remains suggest “ an aestoetic capacity more broadly based than the recovered examples of it alone would indicate," an aesthetic capacity perhaps expended in part on the perishable art of wood-carving. spiggott, op. cit. 178—181. Kroeber’s term “stimulus diffusion" must be called to mind- 6 Many articles in Indian journals have been devoted to this “ decipher¬ ment.” It seems unnecessary to list them. 32 tamilculture number about 90 ihilHons or just tinder one quarter of the population of the Indian subcontinent (making the family the fifth or sixth largest in the world). The geographical distribution, and the nature of the boundary in Central India between Dravidian speakers and the speakers of the Indo-Aryan languages that descend from the invader language Sanskrit, are good evidence that Dravidian has been steadily retreating before Indo-Aryan. The Dravi- dian-speakers of the farthest South, the Tamil-speakers, e^ly acquired a high culture with all the features of the North Indian culture that was framed in Sanskrit. Even the grammar and the literary criticism of the Sanskritic culture were among the early borrowings and are the subjects of the earliest extant Tamil text. As is usual in India, no exact dating of this early literature is possible, but it is clearly no later than the earliest centuries of the Christian era and may well be pre-Christiary^amil script is known from the Arikamedu finds of the first century A.D. And the presence of Aiokan inscriptions in Middle Indo-Aryan dialects as far south as Mysore State in the third century b.c. is witness to the spread of Sanskritic culture southwards prior to this period—^for who could have been addressed by Asoka in Indo-Aryan dialects if not literate brahmans who had settled in the South in some numbers on their missionary occasions ? Be that as it may, it has been claimed that the far southern, Tamil form of the brahmanical Sanskritic culture of India shows in its earliest remains so many specific high features that are not North Indian, that we must posit a high^ culture in South India prior to the spread of the brahmanical culture there. Archaeological evidence to substantiate these claims, howeyer, is still lacking.^ Yet, taking all together, the assumption that the language of the Indus Valley documents was Dravidian is clearly not fantastic. 4: 89, July 1947—Jan. 1948, with some pibliography. LINGUISTIC PREHISTORY OF INDIA 33 In spite of this, the attempts at interpretation have not been convincing. Since the subject-matter of the documents is unknown, any subject-matter, i.e. meaning, that is assigned to any element of the script, is arbitrary. A succession of arbitrary meanings thus assigned to the symbols (with, to be sure, a little aid from Sumerian texts) may, in fact, be.made to coincide with a Dravidian-like succession of phonemes, but only for short stretches of the material. The Indus Valley material is made up of a fairly large number of short inscriptions, but it is only by positing numerous arbitrary variations of sound and of meaning for the same symbols that anything like a coherent system can be made to run through the total corpus. It is this necessity to vary, or, in other words, this self-given per¬ mission to vary in the sound and meaning that are attached to the smallish number of different symbols, plus the ol ctetoTig Tfiesninp, has convinced the interested scholars that the method used has been an unconvincing one—^that, to put it more crudely, , by this method one can give the inscriptions any interpre¬ tation one'wishes. In fact, promising as it has seemed to assume Dravidian membership for the Harappa language, it is not the only possibility. Professor W. Norman Brown has pointed out (The United States and India and Pakistan, 131-132, Cam¬ bridge, Harvard University Press, 1953) that Northwest India, i.e. the Indus Valley and adjoining parts of India, has during most of its history had Near Eastern elements in its political and cultural make-up at least as prominently as it had true India elements of the Gangetic and Southern types. The passage is so important that it is quoted in full: More ominous yet was another consideration. Parti- - Uon now would reproduce an ancient, recurring, and sinister incompatibility between the Northwest and the rest of the subcontinent, which, but for a few brief periods of uneasy cohabitation, had kept them politically apart or hostile and had rendered the subcontinent defensively weak. When an intrusive people came through the passes 34 TAMIL CULTURE and established itself there, it was at first spiritually closer to the relatives it had Isft behind than to any group already in India. Not until it had been separated from those relatives for a fairly long period and had succeeded in pushing eastward would it loosen the external ties. In period after period this seems to have been true. In the third millennium b.c. the Harappa culture in the Indus Valley was partly similar to contemporary western Asian civilizations and partly to later historic Indian culture of the Ganges valley. In the latter part of the next millen¬ nium the earliest^ Aryans, living in the Punjab and composing the hymns of the Rig Veda, were apparently more like their linguistic and religious kinsmen, the Iranians, than like their eastern Indian contemporaries. In the middle of the next millennium the Persian Achae- menians for two centuries held the Northwest as satrapies. After Alexander had tnvaded India (327/6-325 b.c.) and Hellenism had arisen, the Northwest too was Hellenized, and once more was partly Indian and partly western. And after Islam entered India, the Northwest again was associated with Persia, Bokhara, Central Asia, rather than with India, and considered itself Islamic first and Indian second. The periods during which the Punjab has been culturally assimilated to the rest of northern India are few if any at all. Periods of political assimilation are almost as few ; perhaps a part of the fourth and third centuries b.c. under the Mauryas ; possibly a brief period under the Indo-Greek king Menander in the second century b.c. ; another brief period under the Kushanas in the first and second century a.d. ; an even briefer period imder the Muslim kingdom of Delhi in the last quarter of the twelfth century a.d. ; a long one under the great Mughals in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries a.d. ; a century imder the British, 1849-1947. Though this refers to cultural and political factors, it is a warning that we must not leap to linguistic conclusions too hastil;5j. The early, but probably centuries-long condition in which Sanskrit, a close ally of languages of Iraii, was restricted to the northwest (though it was not the only language there) and the rest of India was not Sanskritic in spee^, may well have been mirrored earlier by s period when some other language invader from the Near Bast—a relative of Sumerian pr of Blaiuitic or what LlNGXJtSTtC PllfcHtSTbfeV OP INfilA 35 not—was spoken and written in the Indus Valley. It is not ruled out, of course, that this anonymous Near Easterner might have been only one of the languages spoken in the Indus Valley—perhaps that of invaders and conquerors— while the indigenous population spoke another language— perhaps one of the Dravidian stock, or perhaps one of the Munda stock, which is now represented only by a handful of languages in the backwoods of Central India. On leaving this highly speculative question, we can move on to an examination of the Sanskrit records, and we find in them linguistic evidence of contacts between the Sanskrit-speaking invaders and the other linguistic groups within India. / /Whenever two language communities come in contact and remain in contact for any appreciably long period, the languages have some effect lipoh each other’s structure. Borrowing of words in one or the other direction or in both is the most obvious effect. But there may also be a shift of sound systems, borrowing of derivational or inflectional morphemes, or borrowing of syntactical traits. / y Sanskrit scholarship in the West soon saw that some of the non-Indo-European features of Sanskrit were Dravi¬ dian (or possibly Munda) in type. The retroflex (domal or cerebral) consonants in Sanskrit may be explained for some of their occurrences as being the reflexes of Indo- European consonant clusters of certain t3q)es. The fact, however, that the later in Indo-Aryan linguistic history we go, the greater is the incidence of retroflex consonants, and the further fact that most of the Dravidian languages and Proto-Dravidian itself have this type of consonant in abundance (the case is not so clear for Munda, but is in all probability similar), can only lead to the conclusion that the later Indo-Aryan developments are due to a borrowing of indigenous speech habits through bilingualis m, and to the well-grounded suspicion that even the early develop¬ ment of retrofiexes from certain Indo-European consonant 36 tAMlL CUftURiE clusters results from the same historic cause.® The same argument applies also to the development of absolutives (otherwise called genmds) in Sanskrit; this non-finite verb form and its syntactic use are so closely parallel to a feature of Dravidian and so unlike what is found in the other old Indo-European languages that we must certainly posit Dravidian influence here.® # Prima facie, it should have been easy to examine the Sanskrit dictionary for possible borrowing^ from Dravidian. There were, however, several blocking factors. First and perhaps most important was the assumption, usually but not always only implicitly made and seldom argued or supported by evidence, that the Sanskrit-speaking invaders of Northwest India were people of a high, or better, a virile, culture, who found in India only culturally feeble barbarians, and that consequently the borrowings that patently took place from Sanskrit and later Indo-Aryan languages into Dravidian were necessarily the only borrow¬ ings that could have occurred. Indian civilization itself, with its enthronement of Sanskrit at the expense of other languages, taught Western scholars to think this way about Sanskrit. Moreover, the early days of Indo-European scholarship were without benefit of the spectacular archaeological discoveries that were later to be made in the Mediterranean area, Mesopotamia, and the Indus Valley. It was but natural to operate with the hidden, but anachro¬ nistic, assumption that the earliest speakers of Indo- European languages were like the classical Greeks or Romans—prosperous, urbanized bearers of a high civiliza- «This doctrine is held by, e.g., Bloch, Jules, Sanskrit et dravidlen, Bull Soc. Ling. Paris 25: 1—21, esp. 4—6, 1925; Some problems of Indo- Aryan philology. Bull. School Orient. Stud. 5 : 731—733, 1930; UIndo- arryen du Veda aux temps modemes, 53 fif., 325, Paris, 1934; Katre, S. M, Some problems of historical linguistics iw, Indo-Aryan, 135 ff., Bombay, ’ J^okosch, E., A comparative Germanic grammar, 39, Philadelphia" 3^®' Jakob, Altindische Grammatik 1 : 165, § 144 (a) Anm; ^t^gen, 1896, with earlier bibliography, Gundert in 1889, Ztschr. deutscju morgenlandtschen Ges. 23: 517 ff., having apparently the earliest suggestion. • 9 Cf. Bloch, Bull. School Orient. Stud. 5 : 733 _^ 735 , 1930 . UNGUiSTiC PfeEtnSTOJlV OF INDIA 3*? tion destined in its later phases to conquer all Europe and then a great part of the earth—^rather than to recognize them for what they doubtless were—^nomadic, barbarous looters and cattle-reivers whose fate it was through the centuries to disrupt older civilizations but to be civilized by them. This was in all probability the event in India as it was in Greece or in the late Roman Empire.'® This assumption led in the long run to another block— the methodological tendency of the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century to attempt to find Indo-European etymologies for the greatest possible portion of the vocabularies of the Indo-European languages (see also note 10), even though the object could only be achieved by flights of phonological and semantic fancy. Latin perhaps was the greatest sufferer from this urge," but none of the languages was exempt, and Sanskrit was no exception. It was the less pardonable in dealing with a language spoken and written iii India, where even casual inspection of the Dravidian languages would have suggested some borrowings, at least, from Dravidian into Sanskrit.'^ 10 Mingled with this essentially Europe-centered attitude was that other strand in late eighteenth century thinking, the “ romantic ” one stressed by Mayrhofer, Manfred, Saeculum 2; 54 ff., 1951. It led to Sanskrit being regarded (to use Mayrhofer’s phrase) as “ die ur_ste aller Ursprachen,” as an exemplar of purity and freedom from all non-Indo- European influence. The' IndorEuropean savages, in short, were the noblest of all noble savages. But this, of course, is ethnocentrism all over again. 11 Cf. Lane, George S., Lang. 25 : 335-337, 1949. 12 "nie borrowings from the vernacular Middle Indo-Aryan into Sanskrit, when the latter became, as it early did, a hieratic and then a dead language in which speakers of Middle Indo-Aryan languages com¬ posed freely, form anothp portion of the Sanskrit lexicon which must be identified and not subjected to fantastic Indo-European etymologizing. Paul Tedesco has made many notable contributions here, but he also is willing to operate with a methodology in which the Dravidian languages do not exist except as borrowers from Indo-Aryan. One example of this is his treatment of words for “belly, stomach” in Sanskrit pi^aka- “ basket,” Archaeologica orientalia in memoriam Ernst Herzfeld, 218, Locust VaUey, N. Y., 1952. Whatever may be the etymology of Br. pi b in Ka. beginning in the 9th cent. a.d. Sanskrit baay then have borrowed from a Dravidian lan¬ guage with secondary b. Kittel, no. 398 ; also Caldwell; Burrow, T., Trans. Philol. Soc. 1946: 19. Should we perhaps add also the name of the Rigvedic demon vala-, i.e. “ the strong one ” ? It is just as good a suggestion as the derivations given from IE *wel- “ drehen, winden, walzen ” or "'wer- “ verschliessen, bedecken.” 13. Ta. malai “garland, wreath, necklace, anything strung together ”; malai (malaiv-, malaint-) “ wear, put on ” (Burrow, “,put on as a garland,” based on the old text Purananuru 12, etc.) ; Ma. mala “ garland, wreath, neck¬ lace, dewlap ” ; Ka. male “ wreath, garland, necklace ” ; Kod. ma-le “ necklace, dewlap, jungle cock’s ruff, or neck feathers ” ; Tu. male “ garland, wreath, necklace ” ; Te. 52 TAMIL CULTURB mala id. BuTTOw, Bvll. Soc. Orient and African Stud. 12 : 390, 1948. He notes that Ta. has malai in the oldest litera¬ ture (PurananuTU 60, 76) and that the verb malai with a short vowel is just as old and related as a derivative from the noun. The Ka. word is classed by the Ka. grammarians as a tatsama, i.e., “ a term not borrowed from Sanskrit, but existing in Kannada as well as in Sanskrit ” (Kittel’s defim- tion) ; this native analysis always may be taken as speak¬ ing in favor of Dravidian origin. The Ma.-Ko«J. meaning “ dewlap ” may possibly also be taken as evidence for malai as a native Dravidian word. For non-Dravidianists it should be noted that the Dravidian forms are those that a borrowing from Sanskrit would have but are also those proper to a native Dravidian group of etyma. APPENDIX 2 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES Identificatian of borrowings from Munda into Indo- Aryan and into Dravidian engaged several scholars in the 20’s and the 30*s, notably J. Przyluski and Suniti Kumar Chatterji. This was continued by the publication in 1948 of F. B. J. Kuiper’s Proto-Munda words in Sanskrit (Verh. d. K. Nederlandsche Ak. v. Wetenschappen, Aid. Letter- kunde, N. R. 51.3), a very ambitious work. In spite of a few tempting borrowings among those suggested by these various scholars (cf. Burrow, Trans. Philol. Soc. 1946 : 3-6), there are several factors involved that give a con¬ servative scholar pause. First, the Munda languages are very poorly known to sdiolarship. Ambitious grammars and dictionaries have been published of Santali, Mundari, and So ra* (Sahara or Savara), but, with all deference to the extended efforts and the'devotion of the missionaries and the educationists who have worked here, we must judge, I think, that the LINGinSTtC fHBHlSTORV OF INDIA 53 intrinsic complexities of the languages of this family are not a suitable field for amateur effort. Extensive prefixing, infixing, and suffixing, make both description and com¬ parison of the languages very difficult, and imtil we have competent descriptions of several of them, comparisons concerned with borrowing or with genetic relationships within the family and outside it will be hazardous. The second dubious factor concerning Indo-Aryan borrowing from Munda is that so far those who have tried to demonstrate such borrowings have been dealing not primarily with Munda but with Father W. Schmidt’s Austro-Asiatic or with his Austric. /Acceptance of the hypothesis that Munda, Khasi, Mon-IQimer, and various other languages of Southeast Asia form a language family to be called Austro-Asiatic can so far only be on a different plane from the scholar’s attitude with respect to Indo- European, Finno-Ugric, Turkic, Bantu, Malayo-Polynesian, Algonquian, or Athabaskan. In contrast with these, the material with which Schmidt worked is badly recorded and analyzed, and in spite of some tempting similarities, it is clear that little progress has been made beyond them in the search for phonetic correspondences. The field is one in which accidental similarities are still being found rather than etymologies. This scepticism becomes more pronounced when Austronesian (= Malayo-Polynesian) is brought in to form an Austric family. Archaeologists, historians and prehistorians, and ethnologists concerned with South Asia have erected lofty hypotheses on Schmidt’s hypothesis, but the linguistic specialist should know full well what a weak foundation Schmidt has provided and should refrain from erecting his buildings on it In identifying Indo-Aryan borrowings from Munda, Austric material has been used to the fullest extent— g]X)Ups of Austric etyma, including Munda words if they can be found in the badly recorded material, are provided as the bases for the borrowing. How hazardously Specula- 54 TAMlt CUtTltRfe tive this procedure can be is clear from a glance at Kuiper’s introduction in which are found these statements of his method: (6) “ the Austro-Asiatic consonantal system had a relatively small number of phonemes with a wide range of possible realizations, the following sounds, for instance, djt ~ dhith ~ r ~ jle, f ^ ^ i djt ~ dhfth ~ r *zi*5 ^ • • • • • • • originally having constituted one phoneme ” ; (7) “ another Proto-Munda phenomenon inherited from prim. Aus- tric is the nasalization and pre-nasalization of the con¬ sonants of a root ”; (7) “ the vowels are largely inter- cliangeable . . . the derivatives from one and the same root have often widely divergent forms; e.g. Skr, tunda- and cancu- [both ‘beak’] from da-da, vehi-, kdbarir and dplda- [the first two ‘a braid of hair,’ the third ‘a chaplet tied on the crown of the head ’] from wa-da-, . . . From the point of view of methodology this is, I think, the chief difficulty of these investigations, as by a purely mechanical application of the ‘sound-laws’ nearly every¬ thing can be demonstrated.” If these are sound-laws (with or without quotation marks), we have got back to the days of Voltaire. No wonder Kuiper astonishes him¬ self by the fact that “nearly everything can be demon¬ strated.” Unfortunately, altogether too many of the Indo- Aryan borrowings from Munda astonish in this way. In addition, much derivation in the Austric languages depends on prefixation and infixation—though it is to be noted that little of this apparatus is so far known by satisfactory comparative methods. If words may be sj^t up and prefixes and infixes discarded somewhat arbitrarily in the attempt to establish groups of etyma, this derivational method and the phonological method sketched above are together unlikely to establish much credence. But even so there are without doubt a few sane etymologies to .be salvaged from the work already done, though Ido not know how to ident^ them. LINGUISTIC PREHISTORY OF INDIA 55 This slight critique of Munda and Austric studies makes clear, I hope, that the prime desideratum in this field is accurate and intensive recording and analysis of the languages concerned. It is only after this is accom¬ plished that the way will be open for valid comparative work and for the establishment of a linguistic prehistory of the kind that is already possible for Indo-Aryan and Dravidian. Some Further Contacts and Affinities between the Egypto- Minoan and the Indo-(Dravido) Sumerian Culture* H. S. DAVID, B.A. HONS,, PH.D. (Lond.). We are now living at an epoch when the Aryans are erroneously looked upon as the Makers of Civilization. In fact, apart from the fanciful Nazi theories of the Aryan super-man, L. A. Waddell has written a large volume to show that this is so: but I think that his arguments are far from convincing. They are almost “Hess” guesses, having no intrinsic cogency to recommend them. But about the early contacts of the ancient cultures there c^- not be any doubt: nor about the simultaneity of their efflorescence. Sir John Marshall rightly contends that the Indo-Sumerian and Egypto-Minoan civilizations constitute a sub-species of culture, having a special relation with one another, a common parent, a common social environment, in the * Chalcolithic * phase of material technique. This was already diffused, at the simultaneous dawn of these four civilizations, over the whole region, extending from the Atlas to the Himalayas into the Afrasian steppe. He regards this common Afrasian culture of the Bronze-Stone Age as a umty of which each of the four is a mere arti¬ culation. Undoubtedly these four cultures had responded in the self-same manner to the identical challenge of desic¬ cation by changing their habitat and way of life alike, from that of food-gatherers into that of cultivators. When the grasslands overlooking the lower valley of the Nile turned into the Libyan desert, when the grass¬ lands overlooking the lower valleys of the Euphrates and Tigris turned into the Rub’al-Khali and the. Dasht-i-Lut, on 2* April 1955. for his“earlier article SOME FUBTHER CONTACTS.... CULTUftE 57 when the grasslands overlooking the lower valleys of the Indiis and the Mihran tiirned into the deserts of Thar and Cutch, these heroic pioneers plunged into the jungle- swamps of the valley-bottoms, reclaimed the marshes into fields and created the Egyptian, Sumerian and Indian cul¬ tures. An analysis of the oldest relics of human physique in Crete shows that it was first occupied wholly or mainly by ‘ Long-heads ’, while the ‘ broad-heads ’ were hardly then represented. They were accordingly immigrants from the Afrasian grasslands on the far side of the Eastern Medi¬ terranean. The inexorable challenge of desiccation impelled these communities to brave the terrors of the salt estranging sea and make themselves at home in the Aegean Archipelago. The genesis of the Minoan Civilization can thus be traced back to the same first cause as the geneses of the Egyptiac and Sumeric Cultures. The Indus Civili¬ zation is part and parcel of that greater civilization which during the Chalcolithic (or Bronze-Stone) Age extended across the broad Afrasian belt. It is intimately related to other branches of that civilization in Western Persia and Mesopotamia, on the rivers Karun and Karkheh no less than on the Euphrates and Tigris, even the Helmand. Between them all was a fundamental imity of ideas which could hardly have been the result of mere commercial intercourse. i A. CONTACTS AND AFFINITIES BETWEEN THE INDUS AND MINOAN CULTURES. The religion of the Indus Culture with its dominant mother goddess, with its male god who performs the same function'as the-Minoan ‘Master of the Animals’, besides being Siva’s prototype, with its tree-worship and personifi¬ cation of tree-spirits, and with its cult of phallic and baetylic stones, seems to have more points of contact with the Minoan than the Sumerian religion. Nevertheless, the Sumerian and the Indus religions have special resem¬ blances r the conception of the Tree of Life, the fantasy 58 TAMIL CULTURE of mixed and semi-human monsters, and the portrayal of monsters and animals in the role of efficient genii, i.e., officiating ones. In another passage, Sir John Marshall draws a com¬ parison between the effacement of the memory of the Indus Culture from ti e tradition of the subsequent Indie society and the affaceiaent of the memory of the Minoan Culture fron e tradition of Hellas. .‘he foot of a little bronze statue found at Mohenjo- Da^o has an anklet of much the same pattern as on a figure in a fresco at Knossos. A clay amulet at Mohenjo-Daro showjv a large tree of uncertain species associated with a cult object at the top of which is an animal’s head, with a sprig of flowers or leaves rising from between its horns. The tree has a high platform round its base—a favourite Minoan architectonic device. The sacred tree or cult figure on this amulet reminds one of many such figures foimd on Minoan intaglio: it appears to be tossing a man over his head, or the man may be vaulting over the animal, as in the sacred bull sports of ancient Crete. Pottery models of the sacred dove are frequently found in the Indus Valley, set on little pedestals so that they stand upright. Some of these figures exactly resemble examples found at very early sites in Sumer. Tfie dove was held sacred to the Mother-Goddess both in Sumer and in Crete. The same belief doubtless prevailed in the Indus valley, for the method of portraying the bird, with out¬ stretched wings and tail, is identical in all three places. A female figure of clay from Mohenjb-Daro actually has two birds perched on the top of her head, which, as in Crete, doubtless symbolized spiritual possession. The curious pottery jar, ornamented on the outside with knots or small female breasts in rows set closely together, resembles early Minoan work. Dr. Fr ankf ort has found sim i l a r ware at Tell Asmar in Babylonia. Beads of feO»lE FtrtlTriiai CONTACTS_CULTURB 59 unusual shape and other objects found at Harappa and Mohenjo-Daro can be linked with those of Crete, Egypt and Greece. The Greek cross with a linear cross in its centre is very common in the Indus Valley. Here, in Sumer and in Crete, a peculiar form of the same cross was used as inlay for pieces of wooden furniture. Intertwined talis- manic designs were also popular in the Indus Valley, in Sumer, in Crete and in Egypt. The meander patterns of E. M. in seem to be lateral evolutions of the svastika sym¬ bol and have points of affinity with such-like Proto-Indian patterns. Another coincidence or connexion is the Minoan and Mohenjo-Daro delight in hydraulic devices. B. CONTACTS AND AFFINITIES BETWEEN THE INDUS AND SUMER CULTURES. One eminent authority holds that the Sumerians, a sea-f^ing people, navigated the waters of the Persian Gulf, discovered the Delta of the Indus, ascended this river and its companion water-way, the Great Mihran, so like the Euphrates and Tigris, and thus colonized a coimtry so like their own. Thus they created there a new land of Sumer overseas, just as the Minoans created the Mycenean culture of Continental Greece. Whatever truth there may be in this hypothesis, there is no doubt regarding the affinity of the two cultures. Thus Professor Langdon, after a study of the tablets at Jamdet Nasr in Iraq, emphasises the definite connexion between the most archaic Sumerian script and the Indus Valley script. Etched carnelian beads of the same shape and with the same painted pattern have been found at Mohenjo-Daro and Harrappa, as well as in the Royal Tombs at Ur by Dr. Woolley. Some varie¬ gated stones, especially those with natural veinings, have, been capped at each end with gold, both in Sumer and in proto-India. Several Statues imearthed at Mohenjo-Daro show that, as in proto-Sumer, fillets or head-bands were worn round the forehead, lliese fillets have sometimes holes bored along one edge to enable ornaments to be sus- 60 TAMIL CULttJR& peiided from them. Fillets brnamfented in a similar way, either with a row of dots or with figures of animals, are well-known in early times in Sumer. A bronze pin with a coiled head recalls similar pins found in Sumer, Egypt, the Caucasus and Central Europe. An interesting find of rouge contained in cockle-shells provides a link with con¬ temporary Sumer ; for the same type of shell, used to hold face-paints, has been taken from graves at Kish and \5t. Certain skulls unearthed at Mohenjo-Daro are of the same type as others of very early date discovered in Meso¬ potamia. The white steatite head and bust of a god at Mohenjo-Daro has a* short beard and shaven upper-lip, in the latter fashion resembling other figures, both of gods and men, found in ancient Sumer. Likewise the peculiar half-shut eyes of the Mohenjo-Daro god has been noticed in some very early clay figures from Kish and Ur. The likeness of a homed human figure with the feet and tail of a bull found on one seal-amulet from Mohenjo-Daro, to a certain Sumerian demi-god is very striking, and appears to indicate that a relationship once existed between certain Of the beliefs-of the two civilizations. Another type of hero struggling with two tigers found depicted on three seal- amulets at Mohenjo-Daro is singularly like the early repre¬ sentations of the Sumerian Gilgamesh, the friend of Enkidu, who assisted that hero in his stmggles with wild beasts, chiefly lions, however. Both in the lowest levels of Mohenjo-Daro and in ancient Sumer, tin was very much used as an alloy to toughen copper, about 2800 b.c. The copper and bronze of the Indus Valley, like that of the Sumerians, contains an appreciable amount of nickel, and probably came from the Oman district of Arabia. The socketed adze-axe found at Mohenjo-Daro is similar to the socketed implements bronze in the Indus Valley was the wax process, a technique well-known m-Sumer and ancient Egypt. The barrel-shaped weight SdJk4E FtftlTtkCT COiWACTS. .. .CULTURE 61 found at Mohenjo-Daro is like those that have been found in Egypt, Sumer and Elam. The decimal system of nota¬ tion found on a slip of shell at Mohenjo-Daro occurs on the Proto-Elamite tablets and on others from Jamdet Nasr in Mesopotamiau Ladles made from sea-shells were much used in the Indus Valley and in contemporary Sumer. In the Indus Valley were unearthed pottery net-weights which are ring-shaped, very much like a small bracelet. Similar rings of the same date have been found by Dr. Franfort at Tell Asmar with the remains of a fishing net still adhering to them. The Indus valley grey-coloured pottery, with horizon¬ tal marks left by the polisher, is similar to that of Sumer. The tall offering-stand which has a base of trumpet-form and a shallow dish at the top resembles some found at Kish, Ur and Fara in Babylonia. In both cases the stands are made in two pieces carefully luted together. Several feeding-cups with spouts obviously meant for small children, of the same date and shape, have come to light in both Sumer and the Indus Valley. Small flat sherds cut with triangular incisions seem to be fragments of pottery boxes or stands. This type of ornamentation occurs in some of the earliest ware of Egypt, Sumer and Elam. The eyes of all the stone statues made by the Indus Valley people were inlaid with stone or shell, a technique which also prevailed in both Egypt and Sumer. In one figure the arm has been partially freed from the body, a feature which is also observable in some of the Sumerian statues. In both cases the waves of the hair are indicated by chevron lines. In both cases the men wore their hair in the same way, i.e., gathered up in a bun at the back of the head and secured by a silver or gold or woven fillet worn round the fore-head. Disc-beads of glazed crystal or quartz, similar to some found in the early graves of Elam and Sumer, have also come to light in the Indus Valley. A kind of gaming piece, 65 t A Kilt CtfliTtjRfe made of faience, tetrahedral in shape, is especially interest¬ ing in view of the fact that identical objects have been found at Ur. A brick found at Mohenjo-Daro, incised with rectangles in three rows of four, Was evidently part of a game-board: but it is uncertain whether the game resembled ancient Egyptian “ Sent ” or the Sumerian, as found by Dr. Woolley at Ur. He has also succeeded in restoring the remains of several specimens of harps and Ijnres, which are found ^ signs in the Mohenjo-Daro script. Peculiar heart-shaped pieces of bone inlay which have been found at Tell Asmar correspond with the Indus valley shell inlay of the same date. A fragment of a vessel of light-green steatite found in a low-stratum at Mohenjo- Daro has carved on it an unusual mat-pattern, which also occurs on Sumerian vessels unearthed at Tell Asmar, Kish and Susa. A motif of concentric (magical) squares, found at Tell Asmar by Dr. Frankfort, is duplicated in the Indus Valley seals. The Proto-Australoid and Mediterranean types of skull, which predominate among the Mohenjo-Daro popu¬ lation, must have belonged to a big-brained, dolicho- aphalic people. They agree in many ways with skulk found by Dr. Woolley at A1 ’Ubaid and by E. Mackay at Kish. The height of the Mediterranean type of male, when alive, was about five feet four and a half inches. C. CONTACTS BETWEEN THE SUMERIAN AND MINOAN CULTURES. The Minoan form of lyre, as first seen on seals of the hieroglyphic class, was essentially a derivation from the old Chaldean as found at TeUo. The gazelles* heads with which the later Minoan lyres were decorated, find still more remote predecessors in the horned heads of bulls and stags such as adorned the harps of the royal musicians. The sacrificed remains of these animals were found with them in the royal tombs of Ur. The golden sprays of leaves SOME FURTHER CONTACTS_CULTURE 63 and flowers that bedecked the head-dresses of departed queens and court ladies at Ur ciiriously recall the similar adornments found in early Minoan graves at Mochlos and elsewhere. The fantastic, semi-human types from which the Minotaur sprang, themselves suggest , the monstrous creations that attach themselves to the legends of Gilga- mesh and Ea-bani. So too the two-headed Minoan com¬ posite animals are derived from the crossed bulls and lions seen up-reared on the chaldean cylinders. The Bull ‘ Rhyton' found in Crete from M.M.I. is clearly of Sume¬ rian origin. Directly and indirectly, often indeed through circuitous Nilotic channels, the debt of Minoan Crete to the Simierian civilization becomes more and more apparent. The steatite sphinx of Hagia Triada in Crete, with the cup-shaped hollow in its back, is an off-shoot of a distinct class of Chaldean stone-vessels in black steatite. One of these, an ink-pot in the form of a crouched dog, has its surface engraved with cuneiform characters giving the name of King Sumu-ilum, 2204-2176 b.c. The Hagia Triada parallel is likewise an inkstand,, the inkpot being lost. At the beginning of the Middle Minoan Age, a minute form of granulation is shown on such figures as gold lions and dagger blades. This was undoubtedly due to an early wave of direct influence from the East. Granulated deco¬ ration also appears on Egyptian jewellery of the 12th Dynasty, e.g., in the Treasure of Dashur : but the Minoan method is not of Egyptian but of Sumerian origin. Large granulation occurs on a dagger-blade at Ur. According to the Cretan tradition, preserved by Diodorus and attested to by Suidas and Pliny [who in H.N.Xin.77 speaks of “in palmarum foliis primo scrip- titatum ” (Sic) ], Minoan Crete was well acquainted with the use of palm leaves and papyrus for writing purposes, as was ancient Chaldean. Cf. A. H. Sayce, The use of Papyrus as a. Writinp Material amonp the Accadiatis, 64 TAMIL CULTURE Even the Minoari bull sports starting about 2100 b.c. seen now to be derived from Cappadocian ones, of about 2400 B.c. These again are derived from Sumerian proto¬ types of about 3100 b.c. The recent discoveries at Ur by Mr. C. L. Woolley have brought to light wells, lined with superposed clay cylinders of about 5000 b.c. This was the origin probably of the Melian (Mycenecin) well, lined with clay cylinders, of which the tradition survived in Crete itself. Lastly, the burial vault at Ur affords by far the earliest dated example of the ‘ tholos ’ type of sepulchral chamber, domed above by overlapping courses. It was hence probably that the ‘ tholos ’ type of tomb came into Crete and other Aegean lands. There is also a remarkable similarity between the Minoan Tower-houses and the Sumerian as well as Indus Valley Tower-houses. D. AFFINITIES BETWEEN THE EGYPTIAN AND INDUS VALLEY CULTURES. Besides those casually mentioned in the above sections (A, B and G), we'may note the following : The finding of lumps of green substance, identified as terre verte, at Mohenjo-Daro perhaps means that this material was, like kohl, used for the eyes, as was malachite in ancient Eg 5 rpt. Certain markings on the hull of a mast-less vessel at Mohenjo-Daro suggest that it was made of reeds bound together, a method of building which was used for quite large boats in ancient Egypt. The hemispherical copper or gold terminals of some of the strings of beads found in the Indus Valley have resemblances to those of the Egypt of the Old Empire. A pottery candle-stand is also paralleled in Egypt by several of the same shape and date. In Egypt mussel-shells were ‘ imitated ’ from slate and aragonite, in India from copper and pottery. The amities between the Egyptian culture on the one hand and the Minoan and Sumerian cultures on the other are shown at great length throughout the great work of CULTURB 66 SOME FURTHER CONTACTS. . . . Sir Arthur Evans,* “ The Palace of Minos at Knossos In all these cases the multitude of resemblances in the most unexpected places lends cogency to the argmnent of a common, though perhaps remote, origin. • I acknowledge indebtedness to the above author as w.ell as to— Ernest Mackay: The Indus Cioilizotion; Toynbee: A' Study of History, Voliiines I and VI; The Cambridge History of India, Volume I; and Plates : Volume I; The Cambridge Ancient History, Volume I and Plates : Volume 1; and Sir John MarshaU: Mohenjo-Daro and the Indus Civiliza¬ tion, in three Volumes. j (^UEST a bi-monthly of arts & ideas jl sponsored by jl the Indian Committee for Cultural Freedom, l| editor: NISSIM EZEKIEL i; “ I have just now finished looking through your 11 journal and I am very impressed with its quality. 11 Yours is, as far as I know, the only serious rival to l' COMMUNITY, in South East Asia, at least !’* 1; —C. R, Hensman, Editor, COMMUNITY. 1; “It presents uniformly good reading, and the |l editing and. production show a high degree of judgment ;I and technical excellence. What gives the magazine a l| certain distinction is . a critical awareness of the 1 ; contemporary condition that seems to inform it as !; a whole. One is struck by a seriousness of intellectual |l purpose with an evident refusal to be dogmatic .or |l tendentious** >\ —THOUGHT, ii Annual subscription Rs. 61 - j! Single Copy Re. //- || Anny & Navy Building, |l 148, Mahatma Gandhi Road, Bombay 1. I; "r WVVVVMVVtfVVVVV y Translations of Some Well Known Tamil Poems A NEW YEAR’S GREETING This Agaval is by a minstrel, known to us as Kanyan or ‘ Singer ’ .of the flowery hill, who was a court poet and friend of Ko Perum Cholan of Uraiyur—a little, it may be, before the date of the Kural. See Pura Nanuru 192. 0 f aS & dr ;— luireuQ^ih Qseiflw ;— isoTj^th iSjDir^ir oiririr ;— Qisfr^^ih ^6u ' ^(srQfi); — euiTjpjs^ §lssflQ^6sr LLQipi5fi«sr£}]Lb ^&)(StL :— Q^esPsS^ @a7-(g) ^Go(Sui ;— az/rawB ^GSsrQafl uuiri^^ s&jQuitq^ LD^ec^ Quirujtrp jy , fSffeu^^u L^BmQufT^ ^irst-uSir QfiesijDeuy^u u(§slld ct^u^ ^jD^oeorrir sirtLffluSjb QpeffUs^esni) ;— ^ir ;— ^^Qtuiren^ tSfpssfi^ih ^soQll / ’ tbanslations op poems 67 The Sages To us all towns are one, all men o«r kin. Life’s good comes not from others’ gift, nor ill Man’s pains and pains’ relief are from within. Death’s no new thing ; nor do our bosoms thrill When Joyous’ life seems like a luscious draught, When grieved, we patient suffer; for, we deem This much-praised life of ours a fragile raft Borne down the waters of some mountain stream That o’er huge boulders roaring seeks the plain Tho’ storms with lightnings’ flash from darken’d skies Descend, the raft goes on as fates ordain. Thus have we seen in visions of the wise I— We marvel not at greatness of the great; Still less despise we men of low estate.^ (Comp. Kural, 397 Pazhamozhi, 116.') THE 400 LYRICS—PURANANURU The Colan King, Killi-Valavan, who fell at Kula-muttam This king, who (we may infer) possessed considerable ability, was both brave and generous (but somewhat head¬ strong). Hence a great deal of good advice is, in a very tactful way, offered to him by the minstrels and he seems to have been all the better for it. ’The followmg lines are worth noting. They are by Vellai Kudi Naganar. • 1 Tran^ted by Dr. G. U. Pope. Published In the Siddhanta Deepika, VoL Vn. No. 1. April 1006. ^ -TAMIL CULtURE 35. isafiuSQ!^ opeiS Qjtg^ VJff «s. aj«yfluSfiOL_ QjjfifiiSir Q]irefr(i$ (S^iqju j)essruf.ei^ Slfisuir ipj ^eofsj^s^ir Q (Suiro) tf0iiL96Br Qeumry, •srrQL^esru uQsu^ fSesKS^ mt®*® f5/r®Q«(^ Q6=^(sufi^u iS(BQ^Qfi (SsuihCS^ rSesreu au£jiS3J Oevearoj (Samrin^ (yDfij)^/D* 3 Q 7 sror® QuirQp^jb u^Q^sreffi (SiuinfsAr (p 65 ) p(oA Sea-port of the Pandian kings. 11 TA.MIL CULTURE 82 With pearls gleaming; he crowned with laurels of victories; And he the lord of wind-speed war chariots, is the king Of Madura, the eternal home of Tamil, The peerless tongue of antiquity, and far-famed 115 For the amplitude of its street of jubilant crowds. And this Madura is lesser than the great realm Of Nalliakkodan, to whose city far-famed You, brother-harpist, are marching with weary steps. Kadamba^ trees, umbrageous and aglow with flowers, • 120 Girdle dense the banks of green tanks of placid waters ; The laurels of these trees drop their stamens and pistils About the watering-steps of tanks; and they Lying scattered look like rangoli^ done in gold And vermeil-red. To the rays of the golden sun 125 Rising in the orient, lotus buds, lusty as breasts And favoured of gods, open their fair petals. Dragon-flies sleep for the night in the coronae Golden, walled round with petals pink as Vermeil-dyed palm of a damsel; and they, after 130 Resting in the sweet embraces of their partners Life-guarding, waken with the dawn, and with amour filled Hum with surge of their wings their madrigals, Round the honey-cups of lotus flowers surging In the wide fields that girdle far-flung Uranthai, 135 The Capital of the Chola King Sembian. And he. The guardian of realms lying on the western shores, And great in the might of his arms hero wristleted. Marched against his enemies, razed their ramparts- Of high-reaching gateways to such low heights that bulls Bellowing, scratched their itchy necks against the low dead walls. And he is far-famed as the master of chariots stately And of warriors valorous, who from the battle thick 2 Wendlandia Notoniaina. 2 . This the floor-decoration of loops and curves done in. white or colour powder, by Hindu women. ■ • . ' A SHORT LAY OF MINSTRELS 83 Will not fluce. And this Uranthai looks small before The far-famed capital of Nalliakkodan’s realm. 145 Pegan was a chieftain of hills whose cloud-canopied peaks Tower to shadowy heights and whose fertile sides Overflow with cool mountain streams. Descending from Ancient Avias* his brawny shoulders beam with the might Of smiting his enemies. When a blue peacock 150 Of his fertile hillsides apprised by its sharp cry Of rainrharbingering clouds, he was so pleased That he gave his regal mantle to it as a scarf. Pari, famed in classic lore for his charity Boundless, was the lord of the purple Parambu-hills, 155 Which echo with the rushing waters of Ori, The hill-stream, which in cascades leaps over shelvy sides. He helped his ivory chariot, wrought luxuriously With vermeil and gold, as a stay to the mullaP-creeper Which swayed helpless on the road lined with naga®-trees Round whose flowers banded-bees hummed their madrigals. Kari, beaming bright with circling hero-wristlet. Was a terror unto his foes, who quailed with fear At his death-deatog lance, and who under his rage Towering cowered. But to the minstrels he was a prince of sweet winsome grace, who staggered the world by the ^ gift Of all his lands with his steed, of rippling white mane, That was decked with a bridle of sweet-chiming silvern bells. Aai of shoulders brawny through wield of bow, and perfumed With sandal paste was of such sweet enrapturing grace 170 Of words and gifts, that he offered to the deity Templed under the banyan-tree the cast-off skin Of a king-cobra of a beaming blue-black hue. 2Jasnune. 3Naga trees— «jrLf^9ssr 84 TAMIL CULTURE Athigan is he who gavg^ to Avvai^ the fruit of nelli^ Black and beautiful—the elixer vitae—of the tree 175 That grew on the sides of his majestic blue hills, CotourfuUy carpeted with perfume-filled flowers. And he wields his long lance flaming with fiery wrath, And is the lord of a force wide as surging seas. Nalli, the lord of hills towering peak on peak, 180 And where the rains drizzle in sparkling silver drops, Through his unebbing generosity, gladdened The hearts of those who sought his bountiful friendship; And with his lusty hands, famed with the might of war In the enemy’s field of battle, he bestowed gifts 185 So generously that they knew no future want. Ori the master of a horse of silken mane Snow-white battled down Kari of steel-blue steed. And he, So famed in war, gave as gift to minstrels his lands Fair, of low-lying hills bristling with naga-trees 190 Of crowded branches flaming with perfumed flowers. Not one of these seven bounteous chiefs is as great As Nalliakkodan in his generosity. And he of war-famed strength of well-knit lusty limbs, To the beam of his fame in the wide world, girdled 195 By vasty seas, bears now and lone the heavy yoke Of an endless giver of gifts, instead of those Bounteous chiefs of adamantine shoulders, who smote Their ever-rising foemen; he is greater Than all the kings of Ceylon broad, ancient and of fame Unfading ; of Ceylon of sea-rammed shores, and famed Even on the day of its foundations firm ; And he is greater than those of Ceylon kings Who helped the damsels of rounded shoulders gambolling In the waters of the sea with Naga-^wood 205 Of fragraiit fl owers, eagle* and sandal-wood as floats. 1 ~~ 2 QisAtS Emblica officinalis—goose-berry. 3Cf. line—160. 4 eagle or akila wood or aloe or agila woods:aquilaria ovata. A SHOOT LAY OF MINSTRELS 85 On the day of our grinding pover^, with eager hearts, We approached this NalliaWcodan, who wields in war His stainless sword, and who is as strong of limb As a sinewy tiger and who comes of Avia—line. 210 His fame is so great that in cowardly retreat He had never turned his hero-ankleted feet, Covered with indurations of riding his war-tusker. We approached him of lusty hands, as famed as the rains Bounteous, through gifts of herds of elephants to minstrels Of diverse musical instruments; and we sang Praises of his unsurpassable lineage and also Of his sire’s plenitude of lands of soaring hills. In those days our cold hearth, overgrown with mush¬ rooms Hollow-stalked, looked dismal with the bamboo falling 220 From the thatch, and with aged walls gnawed by white- ant hosts. Our gloomy fire-place echoed with sharp muffled bark of the bitch, Famished and newly littered, which spurned, unable to bear The pain of blind pups of folded ears feeding at her dry breasts. And we, for fear of the curiosity of tell-tales, barred 225 The doors of our fire-place; and our tambourine-girl Of slender waist, swaying with pain of gnawing hunger. Picked wit hunclipped nails, to the jingle of conch bangles. The velai-greens growing on the dust-shoot; and we, Cooking it even without salt to savour, shared 230 With our dusky kindred large, and thus our hunger Gnawing mitigated in those indigent days. “ And we now are returning from Nalliakkodan, Laden with his gifts of stately chariots, and tuskers Small-eyed, ichor shedding, terror-striking and decked 235 With chiming bells to apprise people before and behind. And you also, brother-harpist, now distressed with the want Of your own and of your large dusky kindred, will seek 86 TAMIL CULTURE With a heart guileless the bounty of such a king. The towering waves of the surging blue seas ram 240 Against white sands ; your path lies by such a shoreland, Where aloes abloom with swan-shaped flowers; Where early spring flowers of gold-mohur trees Vie with gold in colour and seem to cheat the eye ; Where the lusty mature buds of musundagam^ 245 Bloom with sapphire-blue sheen; where long-stalked punnai* buds Hang like bewitching garlands of the pearls of the sea. If after Tong march, you reach the song-famed shore-land . ! town Of Eilpattiham* of ice-cool tanks, and famous For its towering ramparts girdled by moats of blue waters. You will meet the good-wives of the shoreland, who will Raise flaming—^red fire and dusky blue smoke curling, Of akiP wood, brought by the towering sea-waves. And heaped up to the height of ruminating camels. And these damsels of lusty shoulders, of lance-mortal looks, 255 And of such a spotless beauty of face that the moon Is smitten with sorrow for want of such a beam. Will serve mature toddy to men of the shore-land, if timing your lyres to the dance-measure of minstrels Fair and of sweet-toned flues, you go singing praises 260 Of the lord of KidangiP beaming beautiful Like his flower garland, and who is the lord Of groves thick with trees of flower laden boughs. You will get at every hamlet the poached meat Of corned kuzhaP fish of their fresh-water tanks. 265 On your way to Veloor the red bean-nuts hang fair Like threaded coral wreaths; Kayan^ thickets surging iLeather berried buid-weed. Rivea ornota. ^ zcalophyllum Inophyllum. SEilpathinan, Veloor, and Amoor were important towns. 4Alal:= or eagle wood. 5 Si^iaS^ 6 (5JD& 'Eugenia braeteata. A SHORT LAY OF MINSTRELS 87 With sapphire-blue buds bloom like a flock pf peacocks ; Musundai^ flowers hang like spindles on tl^^ir, boughs Umbrageous ; and bunches of KanthaP flo^fe bpen 270 Like the pink fingers of a fair damsel; And in the long devious path of the kitchen garden Velvet mites of red vermilion hue creep slowly. Its hiUs are girdled by fair woodlands embowered With white mullai flowers chaste as home-templed wives. Turning your steps to west, where the opulent glow of'the < sun Fades behind hills, whose sides sparkle with silven streams}' Leaping from cove to cove, you will reach Veloor. If you reach Veloor, bright with tanks filled with flowers Of petals sharp as smiting lance, and which is famed 280 For its triumph through wield of triumphant lance, matrons, Of the woodlands, avoiding the blazing sun For their no less fiery huts, will serve you sour-rice Delicious, hot from fire with roasted venison For your refreshment, and of your women of tender ‘ 285 Mango-leaf complexion decked with wristlets but few. Fragrant flowers of drawn hang in wreaths on thickset. Kahchi-tree on whose bough perched, the blue king-fisher Of golden beak keeps long vigil, gazing into The fathomless tank, and then picks up a stenchy minnow. When the lotus leaf broad is torn by its long beak. Ruby-eyed blue bees buzz round the honey cups Of morning flowers of bristle-stalked lotus plant; And the bees circling round the white flowers look Like the shadowy serpent—Ragu^—round the sun. 295 Such are Amoor’s agricultural lands of cool fields. Its cities wide are stoutly guarded, its priests Pious dwindle not, and its warehouses are cool and beautiful. 1 Cf. I. 245. ~ 2 Gloriosa Superba. 3 Ragu—it is an Indian belief that the serpent Ragu causes the eclipse of the sun by swallowing it. 88 TAMIL CULTURE You will rest in its hospitable villages ; And when you seek to leave the place, you will be barred By children urged by their mothers of wristleted arms, And of braids of sapphire-blue sheen, stout as trunks Of cow-elephants, hanging down their necks in languid grace; And they are sisters to tillers of soil, who own Sturdy bulls, whose necks are grown lusty and strong 305 Through ploughing the fields round and round all day long. These sisters will serve you sweet savoury dish Of crab of curved claws with chunks of snow-white rice Cooked of grains well polished by dark adamantine Pounders to the wearing away of their silver-blue ferrules. 310 The ghoul of white beaming tusks, of a tongue Red and drooping like fiame, of black ears hanging like Those of a black goat and of curved beastly paws. After having gorged on corpses, ruffles wildly By her loud echoing laughter, the silence 315 Sepulchral reigning in the battle field at its eve. And so looks the tusker awe-inspiring, whose nails Are dyed with gore through kicking about corpses With its legs drum-stout; and the cloud of dust thus raised By its stampede is lowered by its rain of streaming ichor. 320 The calm of streets after the festive dust and din Of noisy, surging, shouldering crowd is like The silence of battle field after the tusker’s stampede. And Nalliakkodan’s city of such festive Streets loud with noise is not afar but a-near. 325 You will reach his towering gates of lofty doors Ever opened, like the cloven Meru-hills Where god is tempted, to the minstrels, the pandits And to Brahmins deeply learned in rare vedic-lore. ^ose deeply learned in lores many thus him praise : 330 He is grateful to those who do him a good turn, He spurns the company of the small-minded, He is as affectionate as he is sweet, A SHORT LAY OF MINSTRELS 89 And of a face ever beaming bright with smile.’ Warriors renowned for the might of sword praise him thus: 335 ‘ He is a shelter to those who seek refuge in him, He does not harbour deep-seated hatred agains.t foes, He will fight shoulder to shoulder with his forces. He will inspire courage in the hearts of the flagging.’ Damsels abright with pink-rayed eyes, large with paint, praise thus: 340 • He will fulfil the deep longings of their hearts. He will, when they with passion surge, satisfy their amour. He will be no one seductive courtesan’s tool. He will, when in sorrow, hasten to relieve them.’ Minstrels who with his bounty run their houses praise thus; 345 ^ He will before men of little learning appear as simple. He will with the learned discourse with equal wisdom. He will reward to endless measure and each to his desert.’ Him will you approach, who shines bright in the council Happy of the learned, the seers and ministers 350 Like the milk-white moon amidst its brilliant star-host. Yours is a harp to whose upright post, wrought in grace. Is firmly fixed the tapering black-wood cross-beam Fashioned like the snake-twined forearm of a green-eyed monkey Black, grasping the snake; and the two halves of its sound box 355 Blue-black as Kallam^ fruit of the woodlands, are knit Close with a line of bead-headed pins ; and the box, Rich with far-famed carver’s cunning craft is covered With deer-robe, which at the stitch of its halves looks Like downy hair-line running down a woman’s belly. 360 You will stir its nectar-sweet chords, golden like Dripping honey, and waken, as fixed in music-lore. The twisted chords one by one to the melody Of bewitching music templed in your cunning harp. To the music so raised you will sing praises thus 365 iCamissa— uifiih 12 90 TAMIL CULTURE Of Nalliakkodan. ‘ Oh King, thou art he whose hand Is ever shaped like a hanging bud through your gifts Endless to aged seers; thou art he whose broad shoulders Are a shelter to flagging warriors and damsels Languishing; and thou art he whose sceptre is a shade 370 Sheltering to tillers of soil; and art the mighty Of shoulders, whose lance flames in fury at the sight Of your enemy-kings of stately war-chariots.’ And ere you your song of praise finish, he will You apparel with garments as white and thin as 375 The epidermal lining of the hollow of bamboo. To such a measure large he will serve you sweet mead That you inebriate will lilt your head as a snake Sways its hoed in anger left to right; he will feast you On viands prepared, not a jot swerving from culinary rules 380 Laid down by Bhimsena of Himalayan broad shoulders; And who is elder to Arjun of brocaded scarf ; And whose quiver is full of arrows, which to flames Consuming made a prey the forests of Kanda^ He will viands delicious serve in a circle of cups 385 Golden, which vie in colour with fate-stars-girdled sun Of dawn rising in eastern sky, flaming abright Like the flash of steel; he standing beside you Will feast you with unebbing hospitality. With victory-winning might he puts to rout even 390 Foes famed for strength of victory-winning lance-host; He destroys their strongholds, and with booty thus gained He relieves the wants of minstrels, and all of those Who seek his bounty ; and to you he will give gifts Of gold, yellow as mqrfilhg sky, gained as booty 395 Of vanquished kings by his heroic chieftains; further He will give you a chariot whose spoked wheels, bound by Steel tyres and firmly fixed to the steel-strong axle-tree Chiselled with carver’s cunning craft, look like full moon Of silvery ray, rolling in after-winter sky 400 princes of M^abaratha, a Hindu epic, burnt to names the |orest of Kanda. A SHORT LAY OF MINSTRELS 91 Of dark, cold clouds ; the inner side of its towering canopy Is painted with vermilion, red as surging bunches Of sky-reaching palasa^ tree, whose blooming buds . Are circled by a swarm of bees of jubilant songs ; And the canopy outside gleams like molten gold. 405 And with it he will give you a charioteer, a bull Grey-white, fair of head and fleeter of foot than horses speeding, Yoked to the chariot of well-tested speed and wrought In all grace and beauty by an adept craftsman. These gifts you will get, if you go seeking the bounty 410 • Of Nalliakkodan decked with tender-leaved laurels. And in whom fleeting fame is firm based ; and he is The lord of those hills whose thunder-ploughed sides are too steep To be scaled, and whose towering purple peaks bristling With swaying bamboos are girdled by mistv drizzling clouds, 415 Amidst which peacocks spread their blue bejewelled fans. Which look like akil-fume mantled blue tresses of damsels Of supple shoulders, and of willowy waists from which Sarees Diaphanous and white fall in bewitching languid folds.” iPalasa tree— stdiuitKar Reviews BHARATHIAR: HIS LIFE AND POETRY By P. M. SUNDARAM, M-a. (Published by Orient Longmans, Ltd., Madras. Pages 133.—^Rs. 2/-) This is a welcome addition to the meagre literature we possess on perhaps the greatest of modern Tamil poets and founder of a new era in Tamil literature. In the Foreword, the author’s aim is stated as an examination of Bharathi’s poetry, and accordingly the poet’s life is summarised in some thirty-six pages, and the rest of the book is devoted to a consideration of his poetry. A poet is known by his works and Prof. Sundaram shows a full and analytical knowledge of Bharathi’s works. He treats in successive chapters of the poet’s conception of God, Religion, Society, Womanhood, Nationalism, Philo¬ sophy and the like—in what appears perhaps more as separate articles than chapters of the same book. Towards the end he discusses Bharathi’s poetic ability and his place in Tamil literature. One emerges from a reading of the book with the impression that the author does not stress sufficiently on the revolutionizing and revitalizing nature of Bharathi’s work. STUDIES IN PATHUPPATTU By fhiru V. KANDASWAMI MUDALIAR, b.a., l.t. (Publishers; Ottrumai Office, Theagarayanagar, Madras. Price Re. 1/-) The author is a well known writer of English prose. This brochure comes as a fitting introduction to the Tamil classics. People have developed a ghost fright, as this author puts it, of these classics and this introduction giving his sketches of and gleanings from the Ten Idylls of the Sangam age wiU exorcise this evil spirit. The author lives through these sketches, here and there exclaiming with his sly humour “ Visvamitras beware ”. The fivefold divisions of the Ancient Tamil land, her cities and rivers, nay, her furniture too find their reincarnation in his rhythmic prose. He himself weaves patterns of his own modelled on the classics—in his description of Kattabomman. We meet the poet and the painter everywhere in this book. QJITQ^LL jS^SViqUa (oU<3Tlh (yiCSiptLfUi By Marai Thiru SOMASUNDARA PARAMACARYA SWAMIGAL, Junior head of the Tirugnanasamhanthar Mutt, Madurai. (Publication of the Tiru Arul Tava-neri Manram.) This book is a well documented summary of the experience of the author in communicating and receiving communications from the deceased through mediums. It also gives an explanation from the Hindu point of view of the state of the man after his death. The astral body is nothing but our own body seen in our dreams. He tries to understand the miracles of our saints from this point of view. The author, as the spiritual head of an ancient Hindu mutt, feels that these experiences will restore man’s confidence in matters spiritual. Whether one accepts the explanation or not, these experiences received not through professional mediums but through innocent and unsophisticated people throw out a challenge for understanding the Man the unknown. Modern science is still groping in the dark. Nor did our philosophies lay any great emphasis on this; for they thought this would lead one away from the spiritual path. The puranic lore however never ceased giving detailed version of the life beyond the grave. These experiences have therefore a scientific and perennial interest to the modem man who has yet to find a place for this in his scheme of things. News and Notes THE LONDON TAMIL SANGAM. We have received the following report from the Secretary of the above sangam :— London has had since the war more,than five hundred Tamil-speaking persons from various parts of the world, including Burma, Ceylon, Malaya, Fiji, India, Mauritius, South Africa, British Guiana and Trindid. Attempts were made off and on to form a Tamil Sangam on a cultural basis and the present London Tamil Sangam is, true to the Tamil tradition, the third of its kind. This third Tamil sangam, though known as London Tamil Sangam, looks after the Tamil cultural interests of Great Britain and Ireland. It was inaugurated on 24th March 1955, under the Presidentship of Prof. A. Chidam- baranatham Chettiar of the Annamalai University, when he visited England during his tour of British Universities. About ninety Tamil-speakers representing various coun¬ tries met to approve the Constitution of the Sangam and elected a working committee. Among its aims are: “ To propagate and foster interest in Tamil culture and to encourage the study of the Tamil language and literature ” ; “To promote the Tamil conception of universal brotherhood ” ; and “ To serve as a meeting-place for Tamils from various countries living in Great Britain and to foster social contacts among them”. At present the Sangam has nearly one hundred members, including a few non-Tamil Indians and Ceylonese and Englishmen. 96 TAMIL CULTURE The Tamil New Year Day, 1955, was celebrated by the Sangam with plays and dance items of cultural interest, preceded by a Tamil style dinner. The Ceylonese members were responsible for items of folklore interest. On 27th July, 1955, Dr. RM. Alagappa Chettiar was entertained to tea by members of the Sangam. On 19th November, 1955, the Sangam arranged a variety entertain¬ ment and dinner at which Rev. Dr. Xavier S. Thani Nayagam, Chief Editor of Tamil Culture, was the chief guest. The Sangam is greatly indebted to the following gentlemen who were responsible for the formation of the Sangam: Mr. S, M. Lakshmanan Chettiar (India) Mr. R. Krishnamurthy (India) Mr. Adi Nagappan (Malaya) Capt. C. S. K. Pathy (England) Mr. R. Radhakrishnan (India) Mr. J. M. Rajaratnam (Ceylon) Mr. A. Sathasivam (Ceylon) .Mr. KL S. Senathiraja (Ceylon) Mr. R. Viswanathan (India) . The following gentlemen were elected as Patrons and Office-bearers for the year 1955-56. Patrons ; Prof. T. Burrow (Oxford) Prof. A. C. Chettiar (Annamalai University, India) Dr. Kumaru (England) Mr. G. D. Naidu (India) CapL C. S. K. Pathy (England) President: Mr. Adi Nagappan (Malaya) Vice-President ; Mr. J. M. Rajaratnam (Ceylon) NEWS AND NOTES 97 Secretary: Mr. R. Radhakrishivui (India) Asst. Secretary: Mr. R. Viswanathan (India) Treasurer : Mr. N. S. Sharma (India) Working Committee members: Mr. S. M. Lakshmanan Chettiar Mr. S. Ambalavanar Mr. V. A. Ramachandran Mr. T. Subbiah Mr. Ross Raja Mrs. Parvathi Krishnamurthy Miss. J. C. Femondo Mrs. Wilson Jeyaratnam Miss T. R. Arumugam Mr. K. Ramanathan. UNIVERSITY OF MALAYA—DEPARTMENT OF INDIAN STUDIES The University of Malaya will have frofn October next year a department of Indian studies. The Vice-Chancellor of the University Sir Sydney Caine, has said that the department was intended to cover a wide range of Indian studies. But in the first instance, emphasis would be on Tamil language and literature. Sir Alexander Carr-Saunders, on whose report the University was established in 1948, had recommended that a department of Tamil studies • should be set up by the University. But Prof. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, an eminent historian of South India, who was invited to give his views on the subject, advised that an Indian department would be incomplete and valueless if there were no provision for studies in Sanskrit. 13 ^ TAMIL • Recently, the Commissioner fof iridiai / tn - Mr. R. K. Tandon, presented a set of' 7 b Sanskrit books and Rs. 6,000 in cash as a token payment on behalf of the Government of India to the University of Malaya for the Indian Department proposed to be set up by the University. —Singapore, September 13, 1955. —(Indian Express—^ep. 15, 1955.) SOUTHERN LANGUAGES BOOK TRUST The Prime Minister, Mr. Ja;{yaharlal Nehru, an eminent writer in his own right, yesterday (October 5, 1955) dis¬ closed that the Union Government was thinking of having a semi-autonomous publishing house to bring out Indian and foriegn classics and art books at cheap prices. Inaugurating the Southern Languages Book Trust at the Senate House, he exhorted the people to develop the habit of reading and thinking. The Publishing House, wllich the Union Govemnient was thinking about, would cove^ al| languages of India and English, and produce various'.types of books, classics, translations from the classics of Other countries, books on art etc., and produce in large quantities to bring them within the reach of many. The Prime Minister Was received by Mr. S. Govlnda- rajulu, Vice-Chancellor, Venkateswara University and Chairman of the Book Trust, and conducted to the dais. The other Vice-Chancellor-members of the Trust, Dr. A. Lakshmanaswami Mudaliar, Dr. S. Bhagavantham, Dr. V. L. D’Souxa, Dr. V. S. Krishna and Mr. T. M. Naraya- naswami Pillai, were presented to Mr. Nehni. Aim of the Trust Weloffifling the gathering, Mr.. S. Govmdatajulu &^laihed the objects of the Trust—-to sponsor the piibll(^« tion and distnbution of high quality low-prieed books in NSWS ANb NOTfiS 69 large numbers in four South Indian languages—Tamil, Telugu, Malayalam and Kannada. The Trust will issue 80 titles a year —20 in each of the four languages. Each series of 20 books will present a balanced list, so that there will be in each new group of books released, some current and classical titles which would appeal to almost any worthwhile taste. The Trust’s objective is to encourage editions of 5,000 to 10,000 and even 20,000 of the selected books to be sold at cheap cost. The Trust will provide working capital to publishers as loans. t He referred to the learning of English language and the controversy whether they should continue to teach in English and thus keep the doors open to something new in scientific and pGjitical thought. i He said many of them had learnt English “and this has helped to add significantly to our ancient heritage; what is more, it has helped us to imderstand better and cherish alj/that is valuable in our heritage; it has also given tis the confidence to demand that what is not good in that heritage should be abandoned.” The Ford Foundation had approved a grant to the Trust for/ a three-year scheme, and the Trust expected to produce by its publications no spectacular changes, but deemed it as a long-ra^e mea^e. —(Mail, Octpl>e,r 6, 1955.) x^BITUARY Rev. i’^THER H. Heras The death of Rev. Father H. Heras, S. J., on the 14th December 1955 is a great blow to Indology in general and the study of the Indus Valley civilisation in particular. His contribution to historical research in Iiidia was thus described by Dr. Hasmukh D. Sankalia in his introduction to tbiB .Silver Jubilee Coiomemoration Volume (Novjetnber IDO TAMIL CULTURE 1953) of the Indian Historical Research Institute, founded by Father Heras in 1926 : ‘ There was no Institute where Students could be trained to carry out research in pure history.The foundation of the Indian Historical Research Institute as a post-graduate Department of St. Xavier’s College, supplied this long felt need.... There was no institute in Bombay and perhaps in all India at that time, where the needs of the students were so carefully thought of and provided for... .Besides the facilities which the Institute provided, Father Heras was always there to guide the people. ‘History was conceived of in its widest sense. Its study was, therefore, not confined to political or dynastic history, as was then the prevailing custom. But besides these which should always be there to serve as a neces¬ sary frame work, for understanding the collection of ideas, institutions and persons, both the Guru and his Sishyas imdertook investigation of minute and hitherto neglected aspects—the social, religious, economic, educational, archaeological—of the several periods of Indian history, called Ancient, Mediaeval and Modem. ‘ Since 1918, Father Heras has written 13 books and nearly 200 articles, while his work, on the F*roto-Indo- Mediterranean CulUire is about to be published. Every one of these works—^whether on the Manchu Djmasty of China, or on the Guptas, Pallavas or the .^avidu Dynasty of Vijayanagara, or bn the religion of Asoka and Akbar, or those on the spread of Buddhism in Afghanistan are marked by brilliant scholarship and extreme thorough- ■ ness. Every source of information available to the writer is systematically studied and cited. One may disagree with the author regarding certain conclusions, but his methodology cannot be challenged. This is no less true of Father Heras’ forthcoming work ‘Studies in Proto-Indo-Mediterranean Culture*. Not only is it his magnum opus but it is his life work. For he has been working at it since 1934. And it may be said that there is no other Scholar— Tnr^inn or foreign—who has devoted so much time and labour to the elucidation of the Indus Script and its import. Behind this study lies not only the study of the several anient Oriental and Occidental Scripts—Hieroglyphic, Cuneiform, Hittite and Phoenicia!!, but their cultural N£WS AND NOTES Ibi history and archaeology. Probably no other scholar except Father Heras could have attempted such a study. Brought up and educated in Spain, he knows several European languages so that he can read into original all the relevant literature on this subject, whereas India has become his second home. In him have thus co¬ mingled the modem European Scholarship and the Oriental Tradition. With these two he has approached the problem of the decipherment and interpretation of the Indus (Harappa) Script. The discovery of a bilin¬ gual inscription or some such evidence can alone . prove or disprove his interpretation, but one can never¬ theless appreciate the most methodical and logical approach to this problem and the conclusions which follow from it. ‘Father Heras’s interest in the decipherment and interpretation of the Indus Valley seals has made its library probably the best equipi>ed library in the whole Orient as far as these Proto-Indian (Iranian, Iraquian and Mediterranean) subjects are concerned. Probably here is the only museum in the world where one finds large sized enlargements (photographs of 10" x 8") of the Indus seals, and the actual use of the Script.’ The first volume of ‘ Studies in Proto-Indo-Mediterra- nean Culture ’ to which Dr. Sankalia refers was published early in 1954 and in it Father Heras arrived at this charac¬ teristically forthright conclusion: ‘We are therefore forced to acknowledge that the Dravidians, of India, after a long period of development in this coimtry, travelled westwards, and settling succes¬ sively in the various lands, they found t^eir way from Mesopotamia up to the British Isles, spread their race— afterwards named Mediterranean owing to the place they were known anthropologically—through the west and made their civilization flourish in two continents, being thus the originators of the modem world civiliza¬ tion.’ * We are still breathing the atmosphere that nurtured these ancient heroes. The Mimas and Paravas and Ve:la:l:as and Kutragas are still living roimd us. The Scripts that are being used by the different languages of India are acknowledged as the natural final develop¬ ment of the cryptic signs of the Indus Valley inscrip¬ tions. Echoes of the ancient language spoken by the 102 . N Indus Valley dwellers resound in our ears continually. The belief in the existence of one God still leads the destinies of the Indian nation/ The death of Father Heras is in a literal sense an irrepa¬ rable loss to Dravidology. The remaining volumes of his ‘Studies in Protorlhdo-Mediterraneap Culture’ are still to be published; it is understood that the Second Volume was nearly ready for publication at the time of his death. As the result of his painstaking and exhaustive researches should not be lost to India and to the world, it is earnestly hoped that the authorities of the St. Xavier’s College, Bombay, will take early steps for the publication of the remaining volumes. Father Heras will be particularly inissed by the rea:lers of Tamil Culture, to which he was a frequent contributor. On his v/ay to Kodaikanal a few months ago on medical advice, he met wjiile at Madras Mr. A, Subbiah, Vice-President of the Academy and made valuable sugges¬ tions in regard to the work of the Academy and this journal, to wliich he promised to send a contribution from Kodaikanal, if his health improved. Alas, Death has since snatched him away. May his Soul rest in peace ! TransUteration of Tamil Phonemes* into English VdWELS ^ — a (as in among) ^ — a: ( „ calm) @ — i ( „ sit) Ff — i: ( „ machine) t. — u ( „ full) ta ^ u: ( „ rule) CT — e ( „ fed) IT — c: ( „ able) g — ai ( „ aisle) $ — o ( „ opinion) 9 — o: ( „ opium) 9 Rr — au ( „ now) CONSONANTS HINTS RE ARTICULATION Hard‘s s — k (as in king, angle, alhambra) (Plosive) — c ( „ church, angel, calcium^ i- — t; ( „ card ?).... RetrojQex - articulate with blade of tongue. — th ( „ threat, this, thick)-dental. u — p ( „ pipe, amber) jO — t ( „ atlas, Sunday, arrears). .Retroflex articulate with tij; of tongue. So/f I5J — ng ( „ sing''_velar n (Nasal) 0 — nj ( „ angel_palatal n sm — n: ( „ urn?;... .Retroflex n - articulate with blade of longue. » — nh ( „ anthem)-dental n to — m ( „ mate) or' — n ( „ enter;-Retroflex n - articulate with lip of longue. Medium tu — y ( „ yard) (non-nasal — r ( „ red) continuant) fO — 1 ( „ leave)... .Alveolar 1 - articulate with tip of longue. ^erican book an analysis of ancient Tamil society of tne Saugain period. The author has drawn from secondary sources but recognizes the value of the Tolkappiyam for cultural anthropology. i09 THE EbucA't0il& OF ^lARL^ TAMIL SOCIETY reward for their toils, they planted the horn of a shark and danced around it a ritual dance with offerings of flowers; when there • were portents of impending disaster the shepherds and shepherdesses danced in order that the god of the flocks might avert the calamity; when marauding tribes found their cattle-wealth diminishing, they danced before their mother-goddess in order to obtain greater pros¬ perity for their villages and more abundant plunder.® Worship in its earliest recorded form was ritual dance joined with offerings both animal and vegetable, especially flowers of the region. The dances were mimetic in that the priests and priestesses imitated the action of the god and wore the insignia of the god. Sometimes a person was accoutred like the god or goddess and offerings were made before him. This custom may possibly be among later developments of the original religious dance.® The priests and priestesses were also the authentic interpreters of omens and were credited with prophetic vision. Their songs and sayings were probably the earliest poetry and oral literature to which society paid any heed. For the origin of Tamil poetry from a mantic stage, there is a very interesting piece of evidence in the name given to the ancient fortune-teller who divined the future from the configuration of rice-grains spread on her winnowing-fan. Her appellation was ‘ akaval-makal’ or “ the woman who calls ”. The word “ akaval ” by itself means a call, an appellative utterance, and referred in this context to the custom of the priestess calling upon the gods and spirits. This usage led to the designation given to the 5SRINIVAS IYENGAR, P.T., History of the Tamils, O.C., p. 77: *' The means of cure were not solely supernatural, for, as the hilly region abounded in simples, the magic of the priests and priestesses was fortified by the use of drugs. Hence the early priest was also the medicine-man and even today, notwithstanding millenia of philosophical evolution, the devil priest-cum-medicine-man of the degraded Kuravar tribe drives a flourishing trade among the elite of society, on the sly.” 6 SRINIVAS IYENGAR, P.T., ibid, pp. 74—85; see also OESTERLEY, W.O.E., The Sacred Dance, University Press, Cambridge, 1923; JAMES, E.O., TTie beginnings of Religion, Allen and Unwin, London, 1949; BACK MAN, LOUIS, E.,. Religious Dances, Allen and Unwin, London, 1952. iio ^AlvilL CtlLttJ&l earliest Tamil poetic metre which originally must have been a recitative chant like the religious chant of early ritual.®**. The role of these early priests and priestesses was also prophetic. In the course of their ritual ballet they entered into a trance and revealed what was occult and predicted what might happen to the tribe. The cantos describing the dances of the shepherds, of the marauding-tribe and of the mountain-folk in the epic Silappadikaram are remini¬ scences of earlier periods, and the dance and mantic declara¬ tions of Salini give us a short but illuminating indication of the importance of the seer in early regional and clan organization. Because the village of the tribe is destitute of cattle wealth and its rivals flourish, Salini dances into a trance and recommends a more martial and plundering attitude on the part of the tribe and offerings and worship to their traditional goddess. She makes mantic declara¬ tions in a voke of authority, and a people used to plunder and cruelty watch her dance and listen to her with awe. The entire canto is worth close study by an anthropologist as each word in the description of the dance may contain significance for anthropological knowledge of an ancient tribal class of which there is such early recorded evidence in literature.’ Vedic literature also contains pointers to a time when the priesthood had not as yet been organized into a rigid caste, and sacrifices were offered by the paterfamilias. Some writers are inclined to believe that there is sufficient evidence for ritual dance and mime in the Rig-veda. The Atharva-veda contains sufficient evidence for the existence of shamanism and for the power which the atharvans could have wielded with their spells, incantations and magic. The Atharva-veda is indicative of a society and a stage of thought more ancient than the one represented by the 6b See Patir., 43, 28: ** ” TSilap., Cantos 12, 17 and 24; see HAMBLY, W.D. and social development, Witherby, London, 1926. Tribol dancing THE EDUCATORS OF EARLY TAMIL SOCIETY 111 Rig-veda and is of greater anthropological interest than the Rig^'Deda itself. The atharvans, corresponding to the “magi” in Persia were the earliest shamans and teachers as revealed by Indo-Aryan sources.® In Greek literature, however, the evidence for shama¬ nism in the earliest hellenic society is not so patent. “ The Greeks with their love of fact and reason, disowned the old magical chains, but they lay somewhere in the background and were connected by tradition with their first poetry.”® The origins of Greek poetry are also intimately connected with song, music and dance. To Musaeus and Orpheus, the authors of the first poetry, are attributed magical powers. While Apollo and the Muses inspire mantic declarations, Dionysius is the inspirer of the kind of pro¬ phecy which is exercised to discover the ancient wraths of offended spirits whose vengeance causes hereditary maladies and afflictions, such as regional spirits and gods like Murugan were said to cause in the Tamil world. “ In Celtic society, the institution of Druidism points to an earlier period when a priestly class developed as a result of its priestly and shamanistic power. This class developed later into the intellectual class among Celtic peoples. From the evidence of classical writers like Caesar, Diodorus Siculus and Strabo it would appear that in Gaul, in Britain, in Scotland and in Ireland, the history of education began with them and that they functioned in a plural capacity as ritual officiants, poets, law-makers, judges and teachers.“ . THE BARDS AND MINSTRELS A second stage in the manifestation of educative impulses in early Tamil society is to be seen in the growth «* *^|^TEHNITZ, M., a History of Indian Literature, O.C., pp. 119—158 • S^CDONEIiL. ARTHUR, A., A History of Sanskrit Literature, pp. 191-201 • Heincmann, London. 1905. ' »BOWRA, C.M., Heroic poetry, O.C., p. 20. GILBERT, The classical tradition in poetry, O.C., p 28 fl • CORNFORD. TM., Principium sopientioe. pp. 8»-101 P. c. n SPENCE LEWK, The History and origins of Druidism, Rider and Company, London, 1949. . a . 112 TAMIL CULTURE of a hereditary class of professional singers, dancers, musi¬ cians and paneg 3 Tists known as ‘pam:ar’. The earliest poems concerning this class point to a stage of societal evolution in which the regional cultui*e and regional com¬ munity has broken into many villages with chiefs and super-chiefs presiding over a village or over a number of villages. The Tamil names for the chiefs of the different regions are reminiscent of this period.^^ A good few of the Puram poems are illustrative of this society in which warfare of the feud-vendetta type took place. In these poems recognition and merit are attached to physical strength and bravery, and persons who are connected with feud-vendetta for the seizure and plunder of cattle and of land are greatly eulogized, namely, the chief who leads the foray and distributes the spoils, the blacksmith who makes weapons of warfare, the potter who makes the jars for the corpses or ashes of heroes, the drummer who infuses a martial spirit and the bard who sings to the accompaniment of his lute heroic and pan^yric songs in honour of his patron both in the battle-field and at home.'®’ While a sense of community grows around the leader and chief who leads forays and distributes plunder, the bard becomes the voice of the community which expresses in song its past achievements, and its present ambitions and hopes and fears. He sings the heroic deeds of the tribe, chiefly of the leader, and thus keeps alive the spirit of bravado and bravery, and other qualities associated with a warrior especially hospitality and liberality. In the village community centre, the mantam, the bard entertains the members of the village with his song and music and and with his accounts of the deeds of his tribe and of the warriors it has bred living and dead.'*® 12 srinivaS IYENGAR, P.T., History of the Tamils, 0.( Sr.!?* S' P^rapporul Venbamalai, in Tamili No. 6. pp. 45—77, Madras, 1910. I2c pofiT., 43, 25J-300. Antiquary THE EDUCATORS OF EARLY TAMIL SOCIETY 113 t • The origin of bardic poetry demonstrates a bifurcation of functions which were originally resident in the priest or priestess. Since a martial society tends to centre its ideals, thoughts, ambitions and praise around the achievements of men themselves, exclusively secular persons are needed to make them articulate for the clan and tribe. The fimction of the bard is both to inspire to heroism as well as to enter¬ tain, and thus for entertainment purposes he has with him his troupe of men ^d women and children, dancers and musicians. Bardism and minstrelsy in the Tamil country become gradually the hereditary occupation of a class of people. The Tamil name for the professional bard is itself | derived from the word “ pan: ” which stands for any kind of instrumental music.^^^ Instrumental accompaniment was an indispensable feature of early song and dance as in Greece. The bards were differentiated by the kind of musical instrument they played, the large lyre or the small lyre ; by the posture they adopted while singing panegyrics in court, whether they were entitled to sit or stand before their patrons ; and by the kinds of dances they performed. We have no means of assessing the number of bards or bardic troupes which existed in the period, but all evidence points to their having been numerous. Each village seems to have had its class of panars. Many of these troupes led a wandering life in search of patrons in various parts of the Tamil country ; and they are i2dThe common origin of early literature from dance and song is further illustrated by the early association and derivation of Tamil terms like (lit, movement, dance), and uirL-«} (uir and ^i—&) (song with dance). In prosody, besides are the terms (originally movement) and . A number of primary activities of early society contain the word for movement e.g. «39sirtuirL-«) (play, creative move¬ ment) ; iumt-ril® Uit. dance with food and drink) ; QsiressrL.irL.A (feasting; lit. to dance with someone or something) ;(3u/rir/ri_«) (to battle) SL-eori^ (to bathe in stream or lake, or to bathe in the sea). SRINiyAS IYENGAR, P.T., Hiatory of the Ancient Tamils, O.C., p. 16, derives pa:t:t:u (song) from pan: (instrumental music). 2 114 TAMIL CULTURE extremely important not only in the development of oral and written literature but also in the growth and popular appreciation of the Fine Arts like music and dance. Wherever they travelled they carried their different musical instruments with them, harps, l 3 n*es, flutes, horns, tambourines and. cymbals. Several poems about the troupes of bards and dancers, men and women, refer to the soiled tattered clothing and lean worn-out hungry frames with which they enter the palace of a chief or king and the rich silks and sumptuous entertainment with which they are rewarded so much so that the abundance of food and drink makes them forget the very arts which procure for them a living. The gifts they received from chiefs and kings were the conventional ones of a bunch of lotuses of gold fastened together by a band of silver given to the head of the troupe, and jewels of gold given to the women, Bards and minstrels were also given gifts of elephants, horses, and chariots as well as gifts of land. These gifts may seem exaggerated, but gifts made to bards seem to have been equally wealthy and precious in panegyric and heroic ages in other parts of ffie world. The Huns, Celts, and Saxons were used to presents of jewels, bracelets, bags of gold, and extensive lands being given by their chiefs and Wngs to bards and minstrels. Princely patronage was the bard’s reward for his service to the community/® Through the Tamil bards and their troupes a tradition was maintained in society and in literature and the fine arts, though like all panegyrists they are mostly concerned with contemporaries, their patrons, whom they praise or whose passmg away in the palace or in the foray, they lament. Almost their entire literature, even if it was recorded, h^ pa*ished and what remains are probably a fw eulogistic poems which were preserved in the courts of the patrcKEs th^ celebrated. ana KSBSQAW. Growth of lAterature, O.C., Volll THE EbUCATOh^ 6 p gARLV TAMIL SOCIETY 115 An evolution in the role of the bard is easily traceable in these poems. He began as an individual necessary, like the drummer, to stir up the martial spirit of the clan engaged in battle and to sing the praises of the chief and the warriors when after victory they danced and drank and feasted. At a later stage song and dance became choric and musical instruments developed, and thus the bardic tradition became more organized and turned into a troupe from' a hereditary class. Anonymity is generally a feature of bardic life, and the names and particulars of these bards have not been preserved, not even in colophons. When at a later stage the poet becomes the respected personality of a more developed and literate society, music and poetry which hitherto were combined separate to a certain extent. The bard and his troupe continue with music, and song and dance, but poetry, reflective, didactic, and panegyric of a higher order becomes the property of poets. The Tamil distinguished between the bard (pa:n:ar) and the poet (pulavar) as much as the Greeks did between the bard (aoidos) and the poet (poietes), and Indo-Aryan society between the bard (suta) and the poet (kavi).‘* . The bards were so prominent and numerous members of early society and were so identified with panegyrics, that in subsequent development when poets compose panegyrics in praise of kings and chiefs they do so in a “ bardic con¬ vention ”, as if a bard were praising the hero of the poem. The aittuppaticd is such a situation where the poet imagines a bard who has received bounteous gifts for himself and his troupe encountering a similar band of minstrels in search for a patron, and recounts to them the reception and wealth his troupe received from a particular king or chief and recommends his fellow-bards to betake themselves to 1* MURRAY, GILBERT, The classical tradition, O.C., p. 46. Cf. SINCLAIR, T.A., A History of classical Greek Literature, pp. 4—9: Rout* ledge, London, 1934. TAMIL CULTURE the same patron. The following is a short poem composed in a bardic convention by a poet: Ministrel, with little lute of sweetest strain! Suppliant with words of wisdom full! Importunate thou askest me to rest and listen to the pleasant sounds of thy tambourine. But hear what I shall say ! The modest homes of Pan:n;an, whose hands are full of gifts, is near the wide city_ If thither,—^together with thy songstress, whose hair diffuses fragrance of the ‘ trumpet-flower the brightbrowed, sweetly smiling,—you softly ad¬ vance, you shall prosper well. His gifts are not mere chance, like gold found by the woodman in the forest. Hesitate not. Long may he flourish. (Pur: 70 .)^5 The bards being panegyrists by profession were extre¬ mely skilled in the use of words, and when poets gained ascendancy in society their institution degenerated in certain ways. They are used in the poems of a subsequent stage of development as.conventional pimps and as Com¬ ptons to young men in love, obviously because of their gifts of persuasive speech. A poem in the huT^ntogai ex¬ presses the marvel of a damsel at a bardic messenger’s flow of language which she argued should be far more copious in his own village if he could be so eloquent before strangers m a strange place. {Kuruntogai; 33). The expression youthful student ” used in this poem is signifitt as one of the rare examples in Sangam literature of evidence for formal studentship, For the same com- ^tence m language, the bards were used by chiefs and to carry messages from the battlefield or camp to their queens in the palace. Vol. XXI^p.^28L hundred Lyrics in the Indian Antiquary, iSKur., 33, 1—2: oSw(S(a) illtinair^isair Q/sOrtsrdr QairAQtoir TiiE EbUCATohS OF EARt^ TAlvitt feOClEtl^ ii7 It is Significant that women constituted an integral part of the bard’s troupe, and that they were the principal singers and dancers at the performances in courts and village community centres in programmes of entertainment. They do not appear to have been panegyrists directly apostrophizing the patrons of the band. Transmission of the arts within the class was easy since entire families, children included, went from chief to chief, and kingdom to kingdom, entertaining the villages on their way and receiving their hospitality. Their diverse musical instru¬ ments they carried with them protecting them in cases sewn of thick cloth. Tamil society did not have in its early stages religious traditions of the kind Indo-Aryan society had. Along with the religious tradition in Indo-Aryan society there grew pari passu a secular tradition. The Rigveda contains a kind of panegyric poetry in the praise for gifts {da:nastutis ). The Brahmanas contain songs in praise of men (ga:tha: na:ra:samsi) which are laudatory as their title indicate. Further at the time of the Buddha himself, there were already a large store of narratives in prose and verse. All this secular literature in pre-Buddhist India is evidence of a twin tradition, one mantra or religious and the other suta or bardic.” It is from Sanskrit bardic literature that the two epics, Ramayana and Mahdbharatha, took shape and form. The sutas were the charioteers of chiefs and accom¬ panied the chiefs to battle. They sang the praises of their chiefs both in war and peace and they formed part of the court. The role sutas played in the courts were played by 17 WINTERNITZ, M., A History of Indian Literature, O.C., VoL I, pp. 311—316; MAJUMDAR, R.C., ed., The Age of Imperial Unity, pp. 243—245, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay, 1951; DANDEKAR, R.N., The Mahabharata: origin and growth in University of Ceylon Reriety, Vol. XII, (1954), pp. 65—85. Page 65: “In the history of Indological studies there has always been evident a tendency to exaggerate the importance of the Vedic Aryan element in India’s culture complex . Page 75: “I believe that, in a sense, the beginnings of the Mahabharata, viewed as a whole, have to be traced back, both from the points of view of cultural history and literary history to a period before the Vedic samhitas came into existence”. liS TAivtit ct;Li?uRfi t wandering minstrels and singers (KusUavas and Magadhas) among ordinaiy people. The Mahahharatha presents Sanjaya the suta, describing the battle-scenes to Dhirta- rashtra; and Kusa and Lava, the two sons of Rama, are said to have wandered from place to place singing in as¬ semblies the tale of Rama they had heard from Valmiki. The sutas like the magadhas formed a separate caste in Aryan-speaking India. According to the lawbook of Manu, the sutas are represented as a mixed caste originating from the union of kshatriya warriors and brahman women, and the-magadhas as the offspring of inter-marriages of vaisyas with kshatriya women. Originally, says Winter- nitz, the magadhas were bards from the land of Magadha and the sutas were bards from a country situated to the east of Magadha. Hence there is room to surmise that this bardic tradition in Northern India may have received its greatest strength from non-Aryan sources, especially so as the ariyanisation of Magadha and neighbouring provinces had not been accomplished at the time the earlier mantra literature was composed. In Greece also education both among princes and people evolved along similar lines. The original religious l 3 rric and dance gave birth to man-centred arts of which the bards surrounded by their choruses of women, were the chief exponents. Homer himself refers to bards older than himself, and even if Musaeus and Orpheus seem legendary, there is no doubt that Homeric poetry was preceded by the poetry of wandering and minstrels, some of whom may have been blind, who took to professional singing and recitation at courts and at festivals. After Homer, a guild of bards called Homeridae or “ sons of Homer ” existed at Chios who professed to popularise Homer’s compositions. When Homer became the “educator of Greece”, the rhapsodes mostly made dramatic recitations of Homeric epics. A certain decline in the nature of minstrelsy and wmAMOU, H.I., Histoire de VEducation dans VAntUmite n Editions du seuil. Paris, 1950. p. 34, THE EDUCATORS OF EARLY TAMIL SOCIETY 119 the importance of the rhapsodes synchronises also in Greece with the increase of the social prestige of poets, sophists and • philosophers. Plato’s Ion is. a revealing dialogue on the nature, popularity and artificiality of the rhapsode’s calling during the classical period. The place of the minstrel and bard as popular educa¬ tors, and in some societies as formal educators, is made clear again by the study of educational factors among Celtic and Teutonic peoples. In Pre-Christian Ireland, for instance, instruction was not only in the hands of druids, but also of the filidh or bards. They were generally peri¬ patetic, teaching in the open air, and the profession seems to have become hereditary among certain families. Both the chiefs and the agricultural population had to support these bards and their pupils. They were so numerous that the people resented their privileges. Their influence became more systematized when bardic schools were organized in each chieftaincy.^® Wandering minstrels and the troubadours are the persons to whom the beginnings of literatures in the Romance tongues are attributed. The minstrel and bard have been studied by critics and historians of literature but their role as educators deserves greater notice in histories of the education of early societies. I (To be continued) 19 EDGAR JOHN, History of Early Scottish Education. Edinburgh, 1893, p. 23: “ The bard or minstrel shares with the priest the honour of being the first teacher of a nation; ” HAARHOFF THEODORE, Schools of Gaul. O.U.P., London, 1920; AUCHMUTY, J.J., Irish Education, Harrap, London, 1937, . All India Oriental Conterence, 1955 Presidential Addresses* DRAVIDIAN SECTION R. P. SETHU PILLAL The All-India Oriental Conference is held at the Annamalai University which was established, nearly a quarter of a century ago, for promoting the cause of University Education in general and of Dravidian culture and literature in particular. The people of Tamil Nad look upon this University with legitimate pride as a centre of learning, specialising in South Indian literature and culture. Great changes are taking place in our political and educational affairs at present. The States Re-organization Commission, set up by the Central Government, has sub¬ mitted a momentous report, and there is little doubt that most of its recommendations will be implemented at an early date. In the new set-up, it may be confidently stated that the regional languages of India will receive the consi¬ deration and support that they deserve. Sooner or later the regional languages will become the language of administration in the State and the medium of instruction in the Universities situated within the State. The obser¬ vations of Sri B. G. Kher, Chairman of the Official Language ♦This Conference was held at Annamalainagar under the auspices of the Annamalai University and the main Session was presided over' by Dr. S. Radhakrishnan, the Vice-President of India. The Presidential addresses of the Dravidian and Tamil Sections are reproduced here as they would be of interest to readers of Tamil Culture.—-(Editor), ALL INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE, 1955 . 121 Commission, in the address delivered by him at the Autumn School of Linguistics in Poona in October 1955, clearly reflect the aspirations of millions of people in this country. He says : “ The fourteen languages mentioned in the Constitution of India have an enormous wealth of literature and a literary tradition going back several centuries, and in the case of some of them more than 2,000 years. Intrinsically, I believe, each of these languages is fuUy capable of expressing the most complex or abstruse thought, notion or shade of meaning. Mahatma Gandhi with his astonishing insight into the fundamentals of controversial issues said as long ago as 1928 that there never was a greats superstition than that a particular language can be incapable of expansion or expressing abstruse or scientific ideas.” The dawn of Independence in India has raised great expectations in the minds of the people regarding the regeneration of the regional languages. It has been authoritatively declared that all the fourteen languages enumerated in the Constitution are national languages, and that Hindi is the official language of India. The Govern¬ ment of India have realized the paramount importance of promoting the interests of all these languages. They have constituted the Sahitya Akademi in Delhi to achieve this object. It was declared by Dr. S. Radhakrishnan on the occasion of its inauguration that * it is the purpose of this Akademi to recognise men of achievement in letters, to encourage men of promise in letters, to educate public taste and to approve standards of literature and literary criticism.’ In pursuance of this policy the Government of India awarded a cash prize of Rs. 5,000 each, to the most outstanding book, in twelve out of the fourteen Indian languages, published after the advent of Independence. The Government have also made, on the recommendations of the Sahitya Akademi, a grant of Rs. 15,000 to a distin¬ guished Malayalam poet to enable him to publish his translation of the Rig Veda into Malayalam, 3 122 TAMIL eULTURE It is the policy of the Akademi to co-ordinate the literary activities in the various languages of India in order to promote its cultural unity. As Sardar Panikkar said, *It will easily be granted that in a country in which fourteen languages, each with a long history and a growing literature, are recognised, it is of vital national importance that their development should be co-ordinated with a view to promoting the cultural unity of India. With this object the Sahitya Akademi has set up an Advisory Board for each of the languages and the programme of the Akademi has been so framed as to foster better mutual acquaintance and understanding between writers in the different languages of our country. The foremost item of the programme is the preparation of a Bibliography of Indian Literature. The compilation of Bibliographies in the four main Dravidian Languages is in progress and the work has been entrusted to competent scholars or institutions. These Bibliographies wiU be very useful sources of information regarding the books published in the first half of the present century. The Sahitya Akademi has also decided to sponsor the publication of ‘ The History and Development of Modem Indian Literatures which will be originally written either in the language concerned or in English, and would then be translated into Hindi and other Indian languages. At the request of the UNESCO, a list of classics in all the Indian languages suitable for translation in English and other European languages is being prepared by the Akademi. The Advisory Board for Tamil has recommended that selec¬ tions from Kambaramayanam may be translated into English and other Indian languages. It is a matter of gratification that historical and linguis¬ tic research in recent years has laid greater emphasis tVia n ever before, on the Dravidian contribution to Indian culture. Prof. S, K. Chatterjee says that “ in culture, speaking in the Indian way, one may say that over twelve annas in the rupee is of non-Aryan origin,” meaning thereby that‘more All iNbiA oiofiNtAL cdNrfiRENCE, l055 123 than three-foiirths of Indian culture is non-Aryan and pre¬ dominantly Dravidian. Western savants are beginning to realize that the Dravidian element in the Sanskrit vocabulary is certainly more than what was admitted by the scholars of an earlier generation. The question of Dravidian loan-words in Indo-Aryan has attracted the attention of linguists in recent years. Dr. Caldwell, Kittel and Gundert were the pioneers in this line of investigation. Dr. S. K. Chatterjee pursued the subject and gave a list of Dravidian words in Vedic and later Sanskrit in the intro¬ duction to his book entitled “ The Origin and Development of the Bengali Language.” Some years ago Mr. Burrow, Professor of Sanskrit in the University of Oxford, has pub¬ lished some articles on the Dravidian words in Sanskrit and set forth the criteria for identifying such words. The need for philological research in the Dravidian languages is being increasingly recognized by the Madras and Annamalai Uni¬ versities. A ‘ Dravidian Comparative Vocabulary ’ setting forth the primary words common to the five principal lanjguages commonly known as Dravidian, namely Tamil, Telugu, Malayalam, Kanarese and Tulu is being printed by the Madras University. The Annamalai University has decided to utilize the grant of three lakhs of rupees graci¬ ously made by the Government of India on the occasion of its Silver Jubilee to the creation of a Department in ‘Dravidian Philology.’ It is understood that the compila¬ tion of an ‘ Etymological Dictionary of Tamil ’ will be one of its main activities. Besides these Universities, an Academy of Tamil Culture has been recently started in Madras for fostering scientific research* in the Tamil lan¬ guage, and a quarterly review entitled ‘ Tamil Culture ’ is published by this Academy in English. The Deccan College in Poona has given an impetus to the study of Philolo^ by organizing Schools of Linguistics under the grant received from the Rockefeller Foundation of New York. During the last two years, three conferences have been held in which a large number of schools from different parts of India representing the regional languages, have partici- 124 'HAUiL pated. The Deccan CoUege has rendered a great service to the Dravidian languages by bringing out an English version of the * Grammatical Structure of Dravidian Languages ’ by Jules Bloch. Prof. Bloch was one of the most sagacious of linguists produced by France and his contributions have always tended to inspire our scholars to similar achievements. The inter-relationship of Dra¬ vidian and Indo-Aryan and vice versa was a subject of abiding interest to him. His demise on the 29th November, 1953 is a great loss to the world of Dravidian Philology. The Deccan College has also published ‘A Historical Grammar of Old Kannada ’ by G. S. Gai and ‘ The Evolu¬ tion of Malayalam’ by A. C. Sekhar. Mr. B. Emeneau, Professor of Sanskrit, University of California, made a field study of the language of the Kotas in the Nilgri Hills and published a grammar of the Kota language. In the field of literature a great deal of interest is evinced in India and elsewhere, in the study of the Sacred Kural which holds a unique place in Tamil literature. The great savant Albert Schweitzer says: “ There hardly exists in the literature of the world a collection of maxims in which we find so much of lofty wisdom.” Several com¬ mentaries were written on this work by eminent scholars, but only a few of them exist at present. All the available commentaries have been collected and published as a variorum edition of the Kural by the Dharmapuram Adhinam in South India. An English commentary on some of the maxims of the Kural was published nearly a hundred years go by F. W. Ellis of the Madras Civil Service. This valuable commentary which was not available for several decades, has been re-printed by the University of Madras. The latest translation of the Kural in English is by Prof. Chakravarti of Madras. He is a Jain scholar and his com¬ mentary has been written from the Jaina point of view. It is his opinion that the doctrine of Ahimsa which is funda¬ mental in the Jaina rehgion, is the bed-rock on which the structure of the Kucal is raised. It is interesting to note i25 ALL nblA OBlia^TAL Cbl^ERlENCE, 19$5 that the Kural has been translated into several Indian languages. Nearly thirty years ago, it was translated into Sanskrit by Appa Vajapaiyan, a descendant of the well- known Appayya Dikshitar. The translation is entitle “ Suniti Kusuma Mala ”, i.e., ‘ A Garland of the Flowers of Good Morals.’ Translations of the Kural have been pub¬ lished in Hindi in recent years. Prof. B. D. Jain of the Banaras University has rendered it into Hindi in three parts at the instance of the Head of the Tiruppanandal Mutt in South India. Another translation of the Ku^^al is entitled “ Tamil Veda ” and the author of it is Kshemanand Rabat, and published by the Sahitya Mandal in 1950. The transla¬ tion is in simple prose and covers eighty-nine chapters of the Kural. There is also a Bengali translation of the Kural (made from the English Translation by Sri V. V. S. Ayyar) by the late Dr. Nalini Mohan Sanyal, with an introduction by Dr. Suniti Kumar Chatterji. This great ethical work has been rendered into the Dravidian languages as well. In Telugu, Venkata Rama Vidyananda, who lived for nearly ninety-five years in the last century, translated it under the caption ‘Trivarga Deepika.” Dharma, Artha and Kama which are the Sanskrit equivalents of the Tamil Aram, Porul and Inbam are denoted by the word ‘Trivarga’. The author lived only to complete the first two parts of the work. It is a metrical translation and contains an introduction on the life of the author. In Kannada the Kural has been trans¬ lated by Sri R. Narasimhacharya under the title “ Neeti- manjari In Malayalam, the Kural was translated nearly three centuries ago by Ravi Varma who is said to be a Kaviraya. His translation covers the whole work. Recen¬ tly Sri Parameswaran Pillai has brought out a Malayalam commentary of the Kural under the title ‘ Ratna-Uddha- rakam ’. He omitted the third part dealing with Kama, as there was already abundant literature on the subject in Malayalam. 126 tAJvfciL eyLMRS: The highest place in epic literature is assigned to Kambaramayanam in Tamil. Although the work is very popular in the Tamil country, there is no authentic edition of it. The Annamalai University has undertaken to pro¬ duce a definitive edition and the first part of Sundara- if gpdflTn was released on the occasion of the Silver Jubilee of the University. A thousand poems of this epic were translated into English by Sri V. V. S. Ayyar and the Tamil Sangam at Delhi has recently published the translation. The Kambar Kazhakam in Madras has taken up the work of translating two thousand stanzas of Kambaramayanam and a few selected stanzas from the first two books have been recently published under the caption “ Leaves from Kambaramayanam At the instance of the Sahitya Akademi an English translation of selections from Kamba- ramayanam by Sri Rajagopalachari has been recom¬ mended to the UNESCO for publication. In Telugu this great work has been translated by two scholars. The translation of Somanathakavi of Kakinada is still in manus¬ cript and Sri Ramulu Reddi’s translation has been published. These translations are said to be elegant and accurate. There is at present a revival of Tamil learning in the Madras State. The general public are taking a keen interest in the study of Tamil classical literature. There is a general desire that cultural words found in the ancient classics should be resuscitated for enriching the vocabulary of the modem languages. For instance the word for the ‘ light-house ’ in classical Tamil is ‘ Kalam ICarai Vilakku The existence of this word was not generally known before the Sang^ civics were published. Therefore, in the text books written in the last century the word ‘ Deepastambam * was used to denote the light house. But now not only the schol^ but even popular journals in Tamil are using the word ^ai VHakku’. The market was called i^gadi’ in ancient times. Silappadhikaram, the Epic of the AnMet,. spe^ of a day-market and night-market, which flourish^ in-the capital city of the ancient Chola 127 ALL INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE, 1955 country, ‘Nalangadi’ is day-market and ‘ AUangadi’ is night-market. But the word ‘Angadi’ became obsolete and the Persian word ‘ bazaar ’ and English word ‘ market ’ have taken its place. Now there is a tendency to revive the classical word * Angadi ’ which is current in all the other Dravidian languages. In Telugu the desi types of poetry are becoming increasingly popular. The distinguishing feature of the desi is that it is based on Matra chandas and, therefore, more suitable for singing. Much of this poetry is centuries old. It was not committed to writing, but handed down by memory from generation to generation. In this connection the songs of the Tallapaka poets of Tirupati deserve special mention. They were a family of devotees of Sri Venkates- wara in the 15th and 16th centuries. They composed thousands of verses in desi metres in praise of the Lord, and they were fortunately preserved for posterity in copper plates. They were discovered a few years ago and the Tirupati Devasthanani has undertaken to publish these songs and appointed a competent scholar to edit them with proper musical notation. A dissertation on the ‘Desi in South Indian Languages and Literatures ’ was published by Sri K. Ramakrishnayya in 1949. In tliis work an attempt has been made to deal with the various desi types of Dravidian prosody. In the Tamil country an impetus to the revival of ancient music was given by Rajah Sir Annamalai Chettiar, the founder of the Annamalai University. Nearly twelve years ago he started the Tamil Isai Movement with a view to popularising the ancient system of Tamil music and establishing it on a scientific basis. An important feature of this movement is the institution of researches in the devotional hymns known as Tevaram and Tiruppukal. The custodians of the ancient classical Tamil tunes known as ‘Othuvars* are being invited year after year to the annual conference held in Madras to give practical demon- 128 TAMIL CULTURE strations of the Ragas and Talas pertaining to the ancient hymns, so that the identity of tunes between the ancient music and Karnatic music of the present day could be established. “ The history of the Tamil Isai Movement says Dr. C. P. Ramaswami Aiyar, “ has emphasized the uni¬ queness of the special contribution made by the Tamil language and literature to that composite culture of India whose marvellous and age-long trait is its ability to absorb, to assimilate and to reconcile its several composite elements The stupendous task of producing an encyclopaedia has been undertaken in two of the Dravidian languages. The Tamil Academy known as ‘ Tamil Valarchi Kazhakam ’ has published so far two volumes of the work under the caption ‘ Kalaikkalanciam’. The object of this endeavour is to bring within the reach of the average educated Tamilian all modern knowledge in humanities and sciences. Tamil equivalents for nearly thirty thousand words relating to technical and scientific subjects have been settled by expert. committees, and these terms have been used in the articles contributed to the encyclopaedia. The Academy hopes to bring out the remaining eight volumes in the course of the next four or five years. The Telugu Bhasha Samiti has produced two volumes, the first dealing with history and politics and the next with physical science. The question of adopting Tamil as the medium of instruction in the University of Madras, is engaging the attention of the State Government and the University. A Committee of Experts has been recently constituted by the Government of Madras to devise ways and means of pro¬ ducing a suitable terminology in subjects relating to science ^d the humanities. It is hoped that under the guidance of the Vice-ChanceUor of the University of Madras who is its Chairmai^ and the co-operation of the experts in various ^bj^ts, it will be possible to achieve the object of adopting Tamil as the medium of instruction as early as possible. ALL INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE, 1955 129 It is expected that the Annamalai University which is essentially a Tamil University will take the lead in this matter. It was brought to the notice of the Government of India a few years back by the Vice-Chancellor of the Anna¬ malai University that some of the ancient capital cities of the Tamil country lie buried in the Coromandal Coast and elsewhere, and that these historic sites should be excavated in the interest of Indian history and culture. The city known as Kaveripumpattinam was, once upon a time, a great emporium of commerce and its splendour is portrayed in the ancient Tamil poems. A good part of this city is now submerged, and hence the excavation will involve under¬ water exploration. Similsirly the ancient sea-port city of the Pandya coimtry known as Korkai which is mentioned by Ptolemy as a great centre of commerce, is now a petty village on the sea-coast in the Tirunelveli District. Ex¬ cavations at these site.s may be expected to tell a story as interesting as that of the Indus Valley. The French Government at Pondicherry started publishing the Diary of Anandaranga Pillai who was a distinguished Dubash and Courtier at the time of Dupleix. The historical importance of the Diary as a record of con¬ temporary events is fully recognised, and the work has been translated into English and French. But the original Diary maintained in Tamil remained unpublished till recently. The French Government has brought out four out of twelve volumes. But the execution of the work is unsatisfactory. The Diary is important not only to the student of South Indian History, but also to the student of the Tamil language. It is written in the colloquial dialect and the vocabulary of the spoken language is preserved in it. Now that Pondicherry is merged in the Indian Republic, it must be possible for the State Government of Madras or the Government of India to undertake the publication of this useful work in a satisfactory manner. 4 130 TAMIL CULTURE There is little doubt that before the next session of the Oriental Conference, the formation of linguistic states in South India will become an accomplished fact. I hope and trust that the four principal states in South India will be linguistically united, working for the common cause of Indian Culture. • • TAMIL SECTION T. P. MINAKSHISUNDARAM. Inspired by your presence, my mind goes back to those ancient days and of Rishis of whom the Puranas sing, when ^Chidambaram was, according to them, the heart of the Uni¬ verse wherein dances the Lord. Today, Chidambaram as Annamalainagar is the centre of Tamilnad because of this University founded for the study, development and popula¬ risation of all that is best in the Tamil country. Our merchants of ancient time carried our culture to the distant countries of the world and ware responsible for many religi¬ ous and cidtural institutions. True to this tradition, the Merchant Prince, Rajah Sir Annamalm Chettiar of Tamil Nad founded this cultural centre, the Annamalai University whose traditions are kept alive by his son Rajah Sir Muthiah Chettiar and the present Vice-Chancellor Sri T. M. Narayanaswamy Pillai. That imique Tamilian spirit of loving hospitality is the very atmosphere of this Univer¬ sity,' an atmosphere whose presence you must all have felt and enjoyed- I am glad that a Tamil section has been organised this year and I must express the gratitude of all the Tamilians, hoWevcrjmworthy I may be, as their mouthpiece. It was your love for Ta mil, more than my individual merit that . was respcmsible for choosing me to occupy the privileged position ^ e President of this section, and this brings to my mind the sad thought that most of the stars of the first All INblA ORIENTAL conferiSnce, i955 i3i magnitude on the horizon of Tamil studies had set. May we pay our humble homage in loving remembrance to those departed souls;—^Dr. Swaminatha Iyer, Swami Vipula- nantha, Vellakkal Subramaniya Mudaliar, K. Subramaniya Pillai, Marai Malai Atikal, Pandithamani, T. K. Chidam- baranatha Mudaliar, and Kavimani Desikavinayakam Pillai, with whom all I had the good fortune to come into intimate contact as a lover of Tamil. This thought makes us realise our responsibility, in keeping up their torch of learning ever burning bright, till we hand it over to the next generation in this great race between ever fleeting time and the tardy human achievement. May I in all humility suggest that this Tamil Section may be a pennanent.feature of the subsequent sessions of our Oriental Conference. Tamil has two aspects, the one as a Modem Language and the other as a Classical language. Our revered and beloved Minister for Education at the centre, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, inaugurating the Con¬ ference of Letters on 15th March, 1951, which met for the establishment of the Academy of Letters or the Sahitya Akademi as it is now called, emphasised this truth which is very often either neglected or forgotten. “ The fourteen languages recognised by the Constitution”, he then said, “ include Sanskrit and Tamil, Sanskrit is of course in a class by itseK and is rightly recognised as one of the most developed of classical languages. Tamil also has a rich and ancient literature and its poetry has deservedly to be translated into foreign languages. We must, however, remember that Tamil is really a classical language and most of the achievements of Tamil, which entitle it to recogni¬ tion, belong to a past age.” My appeal is only to give effect to this recognition and if this Oriental Conference of Scholars is not going to give this recognition, who else would ? This is not to minimise the importance of Tamil as a modem language—its present vitality and its future possibi- 13^ i^AMlL CULTURfi lity. A language with journals older than the present century, and with ci rc ulation reac h i n g very often a hundred thousand, a language which has produced the modem miracle in the East of an Encyclopaedia of modem knowledge in Tamil, a language which had given bi^ to Sharathi, the poet of the national awa keni n g , Kavimam, the poet of the child and the common man, ThiriL V.K. the great orator and the father of Modem Prose, T.K.C. the creator of literary appreciation, Kalki, the humourist and the historical novelist, Sir R. K. Shanmukham Chettiar, the great exponent of political and administrative thoughts in Tamil, not to speak of his literary and scientific exposi¬ tions, Putumai-p-pittan, the short story writer, and E. T. Rajeswari, the exponent of popular Science can justify its claim as one of the best languages of the East, especially when it is seen that I have restricted my attention to only those who are, unfortunately for us, not with us anymore, and that the race of writers is multiplying in number and power, fame and prestige. These cannot escape the notice of the world. But in an Oriental Conference, it is the aspect of our classical learning that has to be kept alive. First is there¬ fore the task of rescuing the ancient classics. Damodaram Pillai and Swaminatha Iyer can never be forgotten for their bequethal to prosperity of their valuable editions of Tolkappiyam and Sangam and other works. The three Universities of the South, the Madras, the Annamalai and the Travancore, the two great public libraries, the Madras Oriental and the Tanjore Saraswathi Mahal and the great religious mutts of Tamil land, the Dharmapuram, Tirup- panandal and Thimvavaduturai are all now issuing editions of old Tamil Works. The old manuscripts used by Dr. Swaminatha Iyer and others are fortunately still available. It is very unfortunate that provision had UQt taking mechanical copies, which alone will avoid the personal equation in copying and will make copies available to the students of Colleges and other Scholars without 133 ALL INDIA oriental CONFlSRfel^CE, 1^55 much cost, copies which can be read conveniently in- a magnified form, with the help of illuminated readers. The last word is yet to be said about the editions of the old texts. The Scientific method of editing the old manuscripts evolved by the editors of the West and the East has to be followed; and for an understanding of this method and practice, the mechanical copies must become available to all the students. Perhaps, the reading and editing of old texts from manuscripts, along with the study of Paleography for reading and editing the inscriptions, may be made one of the special or optional subjects in a Tamil Honours course. A well framed Syllabus providing for practical work will help the students to bring out scientifically prepared edi¬ tions of the old texts, commentaries and inscriptions. There RFC manuscripts in Tamil of probably the 12th century in Tibet. Perhaps there are old manuscripts and books in the libraries of the West. There are various commentaries on Tolkappiyam and other grammatical works in Tamil which unfortunately have not till now been taken for publication by the manuscript libraries in our State that have a scheme of publication. There is also enough of lexicon matter which if published will help the preparation of a historical dictionary. The Tamil lexicon prepared by the Madras University is an important land mark and it was not and could not have been, drawn on historical principles. It had not even attempted to arrange the meanings listed therein, roughly at least, according to the relative age of the various works, from which it quotes. The Government of India is sponsor¬ ing the preparation and publication of a Sanskrit dictionary on historical principles, and this has been made possible b> the various dictionaries including the Comparative Dictionary of the Indo-European which have been published from time to time. A historical dictionary of Tamil language is equaUy necessary. It is learnt that Prof. Burrow of England and Prof. Emeneau of America are going to work on an etymological dictionary of the Dravidian 'tAMlL ciiLftjiii 134 Languages. The study of the unrecorded Dravidian languages—^the so-called uncultured dialects is very iniport- ant from this point of view. Prof. Burrow’s study of the Parji language and Prof. Emeneau’s study of the Kota text and the Kolami language are master-pieces in this line. In his work on the Kolami, Prof. Emeneau has given us an idea of the projected etymological dictionary of the Dra¬ vidian languages. It is very unfortunate that whilst foreigners are evincing ‘such great interest in these languages and mastering them, the native-born speakers of Dravidian Languages do not make a serious study of its sister languages with the inevitable result, that the study of the Comparative Dravidian remains stagnant where Dr. Caldwell left it nearly a century back, except for a few attempts here and there, inside and outside India. The Southern Universities along with the University of Ceylon and the University of Malaya, can easily co-operate in this project of a comparative study. Speaking from the point of view of a Tamilian, except in the commercial circles, linguists are not very many. The cheap but highly strained emotional controversy about the linguistic problem in the South, seems to cloud the issue and kindle an unwanted and unwarranted prejudice against the study of other languages. The unwritten languages have also to be studied for an understanding of the various problems of Tamil. In a paper to be read before this session on the Conjugation of the Tamil Verbs, attempting to explain forms like cenraan (Q#cr(y«ir), the contributor suggests that the root here must have been originally) cen {Qfek) which became cel (0#«) due to the denasalisation of the ending—a process which is amply proved by en («r«w) becoming el (*r«r) ^ becoming al and in (g)«ir) becoming il ( But this must have taken place long before the age of Tolkappiyam and the Sangam works which use the forms like Celavu. A study of the Kolami language proves the existence of this nasal ending; for the root there is ALL INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE, 1955 135 even today, cen (0^<»r). Once again this contributor, ex¬ plaining the infinitive in Tamil finds some forms like nirka (iSps) and nirpa (fSpu) which cannot be explained away as a combination of the root and the suffix “ a ”, if one were to take the root as nil (Seo) according to the established Tamil usage. The contributor refers to the Malayalam usage, where nilkku is taken as the root. The unwritten dialects throw a flood of light. In the Parji language nilp is the root and in its northern dialect this takes the form nilk, thus completely explaining, the two forms nirka and nirpa as forms existing in two different dialects. Dr. Caldwell traces the original meaning of suffixes like the negative il, al etc. on the assumption, that, the forms in Tamil are the original or primitive forms. Are they the real primeval forms ?—that is the question. In the unwritten languages, we find the negative particle il as kil and cil. in Kolami and Sid in Kui. At a parti¬ cular period in the history of Tamil Language, the initial ‘ e ’ was lost, which gives therefore the Tamil form il for kil and cil. This explains the futility of building any theory on the forms found in the cultured languages alone, in the absence of a detailed and comparative study of the unwrit¬ ten languages and dialects. The history of Tamil Language can be written only with the help of such studies. An index of words and their various forms must be prepared as found in the classics and inscriptions. A comparative study of the dated docu¬ ments may throw light on the forms found in undated documents. The Government of India has sanctioned research scholarships for a study of the Tamil Inscriptions upto the beginning of the reign of Kulothunga and for a study of the index of Tolkappiyam. The study of the history of the language from the very beginning, through a series of specialised studies of the different periods has been attempted, in the study of the Tamil Inscriptions of seventh and eighth century and of the early Kanarese and Malayalam Inscriptions by the students of London School of Asian and African studies and the Deccan College of 136 TAMIL CULTURE Poona ; and these may be continued by the Tamil students for the subsequent centuries. The study of the Tolkappi- yam fortunately reveals the existence of the grammatical- study in Tamil, prior to Tolkappiyar, thanks to his syste¬ matic mention of all those rules of grammar and technical terms of the ancient times, specifically as belonging to an age anterior to him. One of the papers submitted to this section gives us a bird’s eye view of the pre-Tolkappiyan study of words. It is the detailed study of the words in ancient texts and inscriptions that will throw a flood of light on the development of Tamil. In the absence of these, all attempts at fixing the age of the texts merely on the assumption of certain forms of words may not amount to anything more than a biassed-guess. The tendency in Tamil for the final nasal n to be denasalised into 1 as pointed above, is older than Tolkappiyam. If that were so, how is one to explain the denasalisation of a final n used by Tolkappiyar himself ? Was there once again a period, subsequent to the Sangam age, when this tendency cropped up afresh ? Or it may be that the denasalisation was restricted to certain dialects which later on spread into all the other dialects. Nirpa and Nirka have been shown to be old dialeetie variations. If this was so, it is necessary to study the dialects, if possible of the age of the Sangam and other works. Perhaps this line of study alone will explain the coming into use, all of a sudden, of forms having the present tense sign kir and klnru. In the absence of the reliable explanation of trends and changes, any attempt at fixing the age of the undated documents cannot be considered scientific. In a consideration of these varied forms, the question of the influence of the copyists cannot be altogether neglected. A recent edition of narrinai—a Sangam classic, for the purpose of convenient reading has separated the words but in so doing has given us the ending of many words in I, where one should have an ending in n. If Modem Scholarship can be capable of this wonder, what may not we expect from the copyists of scholars themselves. ALL INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE, 1955 137 The pronunciation problem of ancient and medieval Tamil remains still unsolved. Modern Tsaiul differentiates, in its prommciation, between the voiceless and voiced stops, though this cannot be suspected from its writings. Is this a new innovation in the language ? If so, when did it start ? These are the problems which face us. The writings can never give us any clue. The transliteration of Tamil words in foreign languages, which differentiate in their writings the voiced and voiceless stops, may help us in this line of studies. One of the papers submitted to this section studies these problems with the help of the inscriptions of the Pallava and Chola period, where Tamil words are found transliterated in Sanskrit verses. The contributor points out that in that period of her study, the law of convertibility of surds and sonants, was not in force and the letters were pronounced as they were written.* One has to study in this way, period after period, for arriving at a general conclusion. The present time seems to be auspicious. The Govern¬ ment of India are planning a linguistic survey and the Tamilians must now prepare themselves for a study, not only of the cultured languages but also of the unrecorded dialects, of which there are many in our own midst and amongst the aboriginal tribes of the Nilgiri and other mountains. The Linguistic School run by the Deccan College, Poona, thanks to Dr. Katre getting the support of the Rockefeller foundation for running the project in its initial stages, runs a summer and a winter school every year and trains during the rest of the period stipendiary fellows in linguistic research, it is unfortunate that the speakers of the Dravidian Languages including Tamil, have not taken as much advantage as a few others. It is likely' that the Summer and Winter schools may be held in the Tamil country when a sufficient number of students of Tamil may get themselves trained for the task ahead of • The general validity of ‘Voiced and Voiceless stops (Editor.) such an approach is discussed in the article in Tamil ’ appearing elsewhere in this issue. 5 138 TAMIL CULTURE them. The Annamalai University,-thanks to whose hospi¬ tality, we are assembled here, has a Chair for Drayidian linguistics and it has invited the School of Linguistics for holding its session within its own precincts. There are brighter days thus dawning, for a study of the history of the Tamil language and its dialects. this study, the recent developments of what is called Glottochronology in America, may be of great help. This takes up 215 basic ideas denoted by words which do not usually change, except very slowly in any language and studies how much of these common words are found still in current use, after a period of time in the same language or in the various but connected dialects branching off from that language. The percentage of survival seems to offer a clue for our fixing the starting point. This theory may be verified with reference to Sangam works and the works of subsequent periods; and, if correct, may help us to ffx the respective ages of the various works, on the basis of the statistical formula worked out in detail Tliis may also help us to fix roughly the time, when the various Dravidian languages separated from each other or from the proto-Dravidian. In this preparation of the history of the Tamil language, the Inscriptions whose dates have been fixed will be of great help. It is therefore very unfortunate that even the inscriptions so far copied by the Government department had not been made available in print. The centralisation of the Epigraphical Department gives no scope for the erst¬ while healthy rivalry among the States in collecting and printing the epigraphical records. It is for serious .con¬ sideration whether the linguistic States may not take over the copying and publication of the Inscriptions in their respective languages and within their jurisdiction. The history of Tamil coun^ is connected with the study of the inscriptions and the literary cadence. This important and interesting study is still in its initial stage. ALL iNbiA Cbi^FfiR^NCE, i955 139 A recent study of Kulothungan Pillaittamil Iwings to light, the fact that the reign of Vikramachola was not such a peaceful one as is often represented. The victories of the Chola over the southern and northern kings is often refer¬ red to in this work. His^ blood relation with his successor is another problem. A study of our literature raises problems like this, which require for their solution the help of the inscriptions. Therefore the non-publication of the available inscriptions assumes a form of dis-service to the necessary pursuit of knowledge. There is also the history of Tamil literature yet to be written. There is no difficulty in our appreciation of our Classics without reference to their age. Tliere is a paper to be read before us on Attichudi—or Awaiyar’s book of alphabets. There is another bringing out the greatness of ' Kamban. There is a third which studies the religion of the author of Silappadikaram as revealed in the earliest epic of Tamilians. This shows that the Tamil literature is being studied from all points of view and at different levels without any reference to the difficulties of fixing their age. Every work of art has an individuality of its own, but the whole literature as pointed out by T. S. Elliot forms an organic whole, with reference to which every literary work finds in the National klind its proper place and equilibrium. It is this perspective that gets blurred in the absence of history of Tamil literature. The main difficulty lies in the problem of fixing the age of the various works. Many of the so-called histories of Tamil literature are getting them¬ selves lost in these intricacies. No attempt has been made for tracing the history of literary tendencies, conventions, forms and modes and of the rhythm. If one starts from the beginning, in the mysterious past, this difficulty is unavoidable. May I therefore humbly suggest that we do reverse the process and start writing or studying the history backwards from Modern times, whose contributions are unfortunately very much neglected, in our Modern Studies and College courses. We can then trace .every modern 446 TAMIL CtjLttjrftfe trend to the old poets and scholars, century after century, conveniently making the clock of time run backwards. One’s familiarity with modem literature will help one to see the historical development more clearly than otherwise. There may be the dange* of seeing thii^ modem in things ancient everywhere,; but such pitfalls beset the way of every research. But if one can guard against that, this is always the better method of studying history—proceeding from the known to the unknown. This may help us to fix the relative age of historical trends and works from this point of view. This is nothing new. This is what a great educationist, a great headmaster of a famous English School, Mr. Sanderson had suggested for a study of history itself. In spite of our pre-occupation with the ancient classics, the course suggested will help us to keep a living contact with the literature of the people and its influence on our classics all through its history reminding us forcibly that our country had not been non-existent after the age of the classics, and that our people always continued to sing and recite, to compose and enjoy poetry all through their existence. This seems to be the more democratic course also. The ancient classics, through this slow and steady process,,-get themselves fixed in the general scheme of Tannl literature in its historical march. When their influ¬ ence is traced this way, their greatness and significance leap up before our mind’s eye as a divine presence always with us. Perhaps, in the future courses of our post-graduate study, we must lay the emphasis, for these reasons, on the specialisation of these later periods of Tamil literature. The inter-relation of Tamil and other languages pyid other cultures raises very significant and surprising pro¬ blems. Malayalam in its northern parts, conducts shadow- plays where the wire-pullers behind the screen recite Kambaramayanam verses. Provision h^ been made in anaent times, for recitation of Kamfe-amay^am in Mal^. Tul^ who is considered to have come on a rehgious pilgrimage to Rameswaram, in the Tamil country,. ALL INDIA oillfeNTAL cbt^feRfeNCE, 19^5 141 writes in his Ramacaritmanas, of Rama and Seetha meeting and falling in love with each other before the Swayam- varam began—a version which is foimd only in Kamban, true to the Tamilian tradition of love—a version which must have appealed to Tulsidas during his southern pilgri¬ mage. The influence of Ramanuja and the Tamil Bhakti cult on the religious Reformers of the North, though vaguely guessed, has yet to be studied in all its details. The stories of the Saiva Saints of Tamil Nad have travelled to the Telugu and Kannada coimtries not to speak of their San¬ skrit versions. Tamil works have been copied in Malaya- 1am, Telugu and other scripts and a detailed study of such works will explain the spread of Tamilian influence and the reason therefor. Another method of studying this influence is through the Tamil inscriptions outside the Tamil country. This again raises the philosophical contributions of the Tamil land. Saiva Siddhanta texts and commentaries, the Srivaisnavate commentaries and sutras are in Tamil and without an acquaintance with these, one cannot pretend to have a first-hand knowledge of these schools of thought. The. importance of Tevaram in the development of Temple cult is brought out in one of the papers to be read here, whereas another contribution emphasises the significance of the hymns and philosophical works in Tamil of the Chola period. This influence cannot be easily exaggerated. Dingnaga, the Buddhist Philosopher was a resident of Kanci. The founder of Zen Buddhism was a prince of Kanci. Ramanuja also resided there, though bom at Sri- perumputur near Madras. Sankara was a native of the Cera coimtry then a part of the Tamil land. Ramanuja admittedly traces his thoughts to the Tamil songs of Alwars. Sankara, if Saundaryalahari is his work, knows the Tamil compositions of ghanasambanda. This line of thought will lead us to seek m the great works of these philosophers a Tamilian influence or at least a Tamilian atmosphere. This opens up a new field for research. ^AMIL CtJLTtftllfi 142 In this connection, it may be advisable, for opening specialised courses in philosophy and religion for the Tamil Vidwan and Tamil Post-graduate students. A systematic training may inspire them to pursue further research therein. As in Sanskrit the Tamil course also may lead to specialisation in Grammar, literature, literary criticism, comparative and historical philology, philosophy, religion and history. The Tamilian contact with the West—^with Greece ^d Rome was a definite fact, though all the details are not yet worked out. The Arikkaihedu excavations have been very fruitful and we have to make more excavations of this type. More than these excavations, the surveys of marine archaeology to be made like those carried out by Philippa Diole, may bring to light many ship wrecks and articles of trade which may describe this contact in more eloquent terms. In his book “ 4,000 years under the Sea Diole says, “ The Arretani Pottery found near Pondicherry, the Roman coins dug up on Indian soil, the Temple of Augustas at Mysore, all these things bear witness to the Ipng continu¬ ance of that maritime route on which the Arabs had laid their hands.vWe find proof of this liaison in a people living at the further end of the great route, in the parts of Southern India, where they served as a link between the East and Far East. They were a half-way house people. Perhaps in pre-historic times they had watched ships coming from the West and had loaded them for the return journey with what their own ships had brought from China and Ceylon. These Tamils, who perhaps preserv^e in their traditions, as a memory, of what life once was like, in the Mediterranian, were Dravidian pre-Aryans. They have a very old literatme of no little importance. This Tamil civilisation was quite as old as possible to estimate the extent of the debt owed by each to othet; there is little doubt, but that the Tamils would prove to be by far the bigger creditors. One of their kings. King Pandya had sent ah emba^ to Atigii^ They had known at one 143 ALL INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE, 1955 and the same time the civilisation of the West and the civilisation of China—^thanks to their familiarity with sea. Like the Cretons the Tamils were great divers—the fore¬ most pearl divers in the world.” After referring to their breathing technique which also plays an important part in their religious mystical practices, he concludes “The junks which in the 10th, 11th and 12th centuries carrying the trade between China, India and the Persian gulf con¬ tained a group of Tamil divers, whose duty it was, to inspect the hulls and carry out repairs by daubing holes and cracks with a composition made of sesame and wax ”. This outline has to be filled up by a detailed research. The foreign words found in Tamil and the Tamil words found in foreign languages are worthy of study from this point of view. The contact with the East, which developed into a cultural empire of a Greater India, had been studied with the help of Inscriptions of the Pallava and Cola period. There are Tamil inscriptions in those distant places. The Bengali writers who studied the civilisation of the Eastern Archipelago emphasised the contribution of their own country and they claimed that the National swing festival of Siam was only their own Swing festival connected with the worship of Krishna. I pointed out in the Tamil Festi¬ val celebrated at Madras, what had been, till then, over¬ looked in all these discussions—^the name ‘ Tiruppavai and Tiruvembavai ’ the name of the festival which beyond all doubts is based on the title of two famous works of Tamil land—Tiruppavai of Amdal and Tiruvembavai of Manikka- vachakar. This clearly proves the importance of these two works which are coming back to attain their own import¬ ance in the modern world, thanks to the attempts of Sri Sankaracharya of Kumbakonam. Rev. Thaniyanayakam has brought to bur notice that the songs “ .^tiyum ” and “ Paacam ’’ from Tiruvembavai were recited as LEREMBA mantras during Coronation and other festivals in Siam. It is not clear what verses were recited from Tiruppavai. All this opens up another line of research, 144 TAMIL CULTURE There is one other important problem that of the inter¬ relation of Sanskrit and Tamil which may be compared to the confluence of our sacred rivers, the Ganges and the Jaxnna; meeting together they flow to the sea as one great river, in the development of culture, it is a sign of death, if one does not respond to the environment. Response to this stimulus is a sign of life. Life is a process of give and take. But borrowing or adaptation is often looked upon by the Chauvinist as a sign of inferiority. This outlook is an expression of the inferiority complex. Culture is a happy commingle of contributions coming from all sides. In the inter-relations of the Tamil and Sanskrit, it is often assumed that it was always an one-way traffic. When it is realised that Sanskrit was the lingua franca of India, and that Tamilians like Sankara and Ramanuja contributed their best to this common heritage, it becomes clear how futile it is to speak of a borrowing from Sanskrit as distin¬ guished from a borrowing from specified author. Borrow¬ ing from Sanskrit is as meaningful or meaningless as Tamil borrowing from Tamil. I had already referred to the pro¬ blem of defining the Tamilian atmosphere m the works of those Sanskrit writers hailing from the South. There is again the riddle of Tolkappiyam. It has pregnant sugges¬ tions about Dhavani—^iraicci—long before the Dhavani School had its rise. In a paper to be read before the Classic Sanskrit Section discussing the Age of Kulasekara, it is said as printed in the Summaries of papers : “ It is impos¬ sible to be laid that by 800 A.D. a South Indian Commenta¬ tor could directly refer to that Dhavani doctrine”. But does not Tholkappiyam show that this position is not so clear as to be stated in such a dogmatic way ? The relation¬ ship between Kashmir Saivaism on the one hand and Saiva Siddhanta and Tirumantram of Tirumular on the other and the relationship between the Tamils’ iraicci and the Kash- mirean -Dhavani—how and why these developed in the distant North and South are as interesting and significant as the Kaslunir problem in the modern international world. 145 ALL INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE, 1955 The Rasas mentioned in Tolkappiyam do not all agree with those mentioned in Bharatha. In the place of Srin- gara we have uvakai or joy. Again the lexicon Tivakaram of the Pallava age gives a list of the figures of speech which is more recent than Bharatha’s but more ancient than that of Bhamaha or Dandi... .marking and revealing a neces¬ sary stage in the development of the Alankara Sastra. Dandi was a great force in the Tamil country. He refers in his Avanti Sundara Katha to a Tamil architect who had written Sudraka carita in Tamil. This gives a valuable clue to the nature of Tamil literature of 7th century. He refers to the Sangatha which is often interpreted as a reference to Dravida Sangatha; probably Sangam antho¬ logy and Andhadis were in the mind of Dandi. He speaks of Kriyavidhi and Kjriya seems to refer to Kavya. My friend Dr. Raghavan had pointed out in one of his interest¬ ing papers that Kriya Kalpa was the old name of Poetics as found in Vatsyayana Kama Sutra and Lalita Vistara. Tolkappiyar and ancient Tamils called their literary com¬ position ceyyul —a word which reminds us of the word Kriya—indeed a rare usage in Sanskrit. There is again the question of the relationship of the Tamil music with the South Indian music and the Tamil dance with Bharata Natya. There are again references to Sanskrit works in the Tamil commentaries to Katantra, Kama Sutra, Kamantaka, Patanjali etc. There are also references to Prakrit works, the Kanarese works like Gunagangeyam unfortunately not available at present. Schools of Philo¬ sophy are summarised in a few works in Tamil. The Sivagnanabhodam in Tamil—^the 12 sutras—is often considered to be a translation into Tamil; but a com¬ parative study convinces many that the Tamil work was the original one. The Tamil sutras are complete in them¬ selves whereas in Sanskrit, the whole idea is expressed in 11^ slokas whilst the last line states “ so learn the well defined idea of Saiva Siddhanta in Sivagnanabhoda-” Cek- kilar’s Periyapuranam has been translated as Upamanya 6 146 TAMIL CULTURE Bhakta Vilasam. This latter is often claimed as an original work and if this is true Cekkilar’s creative genius has to shrink into insignificance. But in one of my studies Anpu nmti ’_the study on Eripatta Nayanar, I pointed out how the Sanskrit work makes blunders which can be explained only on the basis that it is a translation, especially where Cekkilar is crystal clear to a student of Tamil and history. Kaivalya Navanitam, the most popular book on Vedanta in Tamil, popular even in Malayalam and Telugu countries, has been recently attempted to be shown as a translation of the work of that name by Sankuka. A detailed study will show that Sankuka was but a translator. Guhesan is the word used in Tamil for referring to the Absolute as an immanent principle. Guhesan connotes, thanks to its yoga Sakti, the lord of the cave of the heart—the immanent principle which is alone germane to the context. Sankuka translates the word as “ vallisa ” in the impression that the denotation Subramanya is what is important here. Examples could be multiplied. A detailed study on the lines has yet to be made about these books which look so much alike in Sanskrit and Tamil. Apart from these there are admitted translations—translations of Tirukkural and Tiruppavai etc. in Sanskrit and translation of Suta Samhita and Kurmapurana etc. in Tamil; whilst there are other books adopting the ideas without attempting at a translation. There are various other interesting problems, signifi¬ cant from the point of Indian Culture, as yet to be solved by Tamil Scholars. The great handicap here, is that the student has not any opportunity of knowing, what had already been done in the field. There is often unnecessary duplication. The Universities and research bodies should co-operate in drawing out a common programme of work in which they can pursue the studies in their respective specialised fields. A Bibliography with a summary of the contributions is absolutely necessary. No individual can undertake this 147 All IM)IA ORlEIfTAL COi^FieRfcNCE, 1966 stupendous task. It requires any amount of travel for collecting materials, a knowledge of Western and Indian languages, the co-operation of Scholars in other lands and in other languages and above all time and money, which can all be expected only from University or at Government level. So much to do and so little done—^that is the piercing cry of our heart. A translation of all the classics may throw them open to the world and they may bring the co¬ operation of foreign scholars. As the generation of Tamil Scholars strong in English is fast disappearing, this has to be undertaken now or never. But there is one great consolation for the student. An unexplored part of the intellectual world lies here wel¬ coming him with a tempting offer of success and fame. May this temptation appeal to the rising generation ! ANNAMALAI UNIVERSITY AN APPEAL The Tamil Research Department of the Annamalai University has undertaken the preparation of Bibliographies relating to “ THIRUKKURAL ” and “ THIRUMANTfflRAM ”. This is the first time that a scientific and systematic approach to these works is being made by a band of scholars and through .the forum of a University. Authors, publishers, scholars, societies, libraries and other organisations are requested to send copies of all works (books as well as articles) concerning these classics, for favour of perusal and return. All communications in this connection may please be addressed to the Professor of Tamil Research, Annamalai Univer¬ sity, Annamalainagar, South India. In the case of cadjan leaves manuscripts and rare firts editions, it will be helpful if details thereof are made available by those who may possess or have knowledge of them. The sources of the information will be duly acknowledged in the publications. Annamalainagar, (SM. L. LAKSHMANAN CHETTIAR), 2nd April, 1956. Public Relations Officer, Old Tamil, Andent Tamil and P rimit ive Dravidian* SUNITi KUMAR CHATTERJI 1. To reconstruct the sound-system and morphology of Primitive Dravidian would be an extremely difficult task because of the very late date of the material in the various Dravidian languages at our disposal. Primitive Dravidian as a single speech, judging from the lines of development and the rate of progress among the different Dravidian languages of the present day, can perhaps be taken back to about three thousand five hundred years from now: 1500 B.C. may tentatively be put down in round numbers as a date for the hypothetical single speech which is the source of all the current Dravidian languages of India. To arrive at the situation for a language of about 1500 B.C. from specim^is of its later phases some 2000 years younger, (as in the case of the oldest forms of the present-day Dravidian languages) would indeed be a most difficult, if not an almost impossible task. Considerable progress has, however^ been made in this matter by the researches of scholars like Jules Bloch, K. V. Subbayya, L. V. Ramaswami Ayyar, K. Ramakrishnayya, Edwin H. Tuttle, S. Anavarata-vinayakam Pillai, Alfred Master, T. Burrow, M. B. Emeneau, Pierre Meile and others; and on^aUy pubUshed in the Jules Bloch BJemorial Numbtt of I^tan Linguistics, Calcutta. Vol. 14. January. 1854. Dr. Chat- ™ ^ made some corrections and additions to make the article more Jo eminent scholar for asking us to St argument is based on an as^ption of the 3rd century B.C. in Brahmi cdiaract^ toS^^^^untry represent oldest specimens of the Tamil Language, brt o mer available evidence, Imgmstic and historical does nnt if ^ this cSsoi^ —^ TamU’ appearing elsewhere in ^ issue. OLb TAMIL, ANdiifiN']? TAMIL & PRlMlTiVE bhAViblAN 149 through their labours we may hope to form some idea of Primitive Dravidian, and set it up, e.g. beside Primitive Indo-European. 2. ' The oldest specimens of Dravidian are possibly to be foimd in a series of cave inscriptions in the South Tamil country engraved in Brahmi characters of the 3rd century B.C. (In the opinion of some scholars, these inscriptions might be one or two centuries later, in spite of the archaic character of the script.) These were first discussed in their ensemble by the late H. Krishna Sastri in 1919 (Pro¬ ceedings and Transactions of the First All-India Oriental Conference, Poona, 1919 : Bhandarkar Research Institute, Poona, 1922 ; “ Caverns and Brahmi Inscriptions of South¬ ern India,” pp.-327-348), although they were noticed earlier in the Madras Epigraphical Reports for 1912, 1915 and 1918. H. KIrishna Sastri was not sure about the nature of the language, but he noted the possible occurrence of Prakrit words, and thought it might be a kind of Prakrit mixed with Dravidian. In 1924, K. V. Subrahmanya Ayyar attempted the first serious readings of these inscrip¬ tions, and he read them definitely as a kind of Old Tamil, apparently earlier in structure than the oldest Tamil which we have in literature (Proceedings and Transactions of the Third All-India Oriental Conference, Madras, 1924 • ‘‘ The Earliest Monuments of the Panc^ya country and thek Inscriptions” pp. 275-300). Younger in date are the Arikamedu Pottery Fragment Inscriptions alleged to be of the first century A.D., but some scholars (e.g. C. Sivarama- murti) think they are of the 3rd or at least of the 2nd ^ntury B.C. These also are in Brahmi characters, and K. V. Subrahmanya Ayyar has similarly interpreted them ^ very old Tamil {Ancient India, No. 2, New Delhi, July , pp. Ill ff). Accepting, in the absence of a more satisfactory explanation, that these Brahmi documents represent oldest specimens of the Tamil language that we ^ve, we find that the orthography was halting and defec- ve, suggesting that the Tamil language during the 3rd 150 ^AJVIIL CiytttjRfe century B.C. was being reduced to writing for the first time. The finished and consistent orthography of Cen-tamiz or Old Tamil (using this expression to mean the language as found in the oldest literature of Tamil) we find for the first time in Pallava inscriptions of the first half of the 7th century A.D., an orthography with a phonetic system which agrees with that of the language described in the oldest grammar of Tamil, the Tol-kdppiycnn, and employed in the oldest works of Tamil which are still extant ^the earliest Sangam (Cankam) and allied texts. In 1904 E. Hultzsch in his Remarks on a Papyrus from Oxyrrhincus (JRASGrBrI, 1904, pp. 399 ff) sought to explain some unmeaning sentences found in the fragments of a Greek drama in a north Egyptian MS. of the 2nd century A.D. as Old Kannada. The fragments deal with the adventures of a Greek woman Charition who was shipwrecked in Indian waters with her daughter and then taken to the court of an Indian king, Who is made to talk with his noblemen in their own tongue, with occasional Greek translations, and Hultzsch attempted to explain these pas^ges in the language of the Indians to be Old Kannada. If this is true, then these few Old Kannada words and sentences would be our oldest authentic speci¬ mens of a Dravidian tongue.^ We are on surer ground for Kannada from the middle of the 5th century A.D., from which period we have a series of inscriptions in Old Kannada (Pala-Kannada, or Purvada- Pala-Kanna<^a) gradually passing into Middle Kannada (Posa- or Hosa-Kannavinda Pai (“Prabuddha Karpataka ” Vol H, Nos. 1 and 2) also attempted fresh interpretations; also B. A. Saletore (“ Ancient Karnataka ”, VoL 1, Appendix A). L. D. Barnett’s observations, referred to by Saletore, are quite pertinent to the matter. Hie ancient Kannada character of the passage thus remains undecided. OLD TAMIL, ANCIENT TAMIL & PRIMITIVE DR A VIDIAN 151 literature the oldest existing texts in which go hack to the 9th century A.D.^ In a similar manner, Telugu has recorded its oldest remains so far available in inscriptions from the 6th cen¬ tury A.D., and the oldest books of Telugu date from after 1000 A.D. Malayalam was an offshoot from Old Tamil. Already some Malayalam characteristics appear in Malabar inscrip¬ tions from the 9th century, but as a literary language Malayalam became established as late as the 14th century, although specimens of what may be definitely called Malayalam seem to go back to the 12th century. 3. Tentatively, we may lay down the 3rd century B.C. as the period when the Dravidian speech of the extreme south was first reduced to writing, and the period of intensive literary cultivation of the advanced Dravidian languages unquestionably started from the first centuries after the Christian era. The specimens that we have of Old Tamil, Old Kannada and Old Telugu already show languages very well differentiated from each other, and yet all of them still sufficiently close to each other to be recognised as sister or cousin speeches even at the first glance. The late Prof. B. M. Srikantiah (“ Purvada Hala- gannada and Tamil,” pp. 652-653, Proceedings and Transac¬ tions of the Tenth All-India Oriental Conference, Tirupati, March 1940 : Madras 1941) thought that Tamil and Kan¬ nada were one language in the 5th century B.C., but Telugu had already separated from the Southern group. The oldest forms of these languages have naturally enough l closer agreement with each other than their later forms, and on the basis of this agreement an essay might be made 2 Prof. T. N. Srikantaiya corrects the above statement about the stages in the development of Kannada as follows: (1) Ancient or Pre> Old Kannada (Purvada-Pala/Pa?a-Ganna^a), upto c. 750 A.D.; (2) Old Kannada (Pala/Pa?a-Ganna^a), c. 750-1050 A,D.; (3) Middle Kannada (Naf vsdth initial dr-, being the original Dravidian source of the word Tamfe. 6. The position at the present day therefore is that, with the exception of the doubt expressed by Jules Bloch and F. B. J. Kuiper in this connexion, the general view (as reiterated by T. Burrow in the BSOS article as indi¬ cated above) is that Primitive Dravidian possessed initially only unvoiced stops, and voiced stops occurred only inters vocally and after nasals ; and that Telugu and Kannada and other Dravidian instances of initial voiced stops do not reflect the situation in Primitive Dravidian. Further, by implication (as definitely ^ggested by K. V. Subbayya), the Primitive Dravidian also possessed the characteristic Tamil habit of voicing intervocal' unvoiced stops : so the orthography of Tamil, it might be concluded from this, keeps faithful to the speech-habit of Primitive Dravidian in this respect, viz., surds initially, and sonants medially; and thus only surd letters could suffice in writing, follow¬ ing this fixed phonetic character. 7. The orthography of Cen-tamiz we find in more or less a fully developed or established form only as late as the first half of the 7th century A.D., in the Pallava inscrip¬ tions at Vallam (near Chingleput: South Indian Inscrip¬ tions, Vol. n. Part III, No. 72) and at Dalavanur (South Arcot District: Epigraphia Indica, XII, 1913-1914, No, 27). Here we have only unvoiced stops, and no voiced ones, except in the Dalavanur inscriptions, which gives two names of Sanskrit origin with the voiced b and d : Bramma- rvuinkalavan = Brahma-mangala-, and Civaddsan = S'iva- ddsa. Here the proximity of Sanskrit in Pallava epigraphy is doubtless the reason; and certainly, as in other words like Kunapara- =Guruibliara, Mayerttira^Mahendra- (Val¬ lam Inscription), the names were pronounced as Piramma- 156 TAiviiL cuLifukfi marikalavan' and Civatdcan'. We should also note the retention of the Sanskrit sibilants as in S'n and Civaddsan (Dalavanur) and in Kantasen'a'ii' = Skandasena (Vallam), although the sibilants in other cases become c or y (vQ/yantfL = voscifita, in Vallam inscription, cottv/m ~ citTU in both the inscriptions). 8. In the problematic Brahmi inscriptions found in the Tamil land, as discussed in Para 2 above, the general absence of letters for the voiced stops is noticeable, and this would support a phonetic background for the language of this period—pre-Cen-tamiz “ Ancient Tamil ” it may be called, if the language is really Tamil—to be almost the same as that of Cen-tam4 of the 7th century A.D., viz., in the language (at least in its^ orthography) possessing only unvoiced stops. But in a few cases, j and d, occur, although not initially; also the aspirate th, and dh in an Aryan borrowing (dhama-) ; and s in words like Siri = SVi, Kosipd = ?Kds'yapa, siti = ?siddhi, s'dtdna = s'dstd, and sdlakdn = s'ydlaka; besides b in one of the pottery frag¬ ment inscriptions (Buttd = ?Buddha). But here we are not on sure ground. K. V. Subrahmanya Ayyar has pro¬ posed to read the syllables ' i-ld as Cen-tamiz Ilam ( Izam) = Sihala, a borrowed name:'.such a change, with loss of the sibilant and of the h, would be too early for “ Ancient Tamil ” of the 3rd or 2nd century B.C., consider¬ ing also the fact that the sibilant is preserved in these Brahmi inscriptions, and in two Aryan words immediately before this Hd-, in Inscription No. IV as in H. Ejishna Sastri’s article noted in Para 2, if we can accept the read¬ ing and interpretation proposed. (The inscription, as read and interpreted by K. V. Subrahmanya Ayyar, runs thus: kdniyan' Natd Siri-Yakuan' dhamdm ltd Nat(pJm-CSr^i- yan' sdlakdn' I\dn-Cafikan' tdntai Cdr'ikdn' Ceiyd Pdliy: * This is the charity of the glorious chief S'ri-Yak§a, Karay (by caste) ; this stone excavation for a rd5c chamh^ was made by Car'ikan', the father of Ijan-Garikan', and tte brother-in-law of Netuh-Car'iyan' \) OLD TAlsitL, AJJtilNT TAMIL & PRIMITIVE: DRAVIDIAN 16 1 9. Pierre Meile has shown how the initial sibilant in both native Dravidian words and Indo-Aryan loans had dropped off initially as well as medially in all the Southern I>ravidian languages, including Telugu (“ Sur la Sifflante en Dravidien ”, Journal Asiatique for 1943-1945, Paris, 1947, pp. 73-89). This phonetic development of South Dravidian has also been studied in detail by T. Burrow (BSOS, Vol. 12, for 1947-1948, pp. 132ff, “Dravidian Studies VI: The Loss of Initial c/s in South Dravidian”), and, as Burrow has noted, as early as 1919 E. H. Tuttle had postulated the occurrence of s in Primitive Dravidian which had disappeared in the Southern languages. Burrow has noted that this loss of initial s- in Southern Dravidian was just a widespread tendency in South Dravidian which became a regular law in Tamil, and the occurrence of a few s- forms in Telugu and Kannada, and a few forms where we find c- man influencing this second elem^t in the com¬ pound as something which had an honorific force. We have also to note the occurrence of s in possible Tamil forms in the Brahmi inscriptions of the Tamil country, as noted above. This loss would thus appear to have marked the Southern Dravidian languages, specially Tamil, between 3rd century B.C. and the period of the Tol-kdppiyam in which work the later Cen-tanuz change of Sanskrit s', ?, s respectively to c or y, c or t and c or t is noted. This loss of a sibilant would appear to have passed through an intermediate stage of h, which again dropped off, and there is no graphic record of this stage in any of the oldest remains of Dravidian. The use of s for Tamil c in Greek and Latin transcriptions of a few of what may be described as ‘Ancient Tamil’ names of places (e.g. Soma'tos = *Coz-ndtu, Sa'lour=?Cdliyur,Mou'ziris=MuciT'i or Mxicur'i, pronounced ?) is no indication or proof of the occurrence of an s pronunciation for c in ‘ Ancient T amil * of the early centuries of the Christian era, as the Indian unvoiced palatal stop is generally represented by s in Greek and rarely by ti (e.g. Sandrakoptos = *Ccmdra~ kupta, a N.-W. Frontier pronunciation of Candragupta, Prasioi = Prdcya-, Mousikanoi = Mucukanna < Mucukar- na, and Castana = Tiastenes). The change of Aryan s to c, as noted in the Tol-kdppiyam, is found also in the Brahmi inscriptions, if K. V. Subrahmanya Ayyar’s equating of updcd =updsaka is admissible. 10. It would appear that prior to the establishment of Cen-tamiz orthography as in the Tol-kdppiyam and the Sangam texts as well as in the earliest Tamil inscriptions as of Pallava times, i.e., prior to c. 600 A.D., when the scholars and grammarians of Tamizakam framed a system of writing Tamil based on the actual pronunciation of the language, the only certain or reliable material to recon- s^ct the sound-system of ‘ Ancient Tamil ’ as a stage OLD TA»^, ANCIENT TAMIL ^ PRIMITIVE DRAVIDIAN 169 l^tWeen Primitive Dravidian and Cen-tamiz or Old Tamil woiild be the representation of Tamil (and allied Dravi¬ dian) words in their actual spoken sounds as heard and noted down by peoples of other languages; here in this case, by Indo-Aryan speakers, and Greeks. Sanskrit and Prakrit borrowings from Dravidian, i.e. •from, very early phases of the Dravidian languages and dialects as current in both Northern India (now almost entirely suppressed by Indo-Aryan) and Central and Southern India, and Greek transcriptions of Dravidian (‘Ancient Tamil’) names and words, should furnish us with indirect evidence | and this evidence should be of very great value for us. 11- Dravidian words in Sanskrit and other early forms of Indo-Aryan have been studied by a number of scholars, and F. Kittel in his Kannada Dictionary (Manga¬ lore, 1894) Has given some 420 words occurring in Sanskrit which have Dravidian affinities. H. Gundert, the author of a Malayalam grammar (1868) and compiler of a Malayalam-English Dictionary (1872), has studied tWs question, and K. Amrita Row wrote on the Dravidian element in the Prakrits (Indian Antiquary, February 1917) and on some Hindi words of Dravidian origin (ibid., January 1916). The most recent investigations on the subject are by T, Burrow in a series of articles in the Journal of the Philological Society, London, and in the Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies. Some of these words show initial voiced stops; and a number of them were quoted by T. Burrow in his “ Dravidian Studies I ”, referred to above, pp. 717-718, like Sanskrit kdnji-, kuti, kun^, Pali cd^i, Sanskrit polli ‘lizard’, fcubja(?), are examples to the contrary, with initial unvoiced stops. Kuiper has discussed the case of the word kundc, which he derives from a form with initial fif-, and connects it with gala, guda etc. Kittel in his Dictionary gives over a score of Sanskrit words with initial voiced stops in a list of 420 words which look like loans from Dravidian, Even in the lists of Sanskrit vocables TAMIL CULTURE ieo derived from Dravidian made out by T. Burrow (e.g. BSOS., Vol. 12, 1947-1948, pp. 365-396: “DravicHan Studies Vn: Further Dravidian Words in Sanskrit ”, giving 315 words), quite a good few show initial voiced stops and even voiced aspirates (some 38 words). With these other words of Sanskrit, it would indeed be a little too hazardous to look upon Prinntive Dravidian as being a language of the Tamil type in its phonetics and phonology. The evidence from Sanskrit and' Prakrit, and from the Northern Dravidian languages, as well as from Telugu, Kannada and Tulu (so long as the phonetic rules cannot be formulated), cannot be entirely brushed aside; nor the evidence from the few Greek transcriptions^ And certain general lines of phonetic development noticeable all over the world have also to be considered. 12. In the welter of dialectal forms which charac¬ terise all Indian speech whether Aryan or Dravidian, the situation for Ancient or pre-Sangam Tamil, even with the Brahmi inscriptions of the 3rd—^2nd centuries being fully proved to be Tamil, still remains obscure. One swallow does not make summer, but one or two indications in certain cases may very well be made the basis for generali¬ sation. 13. The word Tamil itself (tamiz) is a case in point. From the earliest documents in the language itself, the word shows an initial unvoiced stop, t-. But most assuredly, in the early centuries after Christ, when the Greek traders from Egypt and the Eastern Mediterranean used to visit South India, the word was pronounced, as Jules Bloch has suggested, with an initial voiced stop, d-; and Greek tran¬ scriptions, including those which are palpably corrupt forms, are based on a pronunciation with d-. What is found in Cen-tamiz as Tamizakam ‘the T amil land’ was certainly *Darmzakam, which gave an original Giedc, transcription *Damirifce which has been ccRTupted vari- oudy as DyrmriJce (3rd century A-D.), and as Ltftntnke: The Sinhalese neighbours of the ancient Tamils noted OLD TAMIL, ANCIENT TAMIL & PRIMITIVE DRAVIDIAN t61 • t down the name as Damila, as in the Pali Mahdvarnsa (5th century A.D.), and this form of the name, with initial d-, is still current in Sinhalese to mean the Tamils. 'Hie identity of the Sanskrit Dramida, Dramila, Dravida with this Damila-, *Damiza-, * Damira- and Tamiz or Tamil cannot be denied. In his article “ Intervocalic Plosives in Early Tamil ”^BSOS., Vol. IX, pp. 1003-1008), Alfred Mas¬ ter adduces certain reasons against the view that at some time or other in the history of Old Tamil there were no voiced plosives. His contention, that the doubling of an ini¬ tial unvoiced stop in sandhi with the preceding word sug¬ gests the accurrence of a voiced pronunciation of a single intervocal unvoiced plosive as a voiced sound as in later Tamil, may be met by observing that this doubling might indicate a semantic nuance such as we find in many other languages ; and Aryan words borrowed by Tamil like uruvu and pdvam may very well be MIA forms. Alfred Master's suggestion that Sanskrit Drami^ might be based on a high¬ ly problematic Telugu modification of a likely Tamil form *Tamizada, as made by him in BSOS XII, 1947-48, “ Indo- Aryan and Dravidian: IH", pp. .340-3W, §57, cannot be accepted. The line of development for fids name would be like this: *Dramiza- > Sanskrit Dramida, Dramila, and later Prakritised form Dravida before 500 B.C.; *Dramiza- > ‘Ancient Tamil’ *Damiz(a), whence Greek *Damir-, Pali (Ceylon) Damila; and, by the characteristic Cen-tamiz devoicing, TamiX, by 600 A.D. We have also to note that the name of the mountain now called Podigai in Modern Tamil = Potikai, Potiyam in Old Tamil, was written by the Greeks as BetUgo —^they evidently heard b- initially. The Greek transcription Mo'doura = Maturai in Old Tamil, Madurai or Ma^urei in present-day Tamil, is in all likelihood based on the form Madhura, a variant of the commoner form Mathura. 14. The form with initial dr- may have a very high antiquity if certain suggestions made by me in 1924 have any plausibility, after the preliminary Mohen^jo-Daro 8 1*^2 TAMIL CULTURE excavations were ii^de by Rakhal Das Banerjee, who first discovered the* site, and opened up ioT the firaf time what was later described by Sir John Msu^aU a6 the Troy and Idycenae for ancient Indian civilfeatidh ( Dravidian Origins and the Beginnings of Indian Civilisation , in the Modem Review, Calcutta, for December 1924). On the assumption that the Primitive Dravidian-speakers as the founders of the Mohen-jo-Daro civilisation were an East Mediterranean people, it was intriguing to find that the ancient Cretans (who are now locked upon as being related to the Dravidians of India) were known, as Herodotos has noted, as TerfnUai; and the'Lycians, who on the same testimony came to Asia* Minot from Crete, called them- selves in their inscriptions in Lycia Trmmili. Termilcd- Trmmili of the middle of the 1st millennium B'.C. as an ethnic name can very well be compared, as Eastern Medi¬ terranean forms of the name, with *Drami:z(a)-Dramila- *Damiz(a)~Damila-Damir-and Tamiz of India. The diffi¬ culty here is the presence of the unvoiced dental stop t as the initial sound in Termilai-Trmmili; the unvoicing in Crete and Lycia might very well be an independent deve- k^ment in those areas. I further suggested a connexion between a Lycian prnnawate * excavated ’ with Kannada hare * write’, ori^ally ‘scratch, cut’, and between the names Trqqas, a deity in Lycian inscriptions, and Durgd of India, a common name for the Mother Goddess whose cult came with the Dravidiafis from the Mediterranean area. (Cf. Asia Minor Md = Indian Umd). It would thus appear that Cretan and Lycian preferred to unvoice dr- hr- to fr- pr-.^ I 15. On the above basis we may be allowed to assume quite reasonably that the phonetic development of Indo- Aryan and Dravidian was, to some extait at least, on parallel lines. There are other indications for that., sPfof; T. K. SrPtantaiya has ixifonued me that the X«TiTia<^q fotm with, b- ,canxii4 be e a rH e r than c. 600 AJ).; the fonn must have been ^vora, and tttfs ttfl t to l agr^ witb that'in the Taiu^ csognate vrayu. 6Lb Airci^NT tAMIL & PRlMITiVE DRAVIDIAN 163 Initially and medially, Priimtive Dravidiaii appears to have started with conjunct consonants, particularly con- juncts with r and I as their second elements, and these were assimilated. In some cases, there was anaptyxis (svara- bhakti or viprakar$a), with an intrusive vowel preserving both the consonants and preventing assimilation, such as we find mainly in semi-tatsama (modified Sanskrit) bor¬ rowings in Middle Indo-Aryan (Pali and the Prakrits) in its development out of Old Indo-Aryan (Vedic, Sanskrit) : e.g. OIA ratna, har^a, 'padma > MIA inherited words ratta, hassa or harfisa, pomma by assimilation, and MIA borrowed semi-tatsamas in the literary language ratana, harisa, paduma, by anaptyxis. 16. A lew other likely Sanskrit loan-wOrds ifoYft Dravidian may be’taken as indicative of the presence of initial voiced stops, in the Dravidian speech of pre-Christian times, and probably also of the centuries immediately after Christ, as they obtained in the Dravidian languages of the South as well. Thus, we have the word Garuda, the eagle vehicle of Vispu. There is the Vedic word garutman which has been used as an epithet of Suparim, the divine eagle, and garutTtian has been explained.in later times as ‘ posses¬ sed of wings (garut) It is not known whether garutman and Garuda are related words or not, or whether they are words from different sources which have converged, but Garu-da recalls definitely Tamil kazu-ku, Malayalam kas^Uy Tulu karu = ‘ vulture, eagle, kite': the source might very well be a South Dravidian (including Ancient Tamil) *gazu. The Sanskrit garda~hha ‘ ass ’ is a word of unknown etymology; its second element is the common Old Indo- Aryan affix -bha which is found in names of animals (sala-bha, kara-bha, vx§a-bha etc.), and garda is the basic word, which suggests Telugu gddidc, Tamil ka:sutai, Mala¬ yalam k(L?uta, Kannada kazte, Tulu katte, all of which appear to go back to an earlier *gazud^ OT*gazda~. Words like ganda, in four different senses (as in T. Burrow’s list mentioned above, from as many different Dravidian sources), gadd, gfartti — ‘ seat of chariot , gcdlaj gctlvd, galvurJca (from *goX- > Tamil kal stone ), gulTtui, ja^, dala (in two senses, ‘ leaf, shoot ’ and ‘ detachment of troops’), dukula, dusya (‘cloth, calico’), and aspirated, forms like ghata ghutdj ghv/tui, ghukci, dhoti loin-cloth ), hharata (‘actor’), bhUla, hhrnga, etc. as discussed by Kittel and Burrow, for instance, do make a case for the occurrence of initial voiced stops and aspirates, at least in pre-Cen-tamiz Tamil and other Dravidian. 17. Devoicing of consonants is a very widespread phenomenon in the phonological history of languages, and even with a full alphabet it is found to have developed in many languages. Tendency towards turning sonants into surds is found in some kinds of German (e.g. Bavarian) ; it was a primitive trait in the development of the Germanic and Armenic branches of Indo-European. The tendency is noticeable in Modem Persian. It has developed in Modem Javanese, and it is found in Finnish and Esthonian, two sister languages of the Finno-Ugrian family. It characterises many of the modern Sino-Tibetan languages, like Chinese and Tibetan. No wonder that it could affect one of the Dravidian.speeches of India. . 18. The position for Tamil would appear to have been like this. The unvoiced and voiced stops were quite different phonemes in Primitive Dravidian and in ‘ Ancient Tamil ’ of the pre-Sangam or gre-Tol-kdppiyam period, and either sort could begin words. This situation, along with other phonetic characteristics (e.g. the retention of S-) , marked ‘ Ancient Tamil ’ of the centuries immediately before and after Christ. Then, probably round about the middle of the first millennium A.D., a series of noteworthy phonetic changes manifested themselves in the Southern Dravidian languages, particularly Tamil. Both initial and interior s- -s- were dropped in both native Dravidian and borrowed Aryan words; and after this change was fully achieved, in further borrowings from Sanskrit and Prakrit, bib TAMIL, ancient TAMIL & PRIMillVE DRAVIDIAN ICS the sibilant sounds whether initially or medially were alter¬ ed to c, y, t aiid t. Then the great change came over to Tamil —the wholesale unvoicing of voiced consonants. This change probably started first as a tendency in the early centuries of the Christian era, or even earlier still, but it must have become fully established in Tamil by 600 A.D., for in the early 7th century we find from epigraphic records a state of things which is clearly indicated in the actual Tamil orthography. 19. This great fact is frequently lost sight of : in the oldest Tamil as in the Pallava inscriptions and as in the earliest Tamil of literature, the modern Tamil habit of pronunciation did not obtain. There were no voiced stops at all in the language: otherwise there would have been no need to frame a special alphabet and orthography for Tamil. Intervocal unvoiced stops were pronounced as unvoiced ; they pronounced as they wrote— akara mutala ezutf elldm; dti pakavan' mutar^'/e ulaku; and to read a verse like the above as— agara mudala-v-ezutf elldm; ddi pagavan' mudattr'e-y-ulagu; or as— ayara (ahara) muMa-v-ezuttf elldm; dSi hfhjayavan' {hahavan') muS affe-y-ulayu (-y-ulahu), (it is to be noted that the final -u in Modern Tamil is pro¬ nounced as an unrounded vowel, with spread lips) will be to impose modern habits of pronunciation on the form of the language as it was 1500 years ago. It would be like - reading Chaucer’s or Caedmon’s Middle or Old English verses in a Modern English pronunciation. The compilers of the Madras University Tamil Lexicon acted wisely in employing a Romanisation which was •strictly a transliteration with full reference to the phonetic system or bases of Tamil as it was pronounced when its TAMiL CULTWllii l66 current orthography was fixedfortunately it has iwt been a compromise transcription between the modern pronunciation and the old as indicated by the orthography. 20. This Cen-tamiz pronunciation, with no voiced stops at all, as envisaged by the spelling of Tamil, certainly obtained in the 7th century A.D., as we find in the treat¬ ment of Sanskrit words and names in the Tamil inscrip¬ tions. As Jules Bloch has sought to indicate, when in the 7th century, Kumarila Bhatta (in the Tantra-vdrttika, Chap. Ill) wrote down in the contemporary Grantha or Pallava script his Sanskrit work, he indicated the pronun¬ ciation of the few Tamil words he had quoted just as he heard it: he wrote cor, atar, pap (or pdmp) and vayir (= respectively ‘rice, way, snake and belly’) : these are pre-Sangam forms of the Tamil words which are pro¬ nounced in Modern Tamil as s'oru or corn, adar or aSar, pdmbu and vayiru. An intervocal -t- and a final -p were just -t- and -p to Kumarila in the 7th century: and the final -u vowel was also wanting in the 7th century pro¬ nunciation. The word pap (*pdmp ?) became pdmpu, and finally pdmbu as in Modern Tamil. 21. This unvoiced stop pronunciation was something which characterised the Tamil language for over seven centuries— from c. 500 or 600 A.D. to probably 1300 or 1350 A.D.—^the period which is covered by what we may call Cen-tamiz or Old Tamil. Jules Bloch, dating Pava- nanti’s grammar of Tamil the Nan'n'ul at about 1200 A.D., following L. D. Barnett, thinks that as Pavananti prescribes the use of k cttp in Tamil for all the four stops and aspirates in each varga, the unvoiced pronunciation still obtained in his day, and the lower limit for the retention of this kind of articulation he suggests accordingly at 1200 A.D. But there is at least some evidence that this Old Cen-tamiz pronunciation obtained up to 1300 A.D. at least and probably for half a century more after that. In the same period, a very noteworthy sound change began“ to affect the language—the single intervocal (unvoiced) OLD TAMIL, ANCIENT TAMIL & PRIMITIVE DRAVIDIAN 167 stops became voiced; also stops after their class nasals. This change ushered in the Middle Tamil Period, with other phonetic and morphological modifications. We find that the great Venetian traveller and sojourner in China Marco Polo (1253-1323) came to South India, on his way back to the Near East from China by sea about the year 1293. His exact itenerary in South India is not known, but he has left an account of Maabar (Book III, Chapter 17), by which the Tamil country was meant, which shows a mixture of true observation and of hearsay and romance. .With regard to the people of the country, Tamilians of the end of the 13th century, among other observations he says that “ their daily prayer consists of these words, pacauta, pacauta, pacauta, which they repeat one himdred and four times.” This of course means the repetition of a sacred name, the japcL, which is done with the help of a rosary of beads (of tulasi wood for Vaishna- vas, and rudrdk^a beads for Saivas) one hundred and eight (rather than one hundred and four) in number. The word pacauta has been rightly explained by Col. Sir Henry Yule (The Book of Ser Marco Polo, London 1903, Vol. II, pp. 338, 346) as the Sanskrit bhagavata- or bhagavanta- in its Tamil form pakavata. This is how the observant Marco Polo heard the word—the pronunciation was Romanised with the voiceless stops as written in Tamil characters, with p, c=k, t, and not with bh or b, p and d in the Roman as the modem pronunciation would require it. This evi¬ dence from a foreigner is quite precious : we may be pernutted to assume that at least up to the end of the 13th century the voiceless pronunciation of all stop sounds characterised Tamil. After this period, intervocal unvoiced stops and similar stops after nasals became voiced. This continued throughout the whole of what may be called the Middle Tamil period, from 1300 or 1350 to 1800 A.D.; and after this we have finally the Koiun-damiz of the New or Modem Tamil period, with the form of the language which has deviated widely from the Classical or Old Tamil with further modifications in pronunciation. 168 TAMIL CULTURE 22. Thus, in the * Ancient Tamil ’ period, to c. 500/600 A.D., we have not only initial and intervocal s (which dropped from speech entirely by at least 400 A.D.), but also initial voiced stops b- d- g- j- and intervocal unvoiced stops -p- -t- -t- -k- -C-. Voiced and unvoiced consonants were distinct phonemes. When the Cen-tamiz stage in the history of Tamil started after 500 A.D., all voiced stops, initial or medial, became unvoiced and fell together with original unvoiced ones, so that the language came to have only, in all places, unvoiced stops. It was at this stage that the current orthography as indicative of the sound- system of Cen-tamiz was framed by Tamil scholars of the day. The sibilants in newly introduced Sanskrit and Prakrit words became c, y, t, t. This state continued to c. 1350 A.D. with increasing influence of Sanskrit. After this, intervocal unvoiced stops became in all cases voiced, and initial ones remained unvoiced : -k- -f- -t- -p- became -g- -d- -d- -b-, and -c- normally tended to change to s' in a new pronunciation, but after fi, it became j. Probably as yet there was no spirantization of this stop -gf- -d- -b-, no reduction to a flapped sound of -d- (that is, to the sound of Hindi r). The spirant pronuncia¬ tion (g>y OT hy d>S, b>fi or v) possibly began to charac¬ terise the language after 1800. A number of words, mostly Sanskrit, tabulated below will illustrate the position. It would appear that in between the Ancient Tamil and the Old Tamil periods, as in contemporary Middle Indo-Aryan (Prakrits of the early centuries after Christ), spirantisation affected intervocal voiced stops in Tamil in unstressed prefix and suffix elements—prefixes of course in Aryan loans. That is how ^Satiya^magavan' could become Atiya-vmn' in Old Tamil (-magavan' > maVavan > *m(uivan > marCy with likely influence from Sanskrit mahdn > man, as suggested before in § 9), and Sanskrit vndha wuld become ma-. OLD TAMIL, ANCIENT TAMIL & PRIMITIVE DRAVIDIAN 169 It is to be noted that in the New or Modem Tamil prommciation there is a marked tendency to pronounce initial p- t- k~ as an aspirated sound, t*'-, usually riot so fully aspirated as in the Aryan kh, th, ph, but the aspiration is still there ; and intervocal double or long -pp-. -tt- ~kk —cc- tend to become single or short, just -p-, -t-, -t-, -k- and -c-. It is not imlikely that in the ‘ ancient ’ stage of the Dravidian languages, initial imvoiced stops might have been slightly aspirated: witness the Aryanised form of the name of the Kahnga king Kharavela (2nd cen. B.C.)’, from Dravidian (‘ Ancient Andhra ’) kdr (= khdr) ‘ black' + vel ‘ lance ’—‘ He of the black or terrible lance ’, = Skt. Krsrmr^ti (cf. my article in " Vydsa-sahgrdhamu : A Mis¬ cellany of Papers presented to Gic^ugu Venkata Ramamurti Pantulu,” Guntur 1933 : ‘Kharavela', pp. 71^4). Ancient Tamil before 500 A.D. . Old Tamil 600-1350 A.D. Middle Tamil 1360-1800 A.D. New Tamil 1800— *Satiya- -magavan' Atiya-man' Adiya-man' ASiyaman' [Ganapati] Kanapati Kanabadi K*‘ana^a5i •Damizakam Tamizakam Tamizagam Cldai, 8'idai T’‘amizaham [Sits, Sitaij Citai S'iSei [Damayanti] Tamayanti Tamayandi T*^mayandl [Siddha-] Oilappatikaram S'ileppadigaram S'ilappaSiyaram Cittar S'ittar S'ittar Kalittokai Kalittogai E^alittobei Kampar Eambar K*^mbar .. [Trikatukam] Tirikatnkam Tirigadugam T*‘iriyaduham • PatirVnppattii Netum-celiyan' llam-Ko-v-atikal Padittr'uppattu P*‘a5ittr’uppattu [Bhndatta*] [Maha- Nedunjeliyan' IlangOvadigal Nedunjeliyan IlagOvadihal Futattar Padattar P**a5attar bharatam] MakapSratam, Ma- Magabaradam Ma- Maha>/SaraSani • [?Nal-girSr, -Nar'kklrar, Nakkirar Nakkirar: Nar'girar] Nakkirar 9 170 TAMIIi CULTURE 23. A close discussion of the phonetic and morpho¬ logical character of Cen-tamiz by comparing it widi ‘ Ancient Tamil ’ of the period round about Christ discloses the fact that despite the general ascription of the Tol- kappiya/m and the Sangam literature as a mass to about ^ 1800 to 2000 years from now, from the linguistic point of view the texts as we have them are not so ancient The exaggerated antiquity proposed for the First and the Second Sangams, of course, cannot be taken seriously, and the Third Sangam was certainly historical, and to this Sangam we must ascribe the first serious beginnings of Cen-tamiz literature. The period might be the few cen¬ turies both before and after the Christian era, and ‘ Ancient Tamil* was first essayed to be elevated into a written language with Brahmi letters during this period. With the Brahmi alphabet came a great wave of cultural influ¬ ence from the North, and Tamil received its first stratum of Aryan words, which through phonetic development of a far-reaching character which characterised the language in this age, ultimately worked a sad havoc with Sanskrit and other words, transforming e.g. sahhd to avai, sravana- to avaniy purvdsadhd- to purd^am, sdhasram to dyiram, sneha to ney, etc. The poets and kings and other personali¬ ties connected with Sangam works like the Pattuppd^u, the Ettuttokai, the PatUnen-kiz- kanakku, the Manvme- kalai, the Cilappatikdram, may really belong to the first few centuries A.D., but the works as they are current cannot g back in their language to this high antiquity. The literary content and form-of these works are certainly ancient—^but the, language is four to five hundred years younger than the time when they are supposed to have been composed. In other words, it can be very reasonably assumed, that the originals of these Sangam works were composed in ' Ancient Tamil * of the first three centuries after Christ, but they have had their language altered, and they are foui^d in Cen-tamiz redactions which must date from about 600 A,D, and later. OLD TAL4iL, A^cmm TAMIL & PRIMITIVE DRAVIDIAN Itl 24. A significant legend or tradition in this connexion may be mentioned. It is said that the very famous Sangam poet NarTdjjir^, whose date has been suggested as the 2nd century A.D., made a commentary on the Akapporul, known also as the Kdlaviyal, “a grammar of love poetry in 60 sutras” composed by Iraiyan'ar, a ccmtemporary of Narlddrar. The tradition is that Nar'klarlur’s “commen¬ tary was handed down orally for ten generations, when it was put into writing.” (Studies in Tamil Literature and History by V. R. Ramachandra Dikshitar, London, Luzac & Co., Printed in Madras, 1930, p. 5). Thus there is tradi¬ tion, accepted as genuine by most scholars—Old Tamil writers and modem historians—that a book could be com¬ posed in the middle of the 2nd century A.D., transmitted ■ orally for 10 generations involving at least 250 years (computing a generation, as is commonly done, at 25 years), and written down, obviously in the altered language of two and a half centuries later.. Thus according to this tradition, the final redaction of at least one of the Sangam works would easily come to c. 400 A.D.; and it could be brought down to a later period still, if 30 years or more are given to a single generation. Thus we may say that Narlddrar, as t 5 rpical of Sangam poets, wrote in ‘ Ancient Tamil of the 2nd century A.D., but his book has been preserved in Cen-tamiz of the 5th century at the earliest and probably of the 6th or 7th century. 25. Another point to be noted is that a grammatical description of language or a formulation of the subject matter of its literature (such as we find in the Tol-kappi- yam) can only be later than or contemporaneous with that literature as it is flourishing in the language, and this grammatical description and formulation cannot antedate the mass of literature which forms their basis. Hence it cannot be accepted that the Tol-kdppiyam belongs to the 4th or even the 3rd century B.C., as V. R. Ramachandra •Dikshitar has suggested (op. cit, p. 13). ; TAMIL CtiLTtJRE’ 26. Such a state of things is nothing new or remarkable in the history of Uteratoe—viz., of Uterary composition in one form, and an earlier one, and preserva¬ tion and ttansTiiission in another and a lat^ form of the language. The Vedas were probably compiled in the 10th century B.C., when writing—a kind of Proto-Brahmi script derived from the latest phase of the pre-Aryan Panjab and Sindh scripi^was in all likelihood first employed for the Aryan language in India j but some at least of the Vedic hymns were composed several centuries earlier and were continued from generation to generation by oral tradition, and these were unquestionably first composed in an older form of the speech than what we find in the compiled text, which is our received text. The composi¬ tions of a medieval poet are frequently found in a modern' form of the language when there was no contemporary writing down of these. In Celtic Ireland, the Old Irish tales about the Irish heroes like King Conchobar and Queen Medb, Cuchulain and Emer, Noisi and Defdriu, Finn Mac Cumhal and Oisin, which in many cases were composed in the early centuries of the Christian era, are found in a much later form of the language in MSS. like the Leahkar na h-Uidhre dating from about 1100 A.D. An Irish hero of the 1st century A.D. knew himself as *Kunokohros, but this name was changed by the 9th century to Concohar; and similarly *Vindi of the same period became, 800 years after. Find or Finn. So too with the general body of the language. Yet the literary remains in 12th century MSS. hark back to the 1st century A.D. New Persian Of c. 1000 A.D. as in Firdausi’s Shdh-ndmah preserves a good deal of early material paraphrased, from Pahlavi of c. 500 A.D., and in some cases still earlier, and nobody, until linguistic investigation of Iranian on historical lines came to the field, knew that Rxistam in 1000 A.D. was *Rotstam in 400 A.D. and *Raudastama in 600 B.C., or that Sohrdb was similarly Suxrdsp in Pahlavi and Suxrdspa in Old Iraman. The period of time intervening has to be con¬ sidered : the * Ancient Tamil ’ equivalents, or rather, OLb TAMIL, ANfcifeNT TAMIL i PRlMmVE DRAVIDIAN ,173 originals or sources, of the later redactions of Sangam Literature, of the works of Nar^klrdr (or *Nal-girdr) and Rudran' Kaniuin'dr, of KapUar and Cltalaic Cdttan'dr, and of others, were possibly not very much removed from the Cen-tamiz of a later epoch. The morphology was perhaps very similar, only the phonetic atmosphere was different. 27. This will thus be quite in the fitness of things, to consider the progress of Tamil to have been along this line : Primitive Dravidian, c. 1500 B.C. > South Dravidian, c. 600 B.C. > Ancient Tamil, c:_ 300 B.C.--400 A.D. > Period of Transition, 400-600 A.Dr> Old Tamil or Cen- tamiz, c. 600 A.D. to 1350 A.D. (writings in ‘ Ancient Tamil the original Sangam literature, were gradxially changed to the Cen-tamiz of literature that we now have) > Middle Tamil, c. 1350-1800 A.D. > New or Modern Tamil, after 1800. 28. The literature in Cen-tamiz, moreover, represents two stages or strata— one, earlier, the Sangam literature based on that originally composed in ‘ Ancient Tamil ’ times; and two, the new religious literature of Sivaism and Visnuism—of hJiaJzti, coming into the field after about 600 A.D., which was the great contribution of Tamizakam to the spiritual heritage of India, the works of the Siddhas or Cittdr and the Bhaktas or Azvdrs, which were compiled in the Teudram and the Ndl-dyirap^pircLpa/fitanfi respectively by Nampi-antar-nampi and Sri Nathamuni in the 11th century. Of course, both these types of literature have their unique originality; but the world of Sangam litera¬ ture is something unique for Tamil, and the cultural atmosphere of this world marks it off as something which, for its special value of originality in depicting both man and nature, has to be ranked with the great national literatures of antiquity and medieval age in the different languages of the world, like Old Arabic of the pre-Islamic period, Old Irish, Old Norse, Early Finnish, Old TurM, and the rest. 1*74 ^AMlt ■ ADDITIONAL NOTE Through the courtesy of Prof. T. N. Srikantaiya and Prof. V. I. Subramaniam, I have been enabled to obtain the text of the oldest Tamil inscription hitherto discovered —the Tirunatharkundra Inscription in proto-Tamil charac¬ ters of c. 400 A.D. from South Arcot district, near Jinji (Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol. I, 1910-1913, p. 231). The inscription runs as follows: aimpattez-an'a/ can'anndfr'a/Cantirananti d/cirikar nicitikai. ‘ 'Die nisidikd of Candranandin Acarya who (died) observing 57 days’ fasting’. This inscription demonstrates that already by the end of the 4th century A.D. the Cen-tam4 character of the language, in having only unvoiced stops and no sibilants, was established. The commencement of the Cen-Tam4 stage may thus go back to c. 350 A.D., rather than to 500 A.D., as suggested above. , Prof. Srikantaiya tells me that in the oldest Kannada inscription that we have, the Halmidi‘Inscription of c. 450 A.D., and thus only younger by about half a century than the oldest Tamil inscription, the Purvada-Pala/Paza- Gannada (or pre-Old Kannada) speech of it shows a good number of words with—^intervocal voiced plosives which are original, and v/hich in Old Tamil occur invariably as unvoiced. Similarly in the oldest Telugu inscriptions also. Prof. Srikantaiya thinks that the common South Dravidian word for ‘ road ’ was *adar, which became, from an extended form *adari, by regular sound-change, ddri in Telugu (which was taken over by Kannada from Telugu), and Old Tamil shows the change of -d-, the original sound, as -f- in Otar, Winter School of Linguistics, Deccan College, Poona, 24tb December, 1954. The Brahmi Inscriptions of South India and the Sangam Age K. K. PILLAI. The Brahmi inscriptions which were discovered in the Madurai and Tirunelveli districts early in the century' have continued to baffle students of Indian history. Mean¬ while, in 1945, the excavations at Arikamedu have revealed, amidst other interesting material, twenty pot-shreds bearing graffiti which present short inscriptions. In res¬ pect of script and language the graffiti show a marked resemblance to the fifty epigraphs of the Madurai and Tirunelveli districts mentioned above.^ Several attempts have been made to determine the script and language as well as the contents and significance of these inscriptions. It is indisputable that the characters employed in all these epigraphs are Brahmi, paleographically assigned to about the 3rd century B.C. The script resembles in a large measure those of the Bhattiprolu casket inscriptions, the celebrated Asokan epigraphs and the early inscriptions of Ceylon. Nevertheless, there appear certain notable differ¬ ences, too. For instance, the symbol taken to represent ^a is peculiar to the South Indian Brahmi inscriptions. The symbol for la, which occurs several times here, is totally absent in the Northern Brahmi epigraphs. The formation of ‘ ma ’ in the southern records, as a loop with a cross bar, is markedly different from that found in the Asokan and Bhattiprolu inscriptions. The differences have led certain archaeologists to suggest that the script of the Arikamedu D Epigraphy lor 1912. Plate lacing P- 57, Idem lor^l915—PI. lacing p. 86 and idem ler 1918, PI. lacing p, 7, 3 Ancient India, No. 2. p. 109, 176 TAMIL CULTURE graffiti as well as that of the inscriptions lower down in the south belonged to the Dravidi pattern, as distinct from the North Indian Brahim of the Asokan type.^ It has also been suggested that the Dravidi form of Brahmi is the immediate ancestor of Vatteluttu, which preceded the modem Tamil script. This view, propounded by Dr. Buhler, was opposed by Dr. Haraprasada Sastri who thought that Vatteluttu developed from Kharoshti.^ But it must be observed that Kharoshti, unlike Brahmi, has almost similar sjnnbols for several letters, has fewer loops and is written from right to left. Vatteluttu has decidedly more features in common with Brahmi than with Kharoshti and this seems to confirm the view that it was an adaptation of Brahmi.® Vatteluttu was common in South India till about 1000 A.D. after which, too, for several centuries, it was continued in the Malayalam country. On the question of the language of the South Indian Brahmi inscriptions the views of experts vary. Mr. H. Krishna Sastri struggled hard at the identification of the language of these records, and while indicating the nume¬ rous derivations from Tamil on the one hand and the several words which were entirely unidentifiable on the 3 Dr. Buhler postulated the view that sometime prior to the 5th cemu^ B.C. the Dravi(^i script branched itself off from the main stock VI ^ which was Semitic in origin, and developed certain peculiarities. Paleography, Append^ 8), But Edward Thomas, Cun- Brahmi script itself was of Dravi^ian ^ ^ offshoot of the original. ‘ierived from a lost detected the influence of the Mohenjo- bv the findinfr?^f ^ahmi, and this view has been strengthened of ^G. R. Hunter: “ The Script pp^ M and connection with other Scripts”, V^ev cUimJp Dravidians were connected with the Indus c?B?lhSl^ nlamihff ? ®3se, the Dravidian origin See also ‘Ancient India' No. 9 (1953) p. 215. Bihar Orissa Research Society Journal, Vol. I. p. 58. Soutf^lSdian ^ Dr^BuLellf *• are uncertain that the Tamiie j imagines on grounds, which script. T A G Vatteluttu from the Phoenician See TAS Voi. L ^284 affinity of Vatteluttu to Brahmi. THE BRAHMt INSCRIPTIONS OF SOUTH INDIA 177 other, suggested the view that the language was Early Tamil with an admixture of Prakfit words.® Less circum¬ spect was Mr. K. V. Subrahmania Aiyar who categorically pronounced the language of the inscriptions as Old Tamil. Frequently he was obliged to resort to wild conjectures for the' purpose of reading Tamil words into the available material.’ The variations in their respective readings too, are striking. For example, what is accepted as ‘je’ in the Anamalai inscription by Mr. Sastri is taken as ‘ku* by Mr. Aiyar.. What Mr. Sastri reads as ‘ jam * in the Tirup- paramkunram epigraph is read by Mr. Aiyar as ‘la’ and so on. Certain words, too, have been translated differently by these two writers. Some translations are palpably wrong, _ while certain others do not convey any sense whatever.®. Dr. C. Narayanarao, rejecting for the most part the readings of the two above-mentioned epigraphists, provides his own, and concludes that the language of the records is the Paisaci form of Prakrit.® Arguing that all the con¬ temporary Brahmi inscriptions are in Prakrit, he attempts to furnish a Prakrit derivation to the entire body of epigraphs. For instance, the words ‘ Kotupitavan ’, ‘ kotu- piton * ‘ kutupita ’, ‘ kotupitan ’ and ‘ kutupitavan ’ occur¬ ring in the Kongarpulitangulam, Arittapatti, Murugaltalai, Un^ankal and Alagarmalai inscriptions respectively are all construed by him to have emanated • from the Pali root Kotleti ’, while the other writers derive it from the Tamil word ‘Kotu’ or ‘kutu’, meaning ‘to cut*. A Tamil inscription of Narasimhavarman Pallavamalla has employed, the term in this sense,^® and it seems that the ^oceedings of the First All India Oriental Conference, pp. 327-48. Proceedings of the piird All India Oriental Conference, pp. 275-300. For e.g. ‘ Potatan ’ in the KongarpuUtangizlam Inscriptions Is taken to mean one belonging to*. Again *Kaviy in the Muttuppatti inscrip- tion is conjectured to be either a proper name or a cave. 9 The New Indian Antiquary, Vol. I, pp. 362-76. ^OEpigraphia Indica, VoL IV. p. 137. 10 TAMIL CULTURE 178 • Tamil origin is correct. Nor is Dr. Rao’s attempt to tratie * Nadu * to a Sanskrit origin from the root ‘ Nat *, meaning to ‘wander* convincing. Again, such words as ‘U^aiyu*, probably akin to ‘u^yan*, ‘eri* meaning a tank, ‘tan- taiy * meaning father, * Makan *, meaning son, ‘ura mean¬ ing village, are apparently Tamil words. While Mr. Sub- rahmania Aiyar’s ventoe to connect ‘Ve^* with VeijaiJ is far-fetched, we may well accept that the word ‘ Veij ’ occurring, in some of the inscriptions and derived from ‘Vel’, signified a local chief.On the whole Dr. Rao*s position is as untenable as that taken by Mr. Aiyar. Assuredly, Dr. Rao’s approval of the view that the prevail¬ ing language in the Paiidya country of the 3rd and 2nd centuries B.C. was Paisaci is as startling as it is unsound.“ The legitimate inference seems to be that these votive inscriptions are in a hybrid language containing Tamil as well as Prakrit words. If certain words mentioned earlier are Tamil, others like ‘ pali *, upacha *, ‘ cheiya ’ and ‘lena ’ are Prakrit. The explanation for this strange future is not far to seek. Buddhist devotees, soaked in Pralq^t, the classical language of Buddhism, attempted to have (Pra¬ krit) epigraphs inscribed in a manner that could be under¬ stood by the people of the region. That accounts for the strange jumble of words belonging to two different languages. The verbal forms, wherever they can be made out, seem to be in archaic Tamil, but it must be remembered that, for the most part, the inscriptions are content with recording the names of those who had the caverns exca¬ vated. It is of supreme importance, therefore, to remember that these epigraphs are not of great value to the study of UThe UQ^bmkal inscriptions clearly suggest thic MAn aUempt to trace the roots of certain Dravidian words to Pais'aci « Anmta Bao seems to be more in g«>nlfttif than convincing. Dravidimi A^iities of the Paisaca Languages of North-Western ™ Silver Jubflee Volume m. Orientalia, A ^ ^ Sarfri’s suggestion that the language Arikame^ ina^yUon is 'Monumental Prakrit’ similar to the in 'Monuments of Sanchi’, VoL I, p. 280, does not words.- Sec Madras University Journal, the BRAHMl iNSCUlFfioNS OF SOUTH INBIA linguistic development. The ArikamScJu graffiti have a more pronoimced leaning towards Tamil, though they too are not Tamil inscriptions, pure and simple; there are several Prakrit words there too. It is an indubitable fact that the South Indian Brffiiml epigraphs are all associated with the Buddhists. The mountain caverns called Panchapanglavarmalai which present the Brahmi inscriptions are located in almost inaccessible heights of moimtain slopes while others are foimd in out-of-the-way places and still others in the interior of woods. Panchapan(^varmalai probably acquired its name from Paii^avapabbata, associated with the Bud¬ dha’s name. Again Kalugumalai, where some of these caverns are foxmd, is the Tamil equivalent for Gridharkuta, or the " Vulture Peak ’, intimately connected with the Buddha’s career. Circumstantial evidences all show that they were the abodes of Buddhist monks ; in particular, the caverns which provide beds with raised elevations for resting the head, resemble the numerous Buddhist monu¬ ments of Ceylon, containing similar inscriptions.^^ Little wonder, therefore, that the inscriptions are dominated by the Prakrit element, though the authors of these records seem to have struggled hard at making themselves under¬ stood by the people of the locality.^* In these circum- [rtances it is extremely problematic to hold that the languages of these inscriptions are truly representative of the standard of the Tamil language. iSArikame^u itself appears to have been a Buddhist centre. Not far removed from the Roman warehouse at Arikamedu lies the Kakkayan tope, where a stone image of the Buddha has been discovered. nThat the Buddhists tried to have their inscriptions engraved in a manner suited to the locality noay be seen from the following examples: (a) an epigraph at Maunggun in Burma, comprising quotations, from FaU Buddhist scriptures written in characters which resemble the class of South Indian alphabets (Epigraphia Indica, VoL V, pp. 101-2) ; (b) another on a stupa at Khin-bba-gon in Burma in Pyu and Pali engraved in the early Telugu-Canarese script of South India (Archaeological Sxirvey of India, Annual Report, 1926-7, pp. 171 ff) and (c) another at Kyimdawzu in old Prome containing the formula of Vinaya and Sutta Htaka engraved in the same early South Indian script (Idem, 1928-9, p. 109). ApparenUy this script was in vogue there among the South Indian colonists.- TAMIL CULTUBS5 Obviously the inferences attempted to be drawn by certain scholars regarding the history of the Tamil language on the basis of such doubtful hypothesis is venturesome, to say the least of it. For instance, depending exclusively on the questionable deductions derived from the above- mentioned Brahmi inscriptions, Dr. N. P. Chakravarti has rushed to the conclusion that the language of the S'ahgam literature cannot be dated earlier than 500 A.D., for, he contends that several centuries should have intervened before the * crude Tamil of the Brahmi. inscriptions ’ attained the pattern of S'ahgam classics.^ Such a deduction hardly fits in with the known chrono¬ logy of the literary development of Tamil. In the first place, it is now incontestably proved that the Tirujfiana- sambandar lived about the middle of the 7th century A.D. and that Tirunavukkarasar was contemporaneous with bim A considerable span of time must have doubtless intervened between the S'angam Tamil and Tevaram Tamil. The syntax and vocabulary of the language of these two epochs appear markedly different. The Tevaram hymns are nothing, if not simple, direct and popular invocations while the S'angam classics are conspicuously archaic and terse. Nor do the religious and social conditions revealed by the literature of these two epochs show similarity. The gods mentioned, as well as the rituals and ceremonies adopted, show a pronouncedly different set up. For example, Mayfi^ of the S'angam age became Krishna or Vishnu, and Seyo^ coaelesced with Subrahmania, while Vanina and Indra practically disappeared from the Pan- ^eon. The acrimonious rivalry between Hinduism, Jmnism and Buddhism which is a dominant feature of the Tevaram period has no parallel in the S'angam epoch. Meat and liquor, so popular in the S'angam age, are despised in the era of the hymns. held ^ Historical Congress THE BRAHMi Il^SCRI^ONS OF SOUTH INDIA 1^1 Assuredly none can think of assigning the S'ahgam literature posterior to the Tevaram hymns.^®, For one thing there is positive reference in Tevaram to the S'a:pgam.” Besides, Tirunavukkarasar speaks of Pari of old as the paragon of generosity who is none other than the celebrated P^i immortalised in the S'ahgam literature by Kapilar. The same hymnist refers in a song to Lord S'iva’s helping a destitute poet, Tarunii, to gain a purse of gold in the ‘ S'ahgam Moreover, those who are inclined to assign the S'ahgam works to a period later than the 2nd or 3rd century A.D. fail to explain the significant absence of reference to the Pallavas in those classics. Frequently the Muvendar are specified as the great monarchs of Tamilakam and several minor chiefs are mentioned as well; no plausible reason exists for the omission of the Pallavas if they flourished about that time within the traditional limits of Tamilakam. The poets and panar of the S'ahgam age, who were always in quest of royal patrons could be reasonably expected to have made direct or indirect reference to the Pallavas, if they reigned at Kahchi in the same epoch. On the other hand, the Perumpanarruppadai speaks of Tondaiman Ilantiraiyan who ruled at Kahchipuram in the pre-Pallava period. (The suggested contemporaniety of Trilochana Pallava of the Dekkan, Vijayaditya Chalukya and Karikala Chola is entirely based upon legends which have been incorporated in the late inscriptions of the 11th and 12th centuries A.D.) Nor could the S'ahgam poems on the royal patrons have appeared during the period of chaos caused by the Kalabhra invasions of the Tamil Nadu about the 5th century A.D. _ 16 Not even. Mr. S. Vaiyapuri Filial, who has ascribed the S'ilappadi- karam to the 8th or 9th century A.D. on grounds which are unconvincing, has assigned the other S'angam classics to the post-Tevaram period. WTiruttevur Tevaram, ii, 10. WTiruputtur Tii^ttan^agam, ii, line 2. Tirumangai Alvar, who lived in the 8th centxiry. il not earlier, has spoken of * Sangamukattamil ’ or the high standard of Tamil brought into vogue by Uie Sangam (Periya Tirumoli iU—4—10). ^AMIt ClJLTUkii Above all, the data provided by the early Greek geographers confirm in a remarkable measure the details found in the Tamil classics and thereby help the determina¬ tion of their date. There are several references to ‘ Yavanas ’ in the S'angam works, and doubtless, the term denoted Greeks in the first instance.^ Later, the Romans, Arabs, and all foreigners were called by the same name. The Greeks, and following them, the Romans had come to South India as traders, and there arose several commer¬ cial settlements of Yavanas in the country.^® A poem describes the prosperous port of Muchiri, whither the fine large sliips of the Yavanas came bearing gold, making the water white with foam, and returned laden with pepper, along with the rare products of the sea and mountains given by the Chera king.^^ Pepper became the ‘ Yavana- priya ’ or the spice dear to the Romans, and it is said that pepper formed more than half the cargo of many a west¬ bound Roman ship.“ Pepper, as well as ginger, is men¬ tioned in Graeco-Roman medicine even in the early half of the 1st century A.D. The Yavanas are known to have been employed by South Indian monarchs for rendering certain kinds of service for which they were eminently qualified. There is a reference to Yavana guards at the palace of the P^dyan king Aryappadaika(jlanda Nedumceliyan^^ while Roman soldiers are known to have been enlisted in the fighting forces of several P^^yan kings. The Padiri^ppattu men¬ tions a conflict between the Yavanas and the Chera king, Imayavai amban Ne^unieralatan^ as a result of which the Patanjali refers i»In 3Siorth India, too, they were known as Yavanas, to the Greeks as Yavanas in his Mahabhashyam. S'ilappadikaram, V. 6—10. 343. Compare these data with the accounts of Greek geographers. and todi?, Commerce between the Roman Empire 23 S'ilappadikaram, XIV. 62—7. »*Padtappattu: 2nd Decad. THE BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS OF SOUTH INDIA 183 Yavanas were vanquished and imprisoned, though the cause of the rupture remains a mystery. A song in MuUaip- pattu depicts the personal appearance of the Yavanas, their distinctive habits as well as their amazing skill in certain arts and crafts. It adds that their spoken language having been imintelligible to the Tamils, the Yavanas were obliged to employ gestures in order to make themselves understood.^ The astounding skill displayed by the Yavanas in making artistic lamps of brass is adverted to more than once.*® Purananuin speaks of the importation of delicious wine which was eagerly sought for by kings and courtiers.” - ^e significance of this literary evidence lies in that it tallies remarkably with the data furnished by the Greek writers of the early centuries of the Christian Era, thereby jnelding testimony to the chronology of the S'angam. Pliny describes India of the time of Augustus.*® The author of the Periplus, who wrote in the latter half of the first century A.D. describes the conditions of that period, while Ptolemy, the last of the great geographers, who lived about 150 A.D. speaks of India of the 2nd century A.D. Thus it is not extravagant to suppose that it was the Greek description of the commerce of the 1st two centuries A.D. which was reflected in the S'angam Classics. Moreover, the hoards of Roman coins unearthed in South India indicate the period when the Roman commerce reached its height.*® By far the largest number of the coins belongs to Augustus and Tiberius.*® The references in 25Mullaippittu, 59>66. 2«Perumpana^pa(Jai, 316-9; Neqlunalvadai, 101-3. 27 Purananuru, 56. 28Pliny Natural History, VI, 142-62. 29 See map showing the distribution of Roman coins, fig. 48, Ancient India, No. 2, p. 117. SOR. Sewell: 'Roman coins fotmd in India', JRAS., 1904, pp. 200 ff. H. G. Rawlinson; ‘ Intercourse between India and the Western World pp. 120-1. E. H. Warmington: ‘The Commerce between toe Roman •Empire and India', pp. 286-95. The author, in his critical review, agrees with Chwostow who explains the scarcity of Roman coins in Tamil Na^u 184 TAMIL CULTURE Roman sources to the two embassies received by Augustus from the Pandyan king^^ and to a temple of Augustus at Muziris^ tend to confirm the evidence of coins. In this context the chronological datum furnished by the Arikamedu inscriptions is illuminating. The excava¬ tions have revealed that Arikamedu was not only an ancient town and port, evidently identifiable with the ‘Pod-' e’ of Ptolemy, but also a centre of trade with the G^a« . Roman world. The unique value of the discoveries li ' wi that they enable us to date the culture of the region almost precisely. On the basis of internal and external evidence, Dr. Mortimer Wheeler concludes that the pottery and the Arretine ware and amphorae, imported from Itely, can be dated to 20—50 A.D. He states : “ From a Con¬ vergence of evidence it is here inferred that the sites were first occupied at the end of the 1st century B.C., or begin¬ ning of the 1st century A.D. with an inclination towards the later date.” “ Sometime in the 2nd century A.D. the warehouse in Arikamedu appears to have been deserted, and therefore, the glorious epoch of Arikamedu’s industrial and commercial activity ranged about the 1st two centu¬ ries of the Christian era. Thus the testimony provided by Arikamedu accords well with the evidence furnished by the Greek writers on the one hand, and by the S'angam classics on the other. Thereby it reinforces the case for ascribing the S'angam works to about the early centuries of the Christian era, postulated on the basis of the Gaja- bahu S'enguttuvan synchronism. Consequently the inference is inescapable that the Brahmi inscriptions of South India of c. 3rd century B.C. thJ ♦I"'® of Tiberius by the circumstance that, learning of pattern in South India the later emperors Au^tus and Tiberius, but adds that after the 2nd Se districts of Indf 31 Strabo: Geography XV, 4 and 73. 32 The Peutingerian Tables. 23 Ancient In4ia, op. clt p. 24. THE BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS OF SOUTH INDIA 185 to 1st century A.D. cannot be taken to represent the con¬ temporary language, and that it is clearly unhistoric to post-date the Classics on the basis of these strange records. The attempt of the reputed linguist to distinguish three stages in the evolution of Tamil, viz., the Primitive Dravidian, Ancient Tamil and Chentamil and to equate Ancient Tamil with the language of the early Brahm! inscriptions of South India seems a misdirected one.^^ His suggestion that the originals of the S'ahgam classics were composed in the Ancient Tamil of the early Christian era and that the language changed later into Chentamil in which they were written in the 7th century A.D. is at once interesting and ingenious. But until it is proved that the inscriptions truly represent the then prevalent Tamil lan^age, the line of approach adopted by the learned writer seems unwarranted. 3iuri/(jgL.6Bfl3u O/Sifitifisjsir&o when those thrice six consonants occur in speech, the consonant in contact undergoes (sound) modification if carefully observed. This cryptic verse does not say however what actual modifications occur; for this we have to rely, firstly on what might be considered the most natural modification which a consonant needs to undergo to harmonise with its neighbouring consonant and, secondly, on the actual modi- 8 Sir W. W. Hunter, Preface to A Comparative Dictionary of the Lan¬ guages of India and High Asia. 9 Dr. Gilbert Slater, Sir Austosh Mookerjee Silver Jubilee Volumes, Calcutta, 1925. Vol. HI, Part 2, p. 92. i^O tAMlL CULTtlftfi fications which can be observed in present day dialects, particularly as the phonetic structure of the Tamil lan¬ guage as described in Tholkappiyam remains practically, unchanged today. The consonant phonemes of Tamil are divided into three classes: Hard: « (k), ^ (c), u. (t;), ^ (th), u (p), p (t) Soft: isj (ng), © (nj), asr (n*.) « (nh), (m), «sr (n) Medium : lu (y), jr (r), eo (1), ay (v), y) (1-), or (1;) To use modern terminology, the hard consonants may be equated with plosives or stops, the soft -v^ith nasals and the medium with non-nasal and non-fricative continuants such as semi-vowels, liquids etc. The principal members of the hard consonants or stops are unvoiced and unaspirated, while those of the other two classes are voiced and unaspi¬ rated. Taking the hard consonants or stops with which alone we are concerned in this article, they may occur in one or other of the following combinations: (a) a hard consonant preceded by the same or another hard consonant . ^ (b) a hard consonant preceded by a soft consonant (c) a hard consonant preceded by a medium con¬ sonant. The phonetic pattern of Tamil does not permit a combina¬ tion where a hard consonarit may be followed by a soft or medium consonant. What are the sound modifications which one might expect to occur in the above cases which would on the one hand avoid hiatus and on the other ensure acoustic and euphonic harmony ? The articulatory features which distinguish these three classes of consonants are . (a) full obstruction in the mouth resulting in plosion transliteration described in the concluding pages of TdTTiil CultuTc has been adopted here. VOICED AND VOICELESS STOPS IN TAMIL 191 for Hard consonants; (b) nasal articulation resulting in voicing for Soft; and (c) partial obstruction facilitating a continuant sound for Medium. When a hard consonant follows any of these consonants, it achieves assimilation best through intensified plosion in the case of (a), voicing in the case of (b) and reduced plosion in the case of (c). In other words, the normally unaspirated and unvoiced stop becomes aspirated in (a), voiced in (b) and spirant or fricative in (c). For example, uihsi p a k fc a m is pronounced as p a k fch a m uiiisih p a ng fc a m is pronounced as pa ng g a m / uAaSu palfcalai is pronounced as palhalai Similar examples can be given for the other five stops, except that there are no Tamil words in which the hard consonants lL. p (t:, t) are preceded by a medium con¬ sonant, as these combinations are banned in Tamil. That the same rule would have applied, if these combinations were permissible, can however be inferred from the fact that, in the case of iL (t:), when Sanskrit words contain¬ ing the relative fricative sound are adapted into Tamil, the hard consonant is used in lieu of the fricative, which is not a separate phoneme in Tamil, e.g., visham, Sanskrit — poison — (vit: am) pushpam, Sanskrit — flower— (putrpam) The fricative modification of the phoneme p (t) is already in vogue in post-vocalic positions in present day dialects. As these three types of modifications are to be found in practically all Tamil dialects and as the relative aspi¬ rated, voiced and fricative forms have never been separate phonemes in Tamil at least since the time of Tholkappiyam, it is a safe inference to hold that each of the Tamil phoneme^ 192 TAMIL CULTURE of the plosive class had at all times an unaspirated, unvoiced sound as its principal member and the corres¬ ponding aspirated, voiced and frdca^ve sounds as its subsi¬ diary members. The existence of the latter members as separate phonemes in Sanskrit suggests that the phonetic pattern of the Tamil language, its phonemic features and its ortho¬ graphy had become fixed before the impact of Sanskritic influence and adds weight to Dr. Slater’s statement, quoted earlier, that the present day Tamil represents a much more ancient stage than that represented by Sanskrit, in the evolution of which South Indian Scholars doubtless played a significant part. Dr. Siddheswar Varma writes: ‘ The Sikshas of the Tait. School are by far the most important contribution to Indian phonetics. As their Mss. are available only in South India, they were pre- sum'ably composed in that part of the country.’ This is not to say that Sanskritic influence did in no way affect the phonetic behaviour of Tamil, when it spread in South India, during the post-Sangam period. The pre¬ dilection of Sanskrit speaking groups (perhaps this is also true of the English speaking people of later days) for voiced and, to a lesser extent, fricative sounds in certain contexts was perhaps responsible for an extension of the principle involved in post-consonantal sound modifications, as laid down in Tholkappiyam, to post-vocalic positions also, as seen in present day Tamil speech. In this post- votalic modification, people speaking a Sanskritised dialect appear to prefer the voiced allophone, while the fricative allophone is in vogue among the rest, although this demar¬ cation cannot be said to be clear cut. In either case no new allophone is introduced; it is only a change from one to another of the already existing allophones. n Dr. Siddheswar Varma, Critical Studies of Indian Grammarians, London, 1929, p. 37. in the Phonetic observations 193 VOICED AND VOICELESS STOPS IN TAMIL Dr. Daniel Jones says: ‘People often take speech sounds to be other than what they are. There are two chief circumstsinces In which sounds are thus misheard. The first is the com¬ mon case where a ‘person iails to estimate correctly the quality of a sound of a foreign language or of a dialect, and identifies it with a sound of his own mother tongue. The second case is where the various members of a phoneme are not recognised as being different from ea(^ other. It is possible too that a particular speech-sound may sometimes give the impression' of being- two different sounds in different phonetic contexts, in the same way as a given colour may appear to vary on account of the proximity of other colourg. Optical illusions in regard to colour doubtless have their counterpart in aural illu¬ sions as to qualities of sound.’(Italics mine). Edward Sapir says: Phonetic patterning helps also to explain why people find it difficult to pronounce certain foreign sounds which they possess in their own language. Thus, a Nootka Indian in pronouncing English words with ng or 1 inva¬ riably substitutes ^ for each of these soimds. Yet he is able to pronounce both ng and 1.^® (Italics mine). This phonetic patterning is perhaps responsible for the modification of many Tamil words by Sanskrit speakers. g ursih, parkam, share or division — bhaiga, Sanskrit purcai, worship with flower — pu:ja, Sanskrit The Sanskritised version was in turn imitated or adopted by Tamil speakers who now pronounce the above words in one or other of the following forms : ursdi, pa: gam or pa:?iam puriai or pu:sai UDr. Daniel Jones, Ibid, p. 36. i*Dr. Edward Sapir, Selected Writings of, Berkeley end Los Angeles, 1951. p. 44. ^ 13 194 TAMIL CULTURE The use of the voiced or the. fricative allophone of the Tamil stops in the post-vocalic position is now almost universal, although, at the time of Tholkappiyam, the sub¬ sidiary members or allophones were used only in post- consonantal positions. This development was due either to Sanskrit influence during the post-Tholkappiyam period or to the general tendency amongst many languages for the plosion of intervocalic consonants to be gradually reduced. Caldwell’s law of the convertibility of surds and sonants is thus an incomplete and inaccurate description^^ of the phonemic nature of the Tamil plosive, which has, in addition to the voiced and voiceless values to which Caldwell refers, an aspirated and a fricative value, which the plosive acquires when preceded by a plosive or non¬ fricative continuant respectively. The function of the Tamil Auxiliary consonant, which is seldom now used in spoken Tamil, has for the sake of simplicity been excluded from discussion in this article. To a foreigner, this phonemic phenomenon in Tamil would have always been a source of difficulty and confu¬ sion, particularly if he happened to be a speaker of an Indo- European language like Sanskrit, where each of the four allophones of the Tamil plosive is a separate and distinct phoneme. The position is further complicated by the fact that speakers of Sanskrit as well as English show a predi¬ lection for voiced plosives in certain contexts and are often apt to render Tamil plosives into the corresponding voiced phonemes in their own languages, even where in the actual context of the Tamil word it is not voiced. In trans¬ literation a similar confusion takes place. The native Tamil speaker, on the one hand, when rendering into a foreign language, transliterates perhaps in most cases the principal member of the phoneme as spoken and written, as native speakers are, as a rule, unconscious of the exist- i^CaldweU had apparently no opportunity of stud 3 ring Tholkappiyam, as he nowhere refers to it In his work. Had he studied it, his linguistic flair would have doubtless • led him into discovering the Theory of Phonemes, which is implicit in the phonetic rules of Tholkappivafn, VOICia) AND VOiCfcLBSS STOPS IN TAMIL 195 ence of other subsidiary members of the phoneme. On the other hand, the foreign speaker rendering the Tamil phoneme into his own language transliterates either the principal member if known to him through the written language or the sound which he thinhs he has heard, in accordance with his own linguistic predilections; this need not necessarily be, as we have already seen, the actual objective sound spoken in fact by the native speaker. Two examples utrsih —^paikam and y*®#-—puicai were given above; a few more typical examples are added below: —Thin:t:ukkal, a town famous for its cigars, = Dindigul, anglicised version. ^umuiur —cuppaiya, a proper name = Subbiah, anglicised version in Madras = Suppiah, anglicised version in Ceylon. fijriBi^ihuirt^ —Tharangkampa:t:i, a coastal town = Tranquebar, anglicised version. Needless to say, any one who relies on these Sanskritized or anglicised versions for ascertaining the correct Tamil sound wiU be grossly misled. To a proper understanding of Tamil speech therefore, an appreciation of the phonemic character of the Tamil plosives and of the actual phonetic contexts in which the different allophones or subsidiary members of the phonemes are used is most essential.^® ^ interesting to note that Scholars, who had studied the Tamil « explicitly or by implication (e.g„ Robert Daniel Jones and C. R. Sankaran), wre of the opinion ^t the Tamil stops must have had the voiced ej^&icative pronunciations at all times. On the other SSf’ Bloch and Suniti Kumar Chat- problem from the narrow phonetic point of —fiT nnv S^totized or Prakritized versions of Tamil sounds unr^able guide—arrived at the view that Tamil had ciatiM primitive stages, lost its voiced pronun- dation some centuries after Christ (Kuiper dated it back tp about 500 the Upanishad period) and finally regained its voiced as well as voirpinse pronunciation in the 13th nr 14th century a 5 voiceless H Chatterji states (vide his article appearing elsewhere in issue) ttat the initial voiced and unvoiced stops were diflerent Cilappadikaram, The Earliest Tamil Epic Dr. a. CHIDAMBARANATHA CHETTIAR. An epic has been defined as a narrative of length dealing with events of importance and grandeur. Its events and persons stimulate us because they enhance our faith in the worth of man’s achievement and his nobility and dignity. Though Cilappadikaram consists of not more than five thousand lines of poetry, only half in length of Virgil’s Aeneid, it is nevertheless a long poem and cele¬ brates the great achievements of Kannaki (the heroine of the poem) and of a Pandya and a Chera king, who are to be regarded as the other heroes of the poem. Kannaki stands pre-eminent because she is represented as having emerged successful in the conflict with the Pandyan king, who admitted his guilt in ordering the death of her innocent husband wrongly convicted of theft. To her the gods render allegiance: the fire-god obeys her commands and swallows the city of Madurai, leaving unhurt such of those as she exempted; -the sun-god speaks to her in response to her pointing to the innocence of her husband; the guardian angel of Madurai city (called Madura devi) treads before her with faltering steps, waits long to gain access to her and cajoles her into giving a hearing (Canto XXm) ; the celestials under the lead of Indra descend from heaven, appear before her, show her her dead husband in flesh and blood and then escort her to heaven. She re-appears, after reaching heaven, to bless the Chera king, Senkuttuvan, who had consecrated a temple in her honour. She also forgives and blesses the Royal dynasty of the Pandya who had wronged her.’ In these achievements of hers, the poet Ilanko expresses the significance of human ClLAPtADIKARAM, THE EARLIEST TAMIL EPlC l97 achievements. Her essential nobility shines throughout the book. She could have quarrelled with her husband for having practically deserted her ; she could have cursed her rival Mathavi, who came in the way of her marital happiness; she could have denied her husband access to her, v/hen he often tiuned up for financial help. On the other hand, she gave him her anklets, the last of her jewels with a smile on her face, when she found he was in distress and in need of money, if only to please her rival, Mathavi. This gentle nature and nobility of her character have earned her everlasting fame. If Kannaki is not a heroine of the other type, winning wars and laurels, it is because at the time of composition of the epic, that is, the second century A.D. the Tamils had become a well-settled race, intent more on the arts of peace than of war. Moral courage, presence of mind, endurance under trying circum¬ stances and desire to vindicate the honour of her husband are the distinguishing characteristics of this remarkable character. The Pandya king, whose ideals of kingly honour and justice are so high that he actually collapses and dies on finding that he has been the instrument of a miscarriage of justice, deserves also to be regarded as a hero of the epic, even though liis personal courage and prowess do not figm'e in the story. The circumstances in which he was placed misled him into a deviation from the normal course of justice, and in his anxiety to placate his queen he rashly ordered the execution of Kovalan (the husband of the heroine, Kannaki) on the basis of a false charge made by the real culprit but he does not think of the extenuating circumstances. Instead he is overwhelmed by his act of injustice and wills himself to death in order to save h’s honour. By thus sacrificing his life, he has won immortal glory. Here, again, we find man in his magnificence and nobility. If. a hero should surpass others in strength and courage, we find such a hero in Senkuttuvan, the Chera king. He igg TAJKIIL CULtURjfc has the valour of Achilles; several are the battles he has already won. He has conquered many chieftains and won the battles with the other two great kings of the Tamil country, the Chola and the Pandya, whose seals he is using in token thereof. He has established friendly relations with “ Nuttuvar Kannar ” (the Sathakarnis) of the Central Provinces. He has also gohe, as far as the Ganges and defied the might of the Northerners. Now, he again goes north said conquers the Aryan kings Visittira, Rudra, Bairava, Chitra, Singha, Sveta etc., and subjugates them. He captures Kanaka and Vi jay a, sons of Balakumara (Canto XXVI), and after reaching his own capital, Vanchi, orders that the prisoners be taken to the other two Tamil kingdoms and exhibited before their sovereigns. A vain¬ glorious deed per^ps! The etiquette of war required that one should not pursue those that were fleeing, one should not capture those' that were trying to escape. The Chola and Pandya kings, to whom the captives were shown, remarked that it was rather strange that Senkuttuvan should have made captives of persons fleeing for their lives after putting on the garb of ascetics. The fact was of course that most of those who fled had been spared and only a few who braved and gave battle were captured. The Pandya and the Chola, while apparently insinuating against the Chera king, were only indirectly praising his prowess which enabled him .to bring mighty warriors as captives. To the question whether Cilappadikaram is an oral or written epic, the answer is that it is largely written and only partially oral A large number of verses in “ van , for instance, were probably a part of oral emnposi- tion already existing, which, sung to the accompaniment of the musical instrument “ Yal ”, was fam iliar to many. (Cf. Canto VH 1.20 et.seq.). The verses, however, in “Aydiiyar kuravai” (XVII) and “Kunra Kuravai” (XXrV) etc. were obviously the poet’s own compositions arid not collections of separate lays already existing. CILAPPADIKARAM, THE EARLIEST TAMIL EPIC 199 Ilanko had a rich supply of stories, an important source of material for an epic poet. Witness for instance, the stories of Nala and Damayanti (XIV 1.50 et. seq-), Rama and Sita (XIV 11.46-49), Devasura war, Maha- bharata war etc. (XXVI 11.236 et. seq.), of the Brahman who hid the treasure trove (XXI), of the Pandya who chrpped off his right hand (XXIII), of the thieves who bolted away (XVI), of the monkey that was grateful (XV), of the Brahman lady who killed a mongoose (XV), of the seven chaste women of Puhar who wrought miracles (XXI) etc. These stories and episodes can be detached and enjoyed by themselves. Ilanko was mainly a literary epic poet. He wrote for readers rather than hearers. He avoided stock phrases and embellished his poem by fashioning his words with care and artistry. It was customary to compare the gait of a woman to that of a swan and her speech to the voice of a parrot but Ilanko re-created these dead metaphors and introduced new life into his descriptions, (vide Canto II- 11.38-80). Addressing Kannaki, his bride, Kovalan said, for instance, that the swans defeated by her gait tracked off in shame to hide themselves amidst the flower-beds in the fields and the parrots, though they found they were not her peers in the matter of speech, which had the sweetness of a lute and a flute and nectar all commingled, Would not leave her hands in the hope that they would learn from her the secret of her speech charm. Many are the ways in which Ilanko describes such familiar things as the approach of an evening or a dawn. Canto IV portrays the fall of an evening in Puhar, the Chola capital* There the poet shows how it caused pleasure to persons like Mathavi who were in the company of their lovers and how equally it was distressing to persons like Kannaki who had been separated from their husbands. The shepherds sing sweet notes on their flutes ; the beetles do so through the MuUai (November) buds; the tender breeze spreads fine fragrance all round; women with 200 TAMIL CULTURE sparkling ornaments light the lamps the crescent moon, though young, dispels darkness even as the Pandya kings, though young, would annihilate their enemies# Thus the evening came, spreading sweetness among the lovers. To the lonely wives on the other hand who had been sepa¬ rated from their husbands, it brought only anguish; they discarded their pearls and sandal-paste and chose not to decorate their bed-chamber with flowers. This is only one description of the onset of an evening. Other descriptions in the book show a pleasing variety in language. They occur in Cantos XIV (1.83 et. seq.), XXII, XXVII, and XXVIII; each has a distinctive splendour. The descriptions of dawn in Cantos XIII, XIV and XX\7TI are also remarkable for their grandeur. Cilappadikaram appeals by its fine poetical texture, by its choice of apt and significant words, phrases and lines. The pauses and the stops, the play and counter-play of words found in Canto XVIII (Tunba malai 1. 8, 11, 24 etc., and 11. 9-10 and 11. 25-28) have a subtle effect of their own, which does not perhaps become evident until the second or subsequent reading. The wavering rhythms in which the poet couches the passages breaking the news of Kovalan’s murder are also remarkable- Mention must also be made of the austere sublimities to which the poet rises in describing the omens and super-natural occurrences portending evil on the eve of the appearance of Kannaki at the Pandyan king’s court. (Canto XX 11. 1-27). Cilappadikaram is a Tamil epic composed in the second century A.D. and partakes of the characteristics of the Ifomeric epic in some respects and of the Virgilian epic in some others. The straight and simple way in which Kovalan confesses his faults, short-comings and misdeeds in the presence of his wife is comparable to Homer. Canto XVI (lines 57-70) is charged with the single emotion of Kovalan’s repentance. Poetry cannot rise to nobler levels than in these vivid, expressive lines (especially 11. 63-70). CILAPPADIKARAM, THE EARLIEST TAMIL EPIC 201 " How many vain days did I spend with’ worthless women, indulging in useless gossip and cavil! How have I belied the hopes and expectations of my parents ! Alas ! I heeded not their behests ! Again, how much have I wronged you ! What grief have I caused you!! I did not even pause to think it was imworthy of me to ask you to accompany me. ‘ Follow me *, I said, and you came, my beloved one! What a noble act have you done ! ” There are probably few passages to equal this in any literature. Just as Homer’s characters keep to regular forms of address, Ilanko’s courtiers, ministers, ambassadors and commanders adhere to the regular forms appropriate in the presence of a king. This is seen in the trial scene in Madurai Kandam, where the herald ushers in Kannaki and also in the scenes in Vanchi Kandam (the third part of the book). In another respect also, Cilappadikaram resembles the Homeric epic. Kannaki dies not for the honour of society but for her own honour. True, she lives for others, as she lives for herself but when her husband is killed, she wants to join him in death and only postpones it till she vindi¬ cates his honour. Light fun is provided in Canto XIV (Ur Kan Kathai) in the accounts of men and women spending their time in sport and pastime- The descriptions of how they spend their morning, noon and evening remind us of Homer. In the accounts of gods such as those we find in Canto XI (Kadu Kan Kathai) where a jimgle deity tempts Kovalan, we have comic interludes. The whole of this canto is replete with an air of the supernatural. This Tamil epic partakes also of the characteristics of the Virgilian epic- One of the heroes, Seijkuttuvan is prepared to die not for his personal glory but for the honour of his land. When he was informed by a wander¬ ing minstrel that certain kings of the North had spoken in disparaging terms of the valour of Tamil kings, he gave 13 202 TAMIL CULTURE orders forthwith for a military, expedition to the North, without waiting to verify, whether the insinuation per¬ tained to him or to the other two Tamil kings, the Chola and the Pandya. An insult to any Tamil king was an insult to the entire Tamil nation and must be avenged by him. He led the expedition, prepared to fight for the glory of his country. In this sense, he was a national hero. Ilanko’s characters speak with variety. There are three dreams, one of Kannaki, another of Kovalan and a third of the Pandyan queen and each* has a variety of its own, both in conception and import. There are again two epistles, both sent by Mathavi to Kovalan (Canto VIII and Canto XIH) but each has an individuality of its own. One is couched in a tone of remonstrance, while the other is written in a spirit of repentance, even though the purpose of both the epistles was to re-gain the love of Kovalan. Ilanko’s art lay in skilful variation of even repetitive themes. The incident relating to the death of the Pandyan king and queen has to be repeatedly told in different settings but the artful way in which the poet mentions this in Cantos XX (77-81), XXV (11. 95-99), XV (11. 78-86), XXVIII (212-213), XXrX (1. 20) avoids monotony- The artifice of employing synonyms to take away the tedium is also found in Ilanko. Take, for instance, the use of five different words in five lines to indicate the same object, viz., temple .(Canto XTV—11.‘7-11: the words are koyil niyamam, nakaram, kottam, and palli). So also, in Canto X—^11. 119-140, the words, othai, oli, pani, mankalam, pattu are used to denote a single memiing. Side by side with this, one meets with the employment of the saine word, Koyil, five tiipes in five successive lines in Canto V (11. 169-175) but one does not experience any monotony here, because of the otherwise sweet setting in which the word occurs. Ilanko s style is ornate in places. A uniform clarity is not always aimed at by the poet and some passages ar^ CILAPPADIKARAM, THE EaRlIEST TAmIL EPIC i^QS intelligible only after repeated readings. We come across such passages, which nevertheless appeal to us by their poetical texture, in Ganto XIlI (11. 48 to 51) containing a pun on the word Mathavi, Canto XIH (11. 87-92) containing two epistles in one, Canto XIII (11. 184-188) containing a pun (cil^d^i) bearing wi the words “ Kannir ” (meaning tears and water from the plant) and “ Kal (leg and wind), and Canto XIII (11. 151-170) describing the majestic flow of the river Vaiyai. Cilappadikaram is Virgilian in character in another respect also. It contains a wide sweep of history, philo¬ sophy, religion and ethics. It contains accounts of the relationship between the Chola, the Pandya and the Chera kings of the Tamil country. It narrates how one king succeeded another in the Chola region and in the Pandya kingdom, (vide Canto XXVII Nirpadai—11. 118-123; ibid. 11. 159-171; ibid. 127-138). It points out that the Chola king was reckoned as the first and foremost citizen of the Chola state (Canto I—11. 31-32). It states how the Chera king Chenkuttuvan viewed kingship, how he wished to be loved by his subjects, how his sole desire was to bring happiness to them, how he scorned the idea of ever being cruel to them, how he regarded kingship as an office full of thorns but nevertheless a great opportunity given to him to serve the people- (vide Canto XXVI (Kal Kol) 11. 16-18; Canto XXV (Katchi) 11. 100-104). Philosophy is conveyed through the characters, Kaunthi Adigal and Madalan. Kaunthi Adigal says to Mankattu Brahman that it is not impossible for man to achieve anything under the sun if he is true imto himself and to the world, and if he loves his neighbours as he loves himself (Canto XI). Madalan exhorts King Chen¬ kuttuvan to do acts of charity. “Youth is evanescent, wealth rotates, the body is mortal. The world is a stage, where we are actors; we pass from one birth to another just as actors change from one make-up to another. We will be judged only by our actions; we wfll receive 204 tAMilculture rewards or punishments according as we have done good things or eviL Do therefore good things, here and now ” . In these words he spoke to King Chenkuttuvan (Canto XXVin— Nac^u Kal— 11. 133-186). Religious references to Sivan, Murugan, Vishnu, Kottavai (or Durga) and Argha abound in the work. Ethical passages occur frequently, especially towards the end of the work: “ Do no harm to others j Realise the existence of God ; Honour those who are devoted to God; Hate falsehood; Avoid backbiting; Neither kill nor eat flesh; give alms, do penance; Never be ungrateful; Despise friendship with the wicked; Never resort to perjury; follow the wise path ” etc., etc. (Canto XXX (Varan taru) 11. 186-202). That the wise and the learned should forgive the unwise actions of misguided or ignorant people is brought out by the poet in his own inimitable style in Canto X (Nadu Kan)—11- 237-238. Yet another point of agreement between Ilanko and Virgil is in the avoidance of two extremes of being either too puritan or too frivolous in describing sexual pleasures. Ilanko is totally unlike Tiruttakadevar of the 9th century, who runs riot in describing the amorous adventures of Jeevaka, the hero of his work Jeevaka Chintamani. Nor does he think that love-making in literary works should be left to the Gods, who were free to transgress the limita¬ tions and obligations laid on man, as found in Kanda- puranam and other Puranams of a later age. Like Spenser, he sang of ideal love. The love of Kannaki for Kovalan is highly idealised. Only, Mathavi comes in the way and Kovalan is captivated by her qualities of grace and attainments in dance and music. Mathavi, although bom of a family of courtezans, is determined to lead a chaste life and shows an unwavering loyalty to Kovalan, even after he finally leaves her, to rejoin his wife. There is a sublimity in the love between Mathavi and Kovalan as described bv the nnet. CILAPPADIKARAM, THE EARLIEST TAMIL EPIC 206 Just as Virgil bears the stamp of the Caesarean and the Augustan ages, Ilanko exemplifies a transitional stage in the development of the Tamil country; he stands between what is called the Sangam age when the pure, undefiled Tamil civilisation existed and the post-Sangam period which came to be engrossed more and more with matters religious, consequent on sectarian religious conflicts. Also like Virgil, Ilanko on the one hand glorifies the conquering spirit of the Tamils as pictured in the conquests of Chenkuttuvan, while on the other hand, through the words of Madalan addressed to Chenkuttuvan, he indicates the futihty of mere military successes, when more important duties await the king. Ilanko’s heroes again are partly Homeric and partly Virgilian. Kannaki’s revenge on the citizens of MaduTai for an unjust act committed by their king is not an example to be followed. But her ideals of true love, fortitude and courage stand out prominently, as worthy of admiration and emulation. As Dryden says, the design of an epic is to form the mind to heroic virtue by example. Under circumstances similar to those which happened to Kannaki, some women would have paid unkindness with unkind¬ ness, some would have retaliated against their husbands and some would have deserted the home of their husbands when forsaken. But Kannaki was of a different mettle and chose a more difficult course of action; hence' she is remembered by posterity. ‘ i Romance and supernatural elements also find a place in the epic. There are fabulous and incredible elements of wonderland in Canto XI (Kadu Kan). The under¬ ground passages and corridors alluded to by Varottamai read like a romance. Ilanko makes this account both fantastic and lively. The episode of Vana devathai, trying ■ to seduce Kovalan, is deiightiul, though at the super¬ natural level We are renmded of Homer’s elements of the Fairyl^d and Virgil’s transformation of Aenea’s ships into nymphs, when we read the account of a mischievous, 206 T A M t L c tr L ^ tt k i: misguided couple being turned into jackals by the curse of Kaunti Adigal, who could not bear the insult offered to her companions Kovalan and Kannaki. It is interesting to note that Ilanko, like Milton, never applies sardonic humour to his main characters. He has nothing but praise for Kannaki, the chief heroine of the epic. Kaunthi Adigal, the ascetic and Mathari, the shepherdess praise her as an example to be followed by other women. The Pandyan Queen praises her, the Chera Queen deen^ her fit to be worshipped, the sun-god and fire-god do her errands, the Chola king Ilarikalan, King Gajabahu of Geylon and other kings assemble and do homage to her image and aU through the epic the poet has avoided the ludicrous in depicting her. (See also Canto "XXII (Alar padu) 11. 134-136, where even her action in burning the city is justified by certain women of Madurai). Friends of Kannaki and of her foster-mother all praise her and the ideal for which she lived (vide Canto XXIX). Ilanko draws several morals from the events of his epic : that an unjust ruler is inevitably punished, that a chaste woman receives the homage of all, human beings and celestials; that no man can escape his. fate. Besides, many a lesson he has left the reader to draw indirectly, e.g., one should not indulge in gossip, one should take great care of trust property; one should be brave and never despondent; one should have faith in God. Ilanko apparently thought that poetry was intended not merely to beguile one’s leisure but it should inspire and instruct. All in all, Ilanko has achieved unqualified success as a poet and takes a high rank among the epic poets of the world. In later periods, poets like Tiruttakadevar, Sekkilar and Kambar attempted to copy it and even rival it, but throughout the centuries it has maintained a central place in Tamil literature. It has an unparalleled variety of appeal and deserves to hold a high place not only in Tamil literature but also in world literature. Reviews THE SANSKRIT LANGUAGE By T. BURROW [Publishers ; Faber and Faber, London. Pages 426. Price: fifty-five (55) shillings net.] This book is the latest of a series on the “ Great Languages ” of which Prof. L. R. Palmer of Oxford is the General Editor. Those who have seen other books of the series will welcome this latest addition to the series by the Boden Professor of Sanskrit in the University of Oxford, Prof. T. Burrow. In Prof. Burrow’s work, the Sanskrit language lives as the great connecting link of the Indo- European family of languages. Professor Burrow writes clearly and lucidly in a language which even the layman can understand. Prof- Burrow shows Central Europe to be the home of the Indo-European family of languages, and the book ought to be of special interest to students of com¬ parative Philology in India in that it shows how important • a^e Latin and Greek for the comparative Ismguage study of Sanskrit. Comparative Philology in India has tended to neglect Latin and Greek in its studies. The author traces the history of Sanskrit from its earliest times and devotes the main portion of his work to the two-thousand year period during which Sanskrit was a powerful factor in religion, philosophy and culture. To readers of this review, chapter the eighth on the “ Non- Aryan influence on Sanskrit ” will be of especial interest. In this chapter, the author traces the loan words which 208 TAMIL CULTURE entered Sanskrit from the different languages with which Sanskrit came into contact, and enumerates a list of words which are certainly of Austro-Asiatic and Dravidian origin. “More work has been done on the influence of Dravidian on Sanskrit and more abundant results have been achieved. It has become clear that quite a conside-. rable portion of the Sanskrit vocabulary is of Dravidian origin, and that this influence has operated over a long period in the history of the language ”. Professor Burrow gives a list of about 150 words which are “ the most impor¬ tant and certain of the Dravidian loans ” (p. 380). In this list are words which many sanskritists in India believe to be of Indo-Aryan origin but which Prof. Burrow shows are definitely or Dravidian origin—e.g., aguru, anala, eda, katu, kaka, kunda, kundala, khala, candana, tuvara, danda, nira, bala (strength), mayura, mallika, mala, mina. I^of. Burrow concludes “ It is evident from this survey that the main influence of Dravidian on Indo-Aryan was concentrated at a particular historical period, namely between the late Vedic period and the formation of the classical language. This is significant from the point of view of the locality where the influence took place. It is not possible that at this period such influence could have been exercised by the Dravidian languages of the South- There were no intensive contacts with South India before the Maurya period by which time the majority of these words had already been adopted by Indo-Aryan ”, Professor Burrow has through his book brought Sanskrit India closer to the West, and we await liis works which will make Dravidian and Tamil India better known in England and the English-speaking world. REVIEWS 209 THE EVOLUTION OF’ A MAN By Fr. M. HERMANNS [Publishers: Society of St. Paul, Allahabad. Pages 139. Price Rs. 3/8.] The shortcomings of the Darwinian theory of Evolu¬ tion have already been exposed by several writers. In this handsomely published book the author challenges the validity of the theory on the basis of Human Biogenetics, Anthropology, Pre-history and Palaeontology. Fr- Her¬ manns is concerned in particular with attacking Atheistic Evolution 'which is the backbone of the Communist world view. However, it is one thing to question the validity of the hypothesis that inorganic matter could evolve into organic cells, and quite a different thing to assert that the first man was created by a Supreme Being. More con¬ vincing is the author’s thesis that man is not descended from the ape since man alone developes the powers of speech and thought as well as spirituality. While the author admirably marshals the weakness of Darwinism, his ovm positive explanation of the evolution of man trans¬ cends the limit of science and touches the realm of Faith, It is doubtful whether such an approach would satisfy the scientist. The inescapable truth remains that Darwinism is retained despite its weakness, because scientists have found nothing more satisfactory to put in its place. 14 News and Notes ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE The 18th session of the All-India Oriental Conference was held at Annamalainagar on tlie 26th, 27th and 28th December, 1955. Dr. S. Radhakrishnan, Vice-President of India, presided over the conference. Jn his welcome address, Mr. T. M- Narayanaswamy Pillai, Vice-Chancellor, Ann^alai University, inter alia said ‘ This University desires to do for Tamil what the Deccan College and the Bhandarkar Institute are doing at Poona for Sanskrit. You may bq glad to know that with the help of the Union Government to which we are grateful, this University, in commemoration of its Silver Jubilee, has created a Chair for Dravidian Philolbgy, and the compilation of a new Etymological Dictionary. As Sir William Himter has observed, “The perfect under¬ standing of the structure of the Dravidian languages will revolutionise our knowledge in regard to linguistics in general.” With the help of the Union and State Govern¬ ments it is proposed to develop this into an Institute of research in and the study of comparative Dravidian Philology.... \ Our National Government has rightly addressed itself to the task of developing all the national languages mentioned in the Constitution. I do believe that one of the results of our independence and freedom must be to develop all our national languages. The creation of regimented unity by improving one language throughout this sub-continent is likely to.do more harm than good.' Referring to Archaeology in South ^dia he said: ‘I may, liowever, say that this conference should urge upon the Government the duty of paying more atteh- NEWS AND NOTK 211 ^on to the excavations and to the study and publication of inscriptions. There are many places in South India, where excavations are Jikely to yield good results. I should like to mention in particular Kaverippoompatti- nam, now submerged in the sea, but once the flourish¬ ing capital of a great kingdom, a place associated with two of the great Tamil Classics, Silappathikaram and Manimekhalai. Marine Archeology has proved very valuable in the Mediterranean Region. The publication of inscriptions, so far made, is not enough and indicates possibly a want of proper appreciation of its importance.* The Presidential addresses of Professors R. P. Sethu Pillai and T.P. Meenakshisundaram Pillai, as Presidents of the Dravidian and Tamil Sections respectively of the con¬ ference, appear elsewhere in this number. RETENTION OF ENGLISH Appeal by Madras Leaders A Press Note issued by the Correspondent, Union Language Convention, Tamilakam, refers to the resolution passed at a meeting of prominent leaders of Madras State held on January 28, urging the continuation of English as the official language of the Government of India, and the language for communication between the Union and State Governments. The note says : “ On the issue of what the Union and Inter-State official language should be, leaders belonging to various schools of thought met together on January 28, upon the initiative of the Academy of Tamil Culture, a non¬ political organisation, and decided after a full and frank discussion that the following resolution should be com¬ municated to the Chairman of the Official Language Commission, the Prime Minister of India and the Govern¬ ment of Madras. The resolution represents the unani¬ mous opinion of all those who met as above stated. The resolution does not cover the issue of what the State official language should be nor does it cover the import¬ ant issue of the medium of instruction. These matters were kept distinct inasmuch as they have to be governed by totally other considerations and should not be mixed up with this issue. The resolution said ; “ In view of the unquestioned fact that all the educated citizens of India who are quali¬ fied to enter public services to-day in all the States and territories comprised in the Indian Union have an ade¬ quate knowledge of English, and in view of the fact that no other single language enjoys this position, no question of pride or prejudice should prevail against the obviously necessary and' just solution of the problem, viz., that English should continue to be the official, language of the Union and the language for communication between the Union and the State Governments and between one State Government and another. UTILITY OF ENGLISH “ This conclusion is strengthened by the fact that English must and will continue as a part of the educa¬ tional curriculum of the coimtry on account of its utility in international intercourse and for the purpose of utilising the growing modern knowledge of the world. “ We are of the view that it will be grossly unjust to make any other language take the place of English, when to a population of about a hundred million, living in a contiguous territory in the South, it would be a language with which for all practical purposes they are totally un¬ acquainted. “ We do not wish to be misunderstood as standing in the way of the natural progress of any language for the purposes of social and business intercourse through¬ out India.” Mr. A. Subbiah was also authorised to communicate the resolution to all the Madras Members in the Union Parlia¬ ment, to the Chief Ministers of Bengal, Andhra, Mysore and T.-C. States and to such other important persons and institutions as he may think fit. 213 NEWS AND NOTES Signatories to Resolution The following are signatories to the resolution: Mr. C. Rajagopalachari, Mr. E. V. Ramaswami Periyar, Leader, Dravida Kazhagam, Mr. P. T. Rajan, M.L.A., Leader, Justice Party, Rajah Sir M. A. Muthiah Chettiar, Pro-Chancellor, Annamalai University, Mr. C. N. Annadurai, Leader, Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, Mr. R. Nedunchezhiyan, Greneral Secretary, Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, Mr. S- Swayamprakasam, Leader, Dravidian Parliamentary Party, Mr. S. G. Manavalaramanujam, former Vice-Chancellor, Annamalai University, Mr. T. M. ICrishnaswami Aiyar, former Chief Justice, T.-C. State; Mr. M. P. Sivagnanam, Leader, Tamilarasu Kazhagam, Mr. A. Ratnam, M.L.A., President, Tamil Nad Scheduled Castes Federation, Mr- S. R. Venkataraman, Secretary, Servants of India Society, Mr. K. A. P. Viswanathan, Secretary, Tamil Peravai, Mr. R. P. Sethu Pillai, Professor of Tamil, University of Madras, Dr. M. Varadarajan, Professor of Tamil, Pachiappa’s College, Mr. V. S. Tyagaraja Mudaliar, prominent land- owner and industrialist, Mr. M. P. Somasundaram, Editor, Kalki, Mr. C. Amritaganesa Mudaliar, Hon. Secretary, Red Cross Society, Dr. A. Srinivasan, M.L.C., and Mr. A. Subbiah (Convenor and Correspondent). — Hindu, Jan. 31, 1956. Appeal by Chief Minister, Mysore. “ To cry, hoarse against English is a kind of fanaticism,” declared Mysore’s Chief Minister, Mr. K. Hanumanthaiya in the State Assembly, while replying to the debate on the Appropriation Bill. He said English had not only “ taught us science and technological knowledge, but also tenets of democracy.” Mr. Hanumanthaiya stated that Hindi should not be forced on Mysore and other South Indian States. If Hindi TAMIL CUtiTUiliE ^14 was forced on non-Hindi States it was the “ surest way of endangering Indian unity.” He was certain that while taking a decision, the Gov¬ ernment of Inaa would do all necessary things to maintain the unity of the country and not allow ” Hindi enthusiasts ” to break the unity, he added. —Mail, March 30, 1956. QUEST a bi-monthly of Arts and Ideas sponsored hy The Indian Committee for Cultural Freedom EDITOR: NISSIM EZEKIEL *• 1 was much impressed both by the get-up and by the contents of QUEST. It seems to be up to the highest standards, and is certainly far and above the best magazine I have ever seen produced in India." a Mrs. R, PRAWER JHABVALA, Author: To Whom She Will. “ I have just received a copy of QUEST, and I have read through it with great interest and pleasure. You are to be heartily congratulated for producing a truly fine publication. STANLEY MARON. Bureau of International Relations, University of California. POEMS, ARTICLES, SHORT STORIES, BOOK REVIEWS, NOTES ON THEATRE, CINEMA AND DANCE. Annual Subscription: Rs. 6/- Single Copy: Re. 1/- ARMY & NAVY BUILDING, 148, MAHATMA GANDHI ROAD. BOMBAY-1. TranslitenitioD of Tamil Phonemes* Into English VOWELS — a (as in among) — a: ( 9$ calm) & — i ( 99 sit) 9f — i: ( 99 machine) a. — u ( 99 full) ta — u: ( 99 mle) sr — c ( 99 fed) ST — e: ( 99 able) S — ai ( 99 aisle) 9 — o ( 99 opinion) 9 — o: ( 99 opium) 9OT — au ( 99 now) CONSONANTS Hard^ « —- k (as in (Plosive) IF — c ( 99 U — t: ( 99 • — th ( 99 U — P ( 99 p — t ( 99 Soft B1 — ng ( 99 (Nasal) © — nj ( 99 n; ( 99 » — nh ( 99 ii> — m ( 99 at — n ( 99 Medium lU y ( f$ (non-nasal V — r ( 99 continuant) CO — 1 ( 99 cu — V ( 99 IP “ ■ 1- ( 99 ca — 1: ( 99 Auxiliary • • • — X ( 99 Hints re: articulation king, angle, alhambra) church, angel, calcium) card ?).... Retroflex - articulate with blade of tongue. threat, this, thick)-dental. pipe, amber) atlas, Sunday, arrears)..Retroflex- articulate with tip of tongue, sing)... .velar n angel)... .palatal n um?)-Retroflex n - articulate with blade of tongue, anthem).... dental n mate) enter).... Retroflex n - articulate with tip of tongue. yard) red) leave)... .Alveolar 1 - articulate with tip of tongue. very) ? ).... Retroflex 1 • articulate with blade of tongue, hurl).... Alveolar 1 - articulate with blade of tongue. ahead) • The Tamil phonemes may for practical purposes be treated as having ■ingle allophones only, except in the case of the hard consonants which have four allophones each, as shown in note 1 on the reverse. 216 TAMIL CULTURE 1, The Phonemes, classified as hard, have normally an unaspirated, unvoiced value but acquire the following modified values if preceded by a consonant;— (a) a slightly aspirated unvoiced value, if preceded by a plosive or hard consonant. e.r. usesii) - is pronounced pakkham, not pakkam (b) an unaspirated but voiced value, if preceded by a nasal or soft consonant :— e.g., uwffiib - is pronounced pangam, not pankam U 0 ffib - „ panjam, not pancam, (c) a fricative value if preceded by o. non-nasal continuant or medium consonant or by the auxiliary consonant. e.g,, becomes palhalai not palkalai 6 t;.@ „ ehhu not exku NOTE.—In most present day dialects, the plosive assumes a fricative —sometimes a voiced—value after a vowel also, except in the case of t: which retains its normal unaspirated, unvoiced value even after a vowel, 2. The value of this auxiliary phoneme, which must always be followed by a hard consonant, was variable during the time of Tholkappiam; it acquired a phonetic value identical with that of the following hard consonant, vide 1 {c} above, e.g., 5 r ;.0 became ehhu Later its value became fixed as h, irrespective of the following consonant. Note (i) With a view to keep down transliteration to the minimum it is suggested that, in the case of Tamil words which are already in free use in English (e.g., Tamil=Thamil), or where it is unnecessary to indicate the exact pronun¬ ciation, accurate transliteration need not be resorted to. In the case of proper names etc., which occur more than once in the same article, the transliteration need be shown only once in brackets side by side with a free English adaptation, the latter alone being used subse¬ quently, except of course in cases where such a procedure will lead to ambiguity, e.g., 2fiJiEJ«L.u)=Vengadam (Ve: ngkat: am). (ii) Reference may be made to Tamil CuiturCt Vol. IV, No. I (January 1955 issue) pp. 58-73 for fuller details. Vol. V. No. 3 JULY, 1956 TAMIL CULTURE JOURNAL OF THE ACABEMY OF TAMIL CULTURE CONTENTS LANGUAGE RIGHTS IN CEYLON Xavier S. Thani Nayagam 217 THE PASSIONLESS PASSION (An Interpretation of Certain Decads of the Tiruvaicagam) G. Vanmikanathan 231 THE DEVELOPMENT OF TAMILIAN RELIGIOUS THOUGHT Swatni Vipulananda ^ 251 TRANSLATING OLD TAMIL POETRY—SOME SUGGESTIONS Kamil Zvelebil 267 BOW SONG : A FOLK ART FROM SOUTH ‘TRAVANCORE K. P. S. Hameed 274 THE SONG OF MADURAI V. Kandaswami Mudaliar 285 NEWS AND NOTES 289 SYSTEM OF TRANSLITERATION 293 THE TAMIL SCRIPT 295 Ml Rights Reserved Rs. 7 yearly OUR CONTRIBUTORS Rev. Dr. Xavier S. Thaninayagam is founder and Chief- Editor of this Journal. He*is a member of the Department of Education, University of Ceylon, and is at present engaged in research work at the London Institute of Education. G. Vanmikanathan is the Retired Deputy Secretary to the Government of India at New Delhi-5. He is a. keen student of ' t Tiruva: cagam. Swami Vipulananda—^The late Swami was a member of the Ramakrishna Mission. He was for some years Professor of Tamil in the Annamalai University and later till his death in the Uni¬ versity of Ceylon. He was the author of luir^ (Yail-Nuil). Dr. Kamil Zvelebil is the Head of the Department of Dravido- logy. University of Prague. He has translated many Tamil works into Czech and is an indefatigable research worker. K. P. S. Hameed is Programme\Officer, All India Radio, Trivandrum. V. Kandaswami Mudaliar has a flair for translation and has translated many poems in the Sangam Literature into English. Language Rights in Ceylon XAVIER S. THANI NAYAGAM I On the language issue, fairness and justice demand that Ceylon studies the nature of language rights ^d'their application in international law before hurrying with any legislation which may mean a threat to the peace and unity of the country; Public opinion on the language policy in Ceylcm, even among prominent political leaders, is not founded as yet on a sufficient or full and accurate knowledge of language rights for any government to consider as decisive and final the demand of any section of the people, howsoever large. For even a majority demand to be considered, that demand must be just, right, lawful and reasonable. A popular slogan in recent months has been the one that the language of the majority should be the language of the entire State. This demand would be valid only if the end and purpose of political life in Ceylon were the creation of a homogeneous sovereign Sinhalese nation and a Sinhalese State in the predominantly Sinhalese-speaking areas, but not if the end and purpose were the formation of a Ceylonese nation and a Ceylonese State co-extensive with AU Ceylon. The concept of a uninational unilingual State in a multi-national, multi-lingual country is fraught with the greatest dangers for the unity and peace of the country. The multi-lingual, multi-national State is the ideal state in political theory today, particularly in the light * of the experience of the last two world wars and the peac^- 218 TAMIL CULTURE treaties which followed. There is a return in political thought to the principles outlined by Lord Acton : “If we take the establishment of liberty for the realization of duties to be the end of civil liberty, we must conclude that those states are substantially the most perfect which . . . include various distinct nationalities without oppressing them. Those in which no mixture of races has occurred are imperfect, and those in which its effects have disappeared are decrepit. A state which is incompetent to satisfy different races condemns itself; a state which labours to neutralize, to absorb or to expel them destroys its own vitality ; a state which does not . include them is destitute of the chief basis of self- government.” ^ Very much earlier King Stephen of Hungary had said ; “ A state with but one language and one way of life is both weak and decrepit.” Rule by Majority The rule by majority is misunderstood even by very educated people. Appeals have been made to the Jeffer¬ sonian principle of lex maior fortis vdth no regard to"* the different federal conditions in which that principle was defined and worked. Democratic method is rule by majority indeed, but not a rule for the exclusive good of an ethnic-religious-language majority. Democracy is rule by majority for the good of all the groups which have member¬ ship within the state. Jefferson himself explained his principle in words very familiar to those who value laws and liberties : “All, too, will bear in mind this sacred principle, that though the will of the majority is to prevail in all cases, that will to be rightful must be reasonable ; that the minority possess their equal rights which equal law must protect, and to violate would be oppression.” * We are liable to give a twist to majority rule in the traditions of our autocratic, monarchic, and feudalistic past. 1 Essays on Freedom. * First Inaugural Address.. Language rights in ceylon 219 The rule by majority is but a working substitute for rule by unanimity which is the ideal. To impose one language only all over Ceylon as the language of the State would be to deny liberty and freedom to a major nationality and to oppress it by what Tocqueville called the “tyranny of majority.” Such an imposition would justify the separatist tendencies and movements for decentralisation implied in the American Declaration of Independence : “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. That to secure these rights. Governments are instituted amongst men, receiving their just powers from the consent of the governed, that whenever any form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new Government.” Such primary human rights as language rights intrinsi¬ cally connected with freedom of speech are not to be decided by the mere arbitrary demand of any single group, or by an anachronistic and antiquarian appeal-to the pre-Vijayan period of Ceylon’s proto-history, but according to the principles of the common law of nations and their practice in this mid-twentieth century. Neither are the language rights of a people to be sacrificed for a naive Machiavellian¬ ism. The language problem is wider than political expediency. It is basically a problem of philosophy, of political and constitutional theory and practice, of ethics, and of sociology and human dynamics. Hence it is a field of enquiry not only for politicians but also for statesmen, for philosophers, for jurists and for sociologists. The present trends in political, sociological and educa¬ tional thought are towards self-determination and cultural autonomy within the framework of a decentralised State which combines political unity with cultural freedom, or which exercises “ separation in imion.” The emphasis is not on national uniformity but on national unity, not on coercion but on liberty. Political unity is not to be achieved TAMtL CULTtTR^ 220 at the expense of cultural liberty and freedom. One language is the basis for a culture and a nationality, but not for the making of a State. The Prime Minister of Ceylon has summarised his ideal as an “ Asian Switzerland.” Switzerland has made a clear distinction between the “ nation ” and the “ state,” and its success is due to its democracy, its cultural freedom and its decentralised government. People who have lived long enough in the Cantons of Geneva, of Berne, of Zurich and of Ticino and travelled sufficiently through the unilingual and bilingual Cantons of the three major language groups will see in Switzerland more than passive neutralism and a remunerative rendezvous of tourists and international conferences. It is the home of liberty, of religious and language freedom, and the best example of a multi-national State. Switzerland has not thought it wisdom to prescribe one national religion or enjoin one national language though there is a language majority preponderantly large (72%). Loyalty to 4he State is high in Switzerland because of the freedom and cultural and language autonomy given to each of its component nationalities. Every citizen is first and foremost a Swiss, and then the member of his own nationality. History does not offer one example of language speakers, in short a nationality, possessing a rich culture, literature and traditions, being assimilated by political methods by ^a neighbouring people numerically stronger. The associations of the Tamil language ^with Ceylon are so ancient, so widespread, so productive of creative energy and inspiration to both cultures, and so well established, that to seek to exterminate these associations by legislation is futile. Neither coercion, nor assimilation, will achieve these purposes. Where language rights have been suppressed by force, they have always after a period assumed an irresisti¬ ble and invincible strength. The Empire of the Hapsburgs, LANGUAGfi ftiGHTS IN CEYLON 221 Central Europe, Finland during the period of “Swedish only,” Belgium during the period of “ French only,” Wales today, and Catalonia today offer us memorable warnings not to tamper with the language rights of a nationality. Prof. Vincent Harlow, Beit Professor of the History of the British Empire in the University of Oxford, after a recent visit to Ceylon wrote thus : “My wife and I landed at Jaffna and moved about the arid plain of the North which is the home of the ancient Ceylon Tamils. Unhappily one could not fail to sense the anger and distress of this hardy and intelligent community concerning the policy which is being strongly pressed among the Sinhalese majority, to establish Sinhalese as the sole official language and to create a ‘ Buddhist State,’ .... • “ The determination of the Sinhalese to rebuild their ancient glories is perfectly imderstandable and their national tradition is a precious asset; but unless Ceylon develops a satisfying Sinhalese-Tamil partnership, its future as an independent nation-state will be weakened and distracted by animosity and frustration. “ I was talking the other day to a very ihtelligent Sinhalese student who stated the argument that if there was one official language it would exert a unifying in¬ fluence. I told him that Britain herself in the course of her history had on more than one occasion fallen into that costly error.” ^ The Nation-State This repeated emphasis on “ majority ” and “ minority ” as if the majority possessed greater rights and were entitled to greater privileges creates in members of smaller groups a sense of frustration and disappointment with the result that the strength and vitality of a State is constantly weakened. Macartney after a voluminous study of the minority problem in Europe concludes: “In its pursuit of the chimera of the national state Europe has entered upon a path beset with dangers to 5 United Empire. Jan.—Eeb., 1956. 2 ^^ TAMIL CtTLTlJRE: itself. It has set itself a false ideal, and one which, right or wrong, it can never achieve. Minorities will continue to exist, and will continue to present problems which statecraft will find insoluble until it tries the method— so rarely adopted hitherto—of applying ^he principles of justice, equality and good government. Then minorities will cease to be a torment to the State possessing them, and will become instead a blessing. May that day come soon! ”* Alfred Cobban makes the same reflection on the future of the problem in Ceylon “ We must conclude that in Asia, as in Europe where there are inextricably mixed communities, containing two or more distinct, unassimilable and communally consci¬ ous people, the idea of the nation-state is out of place. In so far as the problem may be reduced to its simplest elements by taking out separable regions, this should be done. Where this is not possible, as for example in Ceylon or Singapore, the only hope lies' in the establish¬ ment of cultural autonomy and the development of a sense of common citizenship by the operation of common politi¬ cal institutions ... If federalism has a future in the Western world, where the tradition of the sovereign state has been so strong, it is not less likely to find appropriate conditions for its developments in the East, in which the conception of national sovereignty is a new and as yet a far from deeply rooted growth.” ^ What is significant in the practice of language rights in bilingual and multi-liitgual countries is that the language of the smaller group may be restricted in function to an area as Swedish (9%) in Finland, and Italian (6%) in Switzerland, and English (15%) in Quebec, and French (45%) in Belgium, but the language of the smaller group always enjoys an equal official and national status with the majority language and official publications of national status are issued in both languages. The minority language is also recognized as a national language in the Constitutions. 4 Macartney, National Minorities, p. 501. s National Self-determination, p. 138. LANGUAGE RIGHTS IN CEYLON 223 Finlaito Area : 130,827 sq. miles. Population: 4,000,000. National Languages : Finnish and Swedish. (Swedish is spoken by 9% of the population). Adopted, July 17, 1919. Art. 14: Finnish and Swedish shall be the National Languages of Finland. The rights of Finnish citizens to use their mother- tongue, before the Courts and Administrative authorities, and to obtain from them documents in such language, shall be guaranteed by law, so as to safeguard the rights of the Finnish population and the rights of the Swedish population of the country in accordance ^vith identical principles. The State shall provide for the intellectual and econo¬ mic needs of the Finnish and Swedish populations in ac¬ cordance with identical principles. Diet Act, Jan. 13, 1928: Art. 88 : In the transaction of business in the Diet, the Finnish or Swedish language shall be used. The opinions and reports of committees as well as the written proposals of the Speaker’s Conference and of the Committee for the Secretariat, should be drawn up in these two languages. Written communications addressed by the Govern¬ ment to the Diet should likewise be drawn up in Finnish and Swedish. 224 TAMIL CULTUR* SwiTZERLAin) Area : 15,737 sq. miles. Population: 4i millions. Federal Constitution of the Swiss Confederation. Sept. 12, 1848. Art. 116 : German, French, Italian and Romansch are the national languages of Switzerland. The official languages of the Confederation shall be— German, French and Italian.® The Tamils are not a minority in Ceylon. They are a self-determining nationality, and the rights of Tamil to official and national recognition by the Ceylon State are far greater for legal, historical and cultural reasons than the rights of Swedish in Finland or English in Canada or English in the Union of South Africa or French and Ita¬ lian in Switzerland. If Tamil has no national rights in Ceylon, no other language has a right in any country of the world. If we are to form a Ceylonese nation, one may hope to do so not with the help of factors which divide us and which we need never surrender, not on one religion or one language or one culture, but on the common weU-defined sea-gift territory which Nature and Nature’s God have given us, on our common traditions of the past, and on a common foup. of government, federal or unitary. The essential constitutive element of the nation is sociological and psychological. There has been no single definition of a nation applicable to all times and to all countries. If I were to define a nation in the special context of Asian countries which are just beginning to form into nations, I would define it as “ a group of people who belong to differ¬ ent ethnic stocks who speak different languages and pro- • Peaslee, Ccmstitwtions of the World. LANGUAGE RIGHTS IN CEYLON 225 fess different religions, but who occupy a well-defined ter¬ ritory and have willed to live together under a common- government.” The essential element of a nation consists in group sentiments and in the will to live together. It does not consist only in one language or one only religion or race, taken singly or the three even taken together. The Tamils form the Ceylonese nation together with the Sin¬ halese because the two groups while not surrendering their separate identity and cultural autonomy have willed to live together under common political institutions. It is strange that the movement to deprive Tamil of a national status should synchronize with the Jayanthi Cele¬ brations. One of the earliest charters of language rights was issued by the Buddha himself when, on being peti¬ tioned by two Brahmin monks that the doctrines be writ¬ ten in Sanskrit so as to prevent their being corrupted by monks probably speaking non-Aryan languages, the En¬ lightened One replied : “ I allow you O Bhikkhus, to teach the word of the Buddhas each in his own language.” What was wisdom for the religious teacher is also wisdom in statesmanship, for the language of religion has often been esoteric in the past, but never the language of affairs of government and of the state. Appeal to Nobleness A period of about two thousand five hundred years separate the Buddha and the present Prime Minister of Canada, Mr. St. Laurent, but the inalienable language rights have grown in definition and understanding since then. In answer to a question on purely constitutional federal practices in Canada, Mr. St. Laurent, then Mini¬ ster of Justice, replied in words which any Tamil Parlia¬ mentarian may use today in Ceylon’s House of Represen¬ tatives : It is not the manner of those who have themselves had the formation that comes from that long history which has brought us to this point in the civilization of 2 226 TAMIL CULTURE mankind, to do things which the conscience of human¬ ity at large would regard as dishonourable ; and the conscience of humanity at large would frown upon an assemblage in this' house that attempted to take from me and from those of my race the right to speak the language I learned from my infancy as one of the official languages in which the deliberations of this house may be carried on. So it is of everything else that is not with Section 92. If it is fair, if it is just, if it is proper according to the standards of human decency, it will be done ;■ if it is unfair, if it is imjust, if it is improper, all members of this house will say, “ It is not our manner to do such things.”'^ Is an appeal to such noble sentiments too elevated for Ceylon ? One who has studied sufficiently the theory of lan¬ guage rights and seen their working in governments and education in bilingual and multi-lingual countries will realise that the language problem in Ceylon can be solved with fairness and justice to both groups without preju¬ dicing the cultural autonomy and the national status of either. He would be aware that both Sinhalese and Tamil require protection from the bilingualism which the present policy would tend to favour indiscriminately all over the country. He may propose no definite solution because he would feel a great deal of further discussion with persons of different views has to precede any definite solution. What is now required after the elections is more light and less heat in this controversy, more truthfulness and honesty and less exaggeration and rhetoric in this discus¬ sion. The method of dialectics, be it Buddhist, Hindu or Socratic is to confront ideas with opposing ideas in order that the dispute may lead to true ideas. n Whose Reason ? What is the reasonable use of Tamil ? And whose reason ’ is to decide what shall be its use ? Is the rejason ^R. M, Dawson, Governvnent of Canada, p. 146, LANGUAGE RIGUTS IN CEYLON 227 to be the decision of a Sinhalese-speaking majority formu¬ lating its law upon the basis of its own demand, or is the reason which decides the use of Tamil to be the body of constitutional law and language rights as developed dur¬ ing these centuries of the evolution of human rights ? The problem of language nationalities is no new prob¬ lem in the world. It has existed from the period of the origin of languages. Today there are over thirty bilingual and multi-lingual states and their number is ever on the increase. These states have solved their language prob¬ lems according to the principles of inalienable essential rights and the rational universal concepts of political liberty and the Rights of Man. These rights which were more and more clearly defined since the American decla¬ ration of Independence and the French Revolution were enunciated in uncompromising terms, for instance in the resolution of the House of Representatives in Massachus- sets in 1765 : “ Resolved that inhabitants of this province are unalienably entitled to those essential rights in common with all men ; and that no law of society Can, consistent with the law 'of God and nature, divest them of those rights.” The solution to the language problem is primarily to be sought in the principles of liberty and equality, and cultural autonomy of which language rights are the logi¬ cal derivatives. Thus Oscar lanowsky concluded his study on Nationalities and National Minorities: “ We are left no alternative but to incorporate natio¬ nalities and national minorities in the structure of the state, with respect for, recognition of and legal protec¬ tion extended to the pattern of life of every group.” * Consonant with the principles of liberty and equality and cultural autonomy the following principles are dedu¬ ced from the actual working of language rights in bilin¬ gual and multilingual countries; 228 TAMILCULTURfi If there be within a country two or more languages spoken by large groups at the time new constitutional laws are being framed, or a new Government alters language policies, these two or more languages are recognised as languages the State, and have equal national and offi¬ cial status. T' ’■ rinciple may be verified in the unitary states of Fiiii^^r and Belgium and in the Constitutions of Swit7 nd. inada. South Africa, Pakistan, India and thf modern tendency in language rights is to give more ana e concessions to the languages of groups within a nal -a. Ceylon is the only country in which an attempt is beiii^, made to withdraw and suppress the existing rights of a language. Alfred Cobban points out in his study on National Self-determination: “ Switzerland gets on very well with three—for some purposes four languages ; South Africa and Canada with two. The principle to be followed seems so obviou;, that 'ne wonders why so much fuss has been made on this matter. If in a State two languages are each used by large sections of the population, then for all common purposes the State must be bilingual and all official business be conducted and recorded ^in both lan¬ guages.” A second principle of language rights is the need for one inter-provincial language in a multilingual and multi¬ national state which counts several nationalities and several languages. India has fourteen national and offi¬ cial languages operating in different states and several minor languages—hence the need in India for Hindi or English as an inter-provincial language. The U.S.S.R. is as large and varied a linguistic mosaic as India -with its many constituent states. Hence Russian is a common language for the whole of the U.S.S.R.* Simi¬ lar reasons and the extensiveness of the numerous Islands which form the Repubhc of Indonesia compelled Indo¬ nesia to adopt a common language, the Bhasa Indonesia. LANGttAGE RIGHTS iN CEYLON 229 Language has assumed in this twentieth century an importance in the identification and circumscription of culture and nationality which it never had before in the history of States. In earlier times languages were never imposed by coercion upon minorities or upon aliens and it was even fashionable to have a foreign tongue as the language of the courts mainly because of royal marriage and cultural prestige. Thus Italian and Spanish were once fashionable in the French Courts and French was fashion¬ able at the German Courts, as Tamil was during certain periods fashionable at the Courts of the Sinhalese Kings. But now each nation and each nationality or minority idolises its language and regards it as a symbol of its auto¬ nomy and honour, and as the supreme expression of its own personality. The social sciences and psychological research have fully endorsed the importance of language, and hence ours is an age of the use of the mother-tongue in the teaching and practice of religion, of the mother- tongue in education, and of the mother-tongue as the lan¬ guage of the state and of Government. Such ruthless and cruel imposition of a foreign lan¬ guage by law as happened in Wales, Scotland and Ireland is not possible today, because, with the growth in the defi¬ nition and understanding of language rights, language tolerance has also been growing. It is even acknowledged that language tolerance is a further advance in human relations and social virtue than religious tolerance, and that conversely language persecution is even more odious and reprehensible than religious persecution. Says Karl Vossler in Language and Civilisation : “Tolerance of national languages is a still later tenderer flower of human culture. Once that insight has been gained, thereafter intolerance on this point is an even greater idiocy. If I grudge my neighbour his reli¬ gious beliefs, and hammer my own into his skull, I shall at any rate be able to excuse myself on the ground that 230 TAMIL !ctJLtURfe I believe my own to be the only one that leads to salva¬ tion, that his leads to damnation, and that I want to save his souL “But if I throttled my brother’s mother-tongue in order to impose mine on him, what excuse can I have except that of conceit ? For my neighbour’s language is hig inner eye, his form of thought with all its potentia¬ lities of expression, his spiritual childhood and futur.e. To everyone who has understood this, all repressive measures directed against a language must seem like crimes against the budding life of their spirit.”® A full, integrated and equal partnership and citizen¬ ship and intelligent Tamil participation in Government demands a recognition of Tamil language rights. No State has ever found it of advantage to have a permanently dis¬ contented minority within the body politic. The reason¬ able use of Tamil demands that Tamil also be made a national and official language, and if justice demands that a concession be made to the sentiments of the majority, let Sinhalese be made the first language of the State and T amil the second language of the State. But let both lan¬ guages have a national and official status though in func¬ tion the official use of each language may be restricted to those to whom it is the mother-tongue. 8 Ibid. p. 1% The Passionless Passion (An Interpretation of Certain Decads of the TiniTacagani) G. VANMIKANTHAN ‘ “ The Perennial Philosophy ”, says Aldous Huxley, “is primarily concerned with the one divine Reality substantial to the manifold world of things and lives and minds. But the nature of this one Reality is such that it cannot be directly and immediately apprehended except by those who have chosen to fulfil certain conditions, making themselves loving, pure in heart, and poor in spirit.In every age there have been some men and women who chose to fulfil the conditions upon which alone, as a.matter of brute empirical fact, such immediate know¬ ledge can be had; and of these a few have left accounts of the Reality they were thus enabled to apprehend and have tried to relate, in one comprehensive system of thought, the given facts of this experience with the given facts of their other experiences. To such exponents of the Perennial Philosophy those who know them have generally given them the name of ‘ saint ’ or ‘ prophet ‘ sage ’ or ‘ enlightened one One of those few is Manikkavacagar. His first hand accounts of the Reality he was ‘ enabled to apprehend ’ and of the given facts of this experience are contained as a comprehensive system of thought in the Tiruvacagam. FOUR KANDAMS OF THE TIRUVACAGAM The Tiruvacagam has not been divided into Kandams ot Books. If one were however to try to do so, it would lend itself to four divisions. The First Book would be ,iThis is the third article on the Tiruvacagam by this writer. The first two,—^Verities of Tiruvacagam and Manikkavacakopanishad appeared in Tamil Culture, September 1953 and October 1954 respectively. 232 TAMIL CULTTJRK called ‘His Glory Great’ and would compriije the four agavdls. “ Thy glory great I, man of ‘ evil deeds know not how to praise!”, bewailed Manikkavacagar; but because He, Civan, within his heart abided, by His grace bowing at His feet, to his heart’s delight he sang Civan^s Perenniality without Beginning; Civan's Fame; His Universal Manifestation; and The Song of Praise. The next book would be The Ten Steps,— a manual of instructions for the conquest of the self and the appre¬ hension of the one Reality. The ten steps are:— 1. Discrimination of the Real, 2. Initiation in the Divine Groimd, 3. Dying to sense and self, 4. The soul’s purifica¬ tion, 5. Rendering a fit return, 6. Cleansing the heart for receiving the Spirit, 7. Overwhelming sense of the Divine Compassion, 8. Mystic Union, 9. Ecstatic Bliss, 10. Over¬ flow of Bliss. These are the ten steps of the Gnana-marga shown in the Tirucchadagam. They lead to a great victory, but, like all victories, it leaves a gnawing dread of loss in the heart of the victor. An overwhelming sense of unworthiness and a sinking fear of being forsaken are intermingled with the overflow of bliss and evoke a heart¬ rending entreaty whose burden is ‘ Forsake-Me-Not ’. The decad with this title will also be included in the second book. ; ' The Third Book is the most important of the four books. It shows the way to have and to hold that which had been so laboriously gained by the Ten Steps. The Lord never "forsakes. “This lowly cur by even a whit to forsake is not the Lord’s will ”, declares Manikka¬ vacagar. Whether it is forsaking or being forsaken, the infallible strategy against such a penl is Love. Love unswerving, unflagging, shameless, unremitting and boundless. And selfle^. •Die Third Book comprising the sixteen decads (pa^gams) from the Tiruvempavai to the Koil-tiru-p- padigam is the book of this love,--the passionless passion, THE PASSIONLESS PASSION 233 The Fourth Book comprises the last twenty-nine decads of the Tiruvacagam, and is the Book of rapturous BLISS,— no longer insecure. Love has made it everlasting. THE PASSIONLESS PASSION The Third Book is the object of our present study. Life has been divided in Tamil Literature into two spheres,—the Inner Life and the Outer Life, the subjective and the objective, the female and the male, the life of love and the life of strife. The literature of the Life of Love has its special grammar and rules. The Life of Love is broadly divided into two sections,—the Secret Courtship, and the Public Declaration and Union. Only two characters hold the stage,—a maiden pining away with a secret passion for an youth and the young man, the object of her love. True to the scarcely admitted but very real characteristic of courtship, it is the maiden who sets her heart on a man and WOOS him till he is irrevocably hers. Manikkavacagar’s Book of Passionless Passion conforms to this tradition but with an upique difference. The seeker after the one Reality is a very love-sick maiden indeed, but with one great difference from her earthy sisters. Her passion, it is true, sears her like a flame, but in the process bums away all the dross of carnal and earthy love. When the chase is over and victory is hers, it is she who, as a suppli¬ cant, assures her Beloved thus : — 'What service Thou demandest, that we shall pay/ True love always humbles itself in victory, for love is service. When love humbles itself all desire dies. When desire dies passion becomes passionless. Kothai Nacchiar in a similar context sings. For ever, for seven and seven births with YOU United shall we be; to YOU alone shall we be servitors; All our other passions do Thou banish I 3 234 TAMIL CULTURB The Power of Love Many are the ways by which men seek to gain the one Reality, but in vain* Thus sings Manikkavacagar Brahma went up to seek ; Thou didst hide thyself! ‘ From those who toiled with mystic scrolls didst hide Thyself! From those who, to the grief of their Kin,' sought Thee with single-minded devotion, Thou didst hide Thyself / From those who, staking their faith in the power of the Vedic Mantras, IdborioiLsly sought Thee Thou didst hide Thyself! From those who boasted to see Thee by some rare device. By the same device, there ,—didst Thou hide thyself I . Far o-ff Bidding the senses five depart,—seeking refuge in trackless hill. With frames devoid of all but bare breath, spuming all delights ,— Ascetic saints in contemplation dwell; in (from) their vision Thou didst securely hide Thyself! Seeminyjme thing, then hot, eluding knowledge. Thou didst hide Thyself! When e’en of old J strove to find Thee, e’en when today I strive. Thou didst hide Thyself, Deceiver! BUT WE HAVE FOUND THEE NOW article begs to acknowledge that he has freely translation of the Tiru- m^am Md that he has himself rendered more portions into English. mixing up both. He craves the pardon of aD J®rsion. The only aim has been to give a clear Inter- S^d^ at thoughts and words. No attempt has been THE PASSIONLESS PASSION ^5 HOW? THUS,—(answers Manikkavacagar) Then, while undying love dissolves my jrame, I cried; . ^twas then through all my limbs A honied sweetness He infused, arid made me blest. There is one device He cannot escape, whose lure He cannot resist. He falls into the net of devout love. Therefore His devotees, * saints who, abandoning all activities, their bonds cast of},—in freedom dwell and everlastingly perceive Him in themselves, they all have come as maidens with beauteous dark eyes to worship Him in the manner of human beings, Him, the Bridegroom of the awe-inspiring Goddess.* For the same reason Said sacred Vishnu and fiower-bom Brahma as they gazed on Civan*s form ," our days in vain we spend (here) Without going to earth and being bom (as human beings) ; *Tis earth *tis earth alone where Civan’s grace is wont to save! * For human beings, then, the way of worship is love, the consecration of oneself as the Lord’s Bride,—^the Nayaka-Nayaki bhdvam. Manikkavacagar in his own behalf and in behalf of all of us becomes the Lord’s Bride and in this third book of his great work dances step by step into the Lord’s heart till both hearts beat as one, and in fact there is none but ONE. 23B TAMIL CtJLTURE Section I LOVE CHERISHED IN SECRET We shall take one poem from each of the sixteen decads of this Book and trace the birth, growth and consummation of this Passionless Passion of the Lord’s Bride. She has hardly entered her teens. But she has already fallen in love with Madevan. She has not confided in any¬ one. But her companions always agog for a toothy bit of gossip have divined her secret. They come to her doors loudly singing the praises of Madevan.' She is in that state of ecstatic love when even the mention of her lover’s name sends a thrill through every fibre of her body. As soon as the strains of the song of Madevan reaches her ears she falls into a swoon. She had, however, through sheer exuberance of love, on occasions given away her secret. Her words are now used by her companions to torment her. She pretends absolute unconcern and would not accompany her friends to Madevan’s shrine. She is pestered to join in singing His praises. She cannot trust herself to do so without alto¬ gether betraying her secret. But her friends are importu¬ nate. ‘ You alone are fit to do so, do therefore in rapture melt and sing for us and all the world,—sing a song of thy Lord , beseeches one companion, while another entreats her to sing of Him “ Who from time everlasting is the First of Beings and the Only-One.” (i) How INDEED COULD ONE PRAISE HiM ? Willing yet unwilling, eager yet hesitant, she finds an excuse in His immeasurable greatness and turns on her companions with the impatient question,—‘ How indeed could one praise Him ? ’ For, THE-PASSIONLESS PASSION 2S7 Far beneath the seven nether regions. AND ineffable ARE HiS BLOSSOM FEET ! His FLOWER-LADEN CROWN IS ALL KNOWLEDGE'S END ! A LADY BY HIM IS HiS FORM, BUT NOT THE ONLY ONt ! Though the Vedas, the heaven dwellers and ALL THE WORLD SING HiS PRAISES, Praises fall short of him, our unique com¬ panion, DWELLER IN HiS DEVOTEES. Therefore, O Ye of blameless lineage, HANDMAIDENS OF HaRAN’S SHRINE, What is His city ? His name ? who His kin ? who are not ? How sing we His praise ? —Tiruvempavaij 10. (iO Nevertheless His Form will I sing Her companions would not be put off. ‘ O beauteous gazelle, sing His Feet, the source of grace’, they beseeched her. And she sang. Over feature after feature of His face and form she dwelt with loving reminiscence and sang to her heart’s rejoicing. The fragmentary moon adorning her Lord’s head is the first feature which comes to her mind. Its cool brilliance is ever present before her eyes. It is one insignia which none else has a right to wear. It is His sole prero¬ gative. How many times without number has she seen it on hill tops and in the valleys as He went about His domain. When He sped to her in the gloaming darkness to keep the tryst, as He wended His way down the hill through winding paths and even pathless ways, the crescent moon flashed in and out of the latticed foliage, now far, now near, but ever assuring her of His presence and speedy coming. If for a brief moment for what seemed like eternity—^this TAMIL CULTURE m beacon of joy/was hid from her eyes while perhaps He pushed way through aisled courses of mountain streams, she could still always hear Him. He delighted in singing the enthralling sonorous chants of the Sama-Veda. Even while she went about the day's chores under the stern eyes of her mother her ears would keep eternal commune with Him. Lost in the reverie of these delights of the eye and the ear she forgot her fears, she forgot her companions, she forgot everything except her Beloved. With a secret joy^ suffusing her young face, with shining eyes searching the expanse of the hills before her for the flash of the crescent moon in the misty morning, with ears deaf to all sounds but the strains of His music, she lifted her voice and sang. Her companions and the world itself were silenced into amazed wonderment. He with the crescent moon, the bard of the Vedas, Lord of this vast domain. Donning the twisted thread, on stately steed He rides. Dusky is His throat, red-golden His form, ashes white thereon. First in all worlds is He : bliss unceasing,— The traditional boon—to His veteran devotees He gives. That all the world amazed be, let me beholding Him sing ! — Tiru-Ammanai, 9. (iu) Two and Two make One She has irrevocably lost her heart to him. “ My love is to Paranjoti ” she blurts out. She unceasingly thinks, dreams, speaks of Him alone. She loves to lisp His names, all of her own secret christening. Atthan^ Anandan, Amudan, she would roll these names round her tongue, THE PASSIONLESS PASSION 239 tasting them like sweets till their honied sweetness melted and filled her mouth. But He was still a riddle to her. He seemed now this, now that, always paradoxical pairs of opposites. Her heart was sore puzzled as He eluded her imderstanding. Now singing of Him, feature by loved feature, her puzzlement increases till she can bear it no longer and must confide in her companions. Even as the words issue haltingly out of her sweet lips the riddle is solved and her heavy clouded heart is illumined by divine understanding. Realisation of His catalystic quality comes to her in one inspired illumined flash. For when He enters (the heart) as the Lord of Love, He Melts the very hones, renders the two-jold deeds (karma) powerless; Weeds out the rooted griefs, purifies (her sense of) dualities. So that all that has gone before perish entire. So she exultingly sings. For Him who is the Vedas and sacrifices too ; For Him who is the real and unreal as well ; For Him who is the enlightenment and Ignorance dark besides ; For Him who is sorrow and bliss too ; For Him who is the half, who is the whole as well ; For Him who is bondage and the liberation ; For Him who is the first and the last ; For His anointment pound we the golden paste. — Tiru-p-porchunnam, 20. (iv) His infinite condescending Grace Immediately a sense of her utter imworthiness assails her.- Simultaneously, wonder at her good fortune and gratitude to Him for His infinite grace overwhelms her. 240 TAMIL CULTURE She realises only too well that her love cannot stand com¬ parison with Kannappan’s immeasurable love. But with a wry humour she sees that she is also beyond comparison, if only for her mite of a love. No one could have less. Forthwith her heart swells with joy and she sings, Love like Kannappan^s he did not find in me. Yet my sire, by my own measure, me too GRACIOUSLY ACCEPTED, And CEREMONIOUSLY COMMANDED ME, ' COME HITHER * : TO THAT FLOOD OF GRACE, Him WITH THE GOLDEN FORM ASH COVERED, GO HUM YOUR SONG, O KING OF BEES (MY heart) . -Tiru-k-kotthumhi, 4, (V) The Meeting She had so long worshipped Him from afar. Just a glimpse of the flashing crescent moon; His sweet voice waft^ in the wind; a blue patch on His throat, black against the golden and white skin; glimpses of these are her only acquaintance with Himu Even so, she had lost her heart to Him and had never thereafter even a fleeting glance for anyone else. All she has seen so far of Him were as good as not having seen Him. Now she is to meet Him. She meets Him face to face. Just as Sita, the while she feigned to trim her bangles, stole a glance at Rama and shed her doubts, assured that he who stood before her was the same one whom she had seen from her balcony and had lost her heart to, similarly our Lord’s bride receives confirmation and sings. The Lord of this beautiful vast domain,® AFTER he severed The root of my berth’s seedling, on none else __ HAVE I SET EYES ! 3, * T^erences to the Vast Domais and the City are to God without and God within; the vast domain being the worlds upon worlds and the city being the city of tjje heart. This will be clear from the succeeding two section?. THE PASSXGfNLESS PASSION 241 Formless (then), now a form He wears. Singing The beautiful city* he graces, let us acclaim THIS CLEAR CONFIRMATION.® .. — Tiru-t-tellenam, 2. (Vi) GrOD Without Aldous Huxley in his Perennial Philosophy says, “ THAT ART THOU ’: ‘ Behold but One in all things’—God within and God without. There is a way to Reality in and through the soul, and there is a way to Reality in and through the world. Whether the ultimate goal can be reached by following either of the ways to the exclusion of the other is to be doubted. The third, best and hardest way is that which leads to‘ the divine Ground simultaneously in the perceiver and in that which is perceived.” Our Lord’s bride can but choose the ‘ best and hardest ’ way and therefore she beholds God without and God within. With awe she looks at His vast domain and beholds God without,—^Him whom Manikkavacagar elsewhere hails thus:— Permeating all things, each one He cherishes, behold Him! Our Lord’s bride proclaims this in song thus:— What He smears is white ash ; what He wears IS AN ANGRY SNAKE ; What He speaks with His lip& divine is the MYSTIC WORD, IT SEEMS, MY DEAR ! What matters what He smears, what He says, WHAT He wears ? The Lord, of all that hath life the essence IS He! ^ — TirucchalaX, 1. ^ = certainty, confirmation. = clear, devoid of doubt _ 4 242 TAMIL CULTURE (vii) Gtod Within “ Though God is everywhere present, ” says William Law (quoted by Aldous Huxley in his 'Perennial Philo¬ sophy'), “yet He is only present to thee in the deepest and most central part of thy soul. The natural senses cannot possess God or unite thee to Him; nay, thy inward faculties of understanding, will and memory can only reach after God, but cannot be the place of His habi¬ tation in thee. But there is a root or depth of thee from where all these faculties come forth, as lines from a centre,® or as branches from the body of a tree. This depth is called the centre, the fund or the bottom of the soul. This depth is the unity, the eternity—I had almost said the infinity—of thy soul; for it is so infinite that nothing can satisfy it or give it rest but the infinity of God ” “ God within and God without,” goes on Aldous Huxley to explain,—“ these are two abstract notions which can be entertained by the understa n d in g and expressed in words. But the facts to which these notions refer cannot be realised and experienced except in ‘ the deepest and most central part of the soulAnd this is true no less of God without than of God within.” Accordingly the Lord’s bride proceeds to realise no less God without than God within in the deepest and most central part of her soul. Hence her song :— (After) many a day praising Him and serving Him, His blossom feet, In my heart He planted, the G^eat One ; and as beauteous flame. Tearing the fibres of my heart, He took me UNDER Hrs sway. His twin feet Golden became. This let us sing and PLUCK flowers (for Him) ! — Tiru-p-poovalli, 9. e The Mundaka Upanlshad says , “ Where the arteries of the body are brought together like the spokes in the centre of the wheeL within it (this self moves about) becoming manifold." THE PASSiO^ESS PASSION 243 (viii) His Prowess Realising God within and God without in the deepest and most central part of her soul, she sings His great prowess. Two arrows we saw not—^ iN Ekambar^s hand ! One arrow—three cities I-t-jump for joy ! And one was too MAify !—jump for joy ! (ix) Open Avowal Thus her passion progresses, grows, fills her being and can no longer be contained in secrecy. ‘Posing as one moved by compassion. He has entered her heart and enslaved her, and has made her the target of public slander.’ The point of no return has been crossed. Her plight over¬ powers her reticence and modesty and impels her to rush into the presence of her Beloved to shamelessly declare her passion, unmindful of the assemblage round Him. She rushes in, dancing in ecstatic joy and longingly sinks her glance on His shoulders. So unbecoming of a modest demure maiden. Utterly shameless, senseless baring of her heart-locked secret. But she could not help it. Her love would not be contained ciny longer. She need not speak. Her immodest stare speaks volumes. Elsewhere Manikka- vacagar sings. Enter shall I,—mine alone are Thy sacred feet: standing amidst saints that adore Thee I Shall laugh, staring at Thy familiar’^ shoulder,^ me an immodest cur! 1 familiar: the shoulders in which she has, in their secret trysts, often nestled her head. ® Kamban’s readers will recall to memory these lines of his: *' The pair of lances dolled her (Sita’s) glance Sank deep in shoulders broad of handsome Ram.” —Balakandam, Padalam 10, vers* 37. ^44 TAMIL CUiiTttHS Here the Lord’s bride sings with utter abandon. Pride we have lost, wisdom we have forgot, YE MAIDENS FAlR ! We think but of the cintured feet of Him, Lokd of the south, Whom heaven adores ! the rapturous Dancer^s GRACE IF WE OBTAIN, His slaves,—forthwith in rapture lost, shall WE DANCE GAZING ON HiS SHOULDERS ! — TirU't-tolnokkam, 8. Thus every true lover of God has to publicly proclaim his love so that his passion may be purified and transformed into Passionless Passion. Manikkavacagar relates the experience of this transformation in the last poem of this decad thus:— Let tLS sing Of the ineffable Inner Light,—the Most Mighty entering my heart; Of the crossing of the shoreless vast Sea of Lust ; Of the headlong flight of the craving senses’ vultures, robbed of their prey; Of the destruction of their eyrie too! (x) Swing Ye Low, Swing Ye High The point of no return has been crossed. A new fear assails her now. She sinks into despair. Will He accept her or spurn her and her love ? Her heart reassures her. ‘ Fear not, He will assuredly accept you ’, says the heart. What will be the sign ? He will sever the cycle of Death and Birth. Reassured, she and her heart swing in delirious joy and sing :— His throat the poison holds ; Lord of the heavenly ones ; P’rom uttara-koca-mangai^s gem-like cloud CAPPED mansion HsStbl^ESS PASSIOl^ 24$ He will come with her whose words are MUSIC ; AND IN His slaves’ Hearts take abode : elixir of deathlessness WILL WELL UP (in OUR HEARTS) AS He IN His grace Sunders (the bonds of) death and birth. Let us His HOLY praises SING, O YE who wear rows OF BRACELETS WHITE ! AND SWING IN the golden SWING ! — Tiru-p~ponnoosal, 4. Here ends the Secret Courtship, Section II PUBLIC DECLARATION AND UNION (xi) Declaration Their love has become the talk of the whole town. It cannot be very long before the mother of the Lord’s bride comes to hear of it. Before this happens she must be told, she must be confided in, her blessings, her invaluable wisdom, understanding and help should be secured. The Lord’s bride therefore seeks her mother when she is alone. Tongue-tied, guilty, shame and shyness two shakles on her feet, she is driven forward by love and sheer necessity. As she nears her mother, she rushes forward and in a sudden close embrace buries her face in her mother’s ample bosom, and between muffled sobs cries ‘ Mother ! ’ Eternal bridegroom, the utterly beautiful ; Since He fills her heart she could only cry ‘ Mother ! ’ He who dwells in her heart,—the Southerner, the vast domain’s Lord—since He is bliss, she could only cry ‘Mother!’ — Annai-p-patthu, 3. 246 TAMIL CUL'tlTRifi (xii) Inyttation Though she only cried ‘ Mother ’ and would say nothing else, her mother, a person of perfect understanding, divined her daughter’s secret and bade her send for Him. The Lord’s bride rushes out in great joy to entreat the Kuyil, lovers’ winged messenger, to call Him hither. She begs the Kuyil, Thou kuyil small, that dost frequent the GROVE with honey-sweet FRUIT RICH, PAY HEED TO THIS ! The bounteous Lord, who spurning the HEAVENS, ENTERED THIS EARTH, AND MADE MEN His own ; The Only-one who disregarding the flesh ENTERED MY HEART AND MY SENTIENT LIFE BECAME ;— The Bridegroom of her who won Him with GENTLE EYES THAT EXCEL THE FAWN’S,—GO THOU AND BID HiM COME HITHER ! — Kuyil-^patthu, 4. (xiii) State Arrival He comes. He comes in state and she would proclaim His heraldry; but in His presence she becomes tongue- tied. But her mother and her people should know His N^e and fame; His kingdom, capital, river and range; His steed and arms; His war-drum and favourite flower, and^s banner. She therefore turns to her loquacious THE PASSIONLESS PASSION 247 parrot to whom on many a lonesome wistful night she had repeated item by loved item His sweet Name and proud fame, and begs the bird to announce Him. She would not, however, have her mother and kinsmen think that she had taught the parrot His Name. “ Speak His Name,” she commands the bird, “recollecting what you have heard Brahma and Vishnu address Him.” Parrot fair and young ! recollect and tell THE RENOWNED SACRED NAME Of our Lord of vast domain,—* AROORAN ’, ‘SEMPERUMAN’, Or as you HAVE HEARD BrAHMA AND ViSHNU SAY,— ‘.Milord‘Overlord of the gods’! — Tiru-t-tasangam, 1. (xiv) He is arisen in Me Aldous Huxley quotes the following extracts in his ‘ Perennial Philosophy ’; “ Goodness^® needeth not to enter into the soul, for it is there already, only it is unperceived.” —The Theologica Germanica. “ When the Ten Thousand things are viewed in their oneness, we return to the Origin and remain where we have always bera.” —Sen Tsen. and proceeds to explain as follows “ It is because we don’t know Who we are, because we are unaware that the Kingdom of Heaven is within us, that we behave in the.ways that are so characteris* tically human. We are saved, we are liberated and enlightened, by perceiving the hitherto imperceived good 10 same as Godness. 248 TAMIL CULTtJR* that is already within us, by returning to our eternal Ground and remaining where, without knowing it, we have always been.” on the advent of the Beloved, the Lord’s bride experiences this same revelation (which Aldous Huxley speaks of) and communicates it to her people. Him whom she could describe so far in vague phrases only— such as ‘ the flavour of the fruit ’, or ‘ nectar or ‘ lo, it is difficult to apprehend or ‘ O, it is so simple or ‘ even the immortals know it not’,—she could now with assurance affirm, “ This is He, this His beautiful form She has realised in herself the Truth in the doctrine,' Tat twam asi ’ —‘ That art Thou She has gained the unitive knowledge of the divine Ground. Therefore she sings, ‘ The flavour of the fruit is that ’; * AMBROSIA THAT ’ ; ‘ That can rarely be known ’; ‘ so accessible (still) ’! thus immortals too know not 1 O DWELLER in UtTARA-KOCA-MANCAT’S SWEET ■A. PERFUMED GROVES ! Who hast assumed sway over us and hast IN Thy grace come hither That we may declare, ‘ Tms is His sacred form, this is He ’ ; What is Thy will for our service ? that we shall heed. Our Mighty Lord, arise in us. (XV) Show me a sign All saints, prophets, sages, enlightened ones have all down the ages recd.ved a sign,—a proof of the apprehension of the one Reality. Rev. Pope translates the sub-title of this decad as * Eternal Reality For the sign is the seal of a covenant, it is the dispeller of the dread of being THE PASSIONLESS PASSION 249 > fflrsaken, it is the conferment of the Eternal Reality. The Lord’s Bride also asks for a sign. The mistress^ dwells in MmMosT of Thyself ; Within the mistress centred dwellest Thou ; O OUR primal Lord whose being knows no end ; Who dwellest in the sacred golden hall (of MY heart) ! Midst of^Thy servant if both Ye dwell, Ever give me Thy servant the grace Amidst Thy* lowliest servants to abide ;— That my heart’s purpose be fulfilled. — Koil-mootim-tiru-p-padigam, 1. (xvi) Dying to Self The consummation of the Passionless Passion is the consumation of the self. This is the law to which saints all over the world and all down the ages have borne testimony, as the following extracts (quoted by Aldous Auxley in his ' Perennial Philosophy ’) will show. The Beloved is all in all; the lover merely veils Him; The Beloved is all that lives, the lover a dead thing. —Jalal-uddin-Rximi. My Me is God, nor do I recognise any other Me except my God Himself. —St. Catherine of Genoa. I Our Lord’s Bride ‘ dies to her self ’ singing thus : — This day in grace to me. Thou risest in my HEART— A SUN bidding the darkness flee ! On this Thy nature manifest I thought till all thought ceased to be.“ n Divine Grace. 12 Thinking is a sign of separateness, of duality. 5 250 TAMIL CULTURI^’’ Thine ‘ none-but-thyness ’ Goes forth, goes forth (into all things} as ATOM BY infinitesimal ATOM TILL THOU ALONE ART ! O, CiVAN WHO DWELLEST IN THE VAST DOMAIN, Thou art not one, thou apart none art ! Who can indeed khow Thee — KoiUtiru-p-padigam, 7. Manikkavacagar thus loved and gained the Lord, and he has bequeathed to us his first-hand accounts of the one Reality which he was able to apprehend. Let us be worthy of this priceless heritage and through his blessings become loving, pure in heart and poor in spirit so that we too may be possessed by this Passionless Passion and die to our self to become alive to the Kingdom of God within us, where, without Imowing it, we have always been.” 13The answer is'not ‘nonebut ‘I know Thee’. For the Kena Vpanishad says, “To whomsoever It (the Brahman) is not known, to him It is known; to whomsoever It is known, he does not know. It is not understood by those who understand It; It is understood by those who do not understand It.” Please also refer tp the quotations from William Law and Aldous Huxley under the section ‘God within' regarding the futility of under¬ standing etc. as aids for possessing God. 14 This article is humbly dedicated to Shri V. Subbarayar of Matunga, Bombay, a nectarine ocean of intuitive knowledge of the Tiruvacagam, of the waters of which it was given to this writer to take but a sip-much less indeed. The Development of Tamilian Religious Thought SWAMI VIPULANANDA* I Introductory The beginnings of Tamilian-civilisation may be traced far back to the ancient days, when the waters of the Pahruli river brought fertility to the regions that extended south¬ wards beyond Kumari (the present Cape Comorin). The Pandya king, Ma Kirti, at whose court the Tholkappiyam was published flourished before the time of the great deluge ^ which submerged several ranges of hills,' the river J?ahruli and the forty-nine countries adjoining it. The waters of the Indian Ocean roll over the spot where the proud city of Kavadapuram^ stood. This city of great wealth, ‘ rich in gold, celestial and adorned with pearls and gems was the second capital city of the Pandyan kingdom ; the original seat of government, Thenmadura, was situated further south and was swallowed up by the sea at the end of the first Oozhi. The commentator Nacchinarkiniyar ascribed to King Ma Kirti ^ a long reign of twenty-four thousand years and proceeds to say that the scholars at this old king’s court were, therefore, men of matchless wisdom. If years mean anything, Ma Kirti and his courtiers should certainly be the possessors of very ripe wisdom. Never- * This ^ticle contributed by the late Swanxi Vipulananda was originally published in the Annamalai University Journal and is now republished with the permission of the’ University. 1 ChUappadikaram XI, 17-22; Kali-thokai CIV 1-4; Tholkappiyam; Paylram Comm.; Karpiyal 4 Comm., and Marapiyal 94 Comm., Purananuru VI, 2 and IX, 11. 3 ValmiJd Ramayanam, Kis hkindakanHam, XLI, 19. 3 Tholkappiyam ; Payiram Comm. ‘TAMIL CUtTURfe the-less we, who belong to a short-lived race of mortals, whose average span of life does not exceed the proverbial three score years and ten, refuse to see eye to eye with Nacchinarkiniyar, when he makes this pre-diluvian monarch go through the dull routine of a king’s life for such a long number of years. Although the tradition may be unacceptable for purposes of historical investigation, it may not bd uninteresting to seek for and discover its origin. The existence of parallel traditions in Sumerian history suggests the possibility of a common source. The king lists* of Larsa give the names of eight kings before the deluge who reigned for periods ranging between 18,600 and 43,200 years. The civilisation of the Mesopotamian valley has a special interest to students of Tamil culture, for the ancient Sumerians are said to bear most resemblance to the Dravidian ethnic type of India.® The discoverjrnofTnonu- ments® belonging to the First Dynasty of Ur (^100-2930 B.C.), the third after the Flood, has proved to a certain extent that the records left by the scribes of ancient Sumer are not altogether legendary. The archaeological finds at Harappa and Mohenjo-Daro may throw fuller light on the racial and cultural connexions of the Sumerians and the ancient Dravidians, and the antiquity of the Sumero- Dravidian civilisation. The account given by Berosus’ in the third or fourth century before Christ appears to suggest that the early settlers of Sumer arrived by sea, bringing with them a fully developed civilisation. This civilisation may possibly have arisen in the submerged Tamil, lands that extended to the south of Kumari. Coming back to the court of King Ma Kirti, we see Tholkappiyar seated in the midst of an assembly of learned pandits, expounding his immortal treatise. Opposite to him sits Athankottasan, a relentless critic, who, at the instigation of the sage Agattiyar (Sanskrit-Agastya), points out many flaws in the book. Tholkappiyar successfully ^ 5, 6, 7 C. L. WoUey: The Sumerians (Oxford) pages 21, 30, 187 and 189; H. R. Hall: The Ancient History o‘/ the Near East (Methuen) pages 173, 174 and 177. THE DEVELOPME^'r OF TAmLIAN RELIGIOUS THOUGHT meets the points raised by Athankottasan and the book receives the approbation of the wise men of Ma Kirti’s court. From thenceforward the Tholjcappiyam becomes the most authoritative treatise on Tamil language and Tamil culture. From internal evidence, one is led to believe that the book was written at a time when the Aryan culture was just beginning to influence the social and religious life of the ancient Tamihans. Nacchinarkiniyar says that the Thol- ka/ppiyam existed before the time of Vyasa,® the compiler of the Vedas and the author of the Mahahharata. The high standard of excellence reached by the book shows that the Tamils at this time were a highly civilized people. The sage Agattiyar came into a land which was civilized and wealthy. There are a good many legends centering round the name of this sage. He is said to have started from the Meru ; passing through Dwarapathi (Dwarasamudram), he proceeded southwards with a band of followers until he reached Tamilakam. After his arrival, the Pothiya® hill, where he fixes up his abode becomes as famous as the Himalayas, the Kaviri^® river (Cauvery) which is said to have originated from his water-pot becomes the sacred Ganges of the South ; Kanta-man,“ the Chola king, who sought his protection is saved from the murderous battleaxe of Parasurama, the protagonist of priestly power; the mighty Ravana^^ crosses the sage’s path and becomes sub¬ dued (literally bound) not by force of arms, but by the subtly persuasive power of music. The sage is said to have spent years in the island of Ceylon, practising severe austerities. Later he becomes deified and we see temples erected to him in far-off Java. This half-mythical figure stands in the hoary past as the synthesis of two great cultures, the Aryan and the Dravidian, which hke the con¬ fluence of the Ganges and the Jumna was to progress ever afterwards as an undivided single life-giving current. » Tholkappiyam: Payiram Comm. « ChiOappadXkaram I, 14; in, 1 ; vm, 3; XV, 14; XXVII, 67. w Manvmekhalai, Padikam 12. u Manimekhdlait XXn, S5. ^ Tholkappiyam: Payiram Comm. 2B4 TAMIL CUiTURfi The earliest existing literary records of Taimlakam are to be found among the anthologies known as the Sangam classics. Rescued from palm-leaf manuscripts and brought to light during the last three or four decades, these antho¬ logies open up an entirely new world, entering into which one meets with a god-like race of men and women, strong in physique, possessed of a keen intellect, proud, valiant, active and energetic. They appear to have given little or no thought to metaphysical speculations. Life in those remote times was strenuous and the hero, who won renown by steady perseverance and indomitable courage, either in the battle-field or in the more peaceful avocations of life, was held up as the ideal to be followed. He, whose valour was sung by bards here on earth, was sure of mounting the celestial car, which carried the soul in its ascent to the abode of the Immortals.^^ This earliest epoch in the civili¬ sation of the Tamils is the age'in which Heroism was exalted to the position of a religion. The acquisition of fame was held up as the motive for virtuous action and the perform¬ ance of strenuous deeds of valour. The War-God Muruga, .ruddy-complexioned, resem¬ bling the sim at dawn, was worshipped from the earliest times as the ideal of unfailing Achievement.^^ His mother, the great Goddess, whom the Tamilian soldiers invoked in the field of battle was known as Korravai,^® the Victorious One. Even in those early d^ys, there were philosophers, Arivar, who by years of mental discipline had attained intuitive insight into the past, the present and the future; and there were also anchorites, Thapathar who performed severe austerities; the Arivar and the Thapathar having the attainment of Truth as the sole aim of life worshipped Shiva, the unborn, the embodiment of Truth.^® To those who shrank from the path of Truth, the God of Truth appeared as the God of Wrath and Destruction. Mayon, 13 PuTOTWinuru, XXVn, 7-9. 14 Purananuru, LVI, 14. 15 See Thoikappiyam Purattinai lyal and PurapporuI-venba-nuiUii. 15 Paripddal. V. 33. THE DEVELOPMENT OF TAMILIAN RELIGIOUS THOUGHT 255 the blue-complexioned, was the embodiment of Fame.” His brother, Valiyon, whose complexion was as white as a conch-shell, was the personification of undisputed Strengtl:i>” Ifidra and Varuna ranked only as demi-gods. It is said that the Chola King, Thodi-thol-chempian,^® went as an ally of the king of the celestials and broke down the three hanging fortresses of the Asuras. In sealing a bond of friendship, the king of the celestials agreed to visit the Chola capital once a year and participate in the great festival which was held in his honour for eight and twenty days. This was the origin of the Indravila. Mention is made of a Pandya king Vadimp-alamba-minra-pandyan who instituted a festival in- honour of the Sea-god.*® One of his descendants not only discarded this festival but also hurled a lance of defiance at the Sea-god, whereupon the enraged sea*^ swept av/ay the Pahruli river, several ranges of hills and a goodly portion of the Pandya dominions. The un¬ daunted Pandya marched northwards and conquered new lands to make up for the loss he had sustained.* Old King Ma KirtP defied the very gods and looked upon them as mere quarrelsome children. Once when he heard that hostilities were about to break out between the Devas and the Asuras, he interposed and asked them to lay down their arms and added the threat that if either party were to resort to acts of violence, his strong right arm would smite down the miscreants. The threat went home and both parties slunk away in terror from the presence of the mighty monarch. These legends help us to gain some insight into the ideals and aspirations that stirred the heart of the old Tamil warrior. Paripadal, one of the Sangam anthologies, makes mention of the Vedic pantheon** of gods, such as the twelve 17 Puram, LVL 13. ift Pwram, LVI, 12. 18 Manimekhalai L 4-10. *0 Puram, DC, 10. 21 Chilappadikaram XI, 17-22. 22 Iraiyanar Akapporul Sutra, 35 Comm. 23 Paripwial m. 6-8; ym, 4-8. 256 TAMILCULTURK Adityas, the eight Vasus, the eleven Rudras and the twin Asvini-devas; but the worship of these deities had not yet taken root among the mass of the people. Some of the kings were persuaded to perform Vedic sacrifices, which they did more for the purpose of winning earthly renown than for the achieving of heavenly rewards. One of the Pandya kings, Muthu-kudumi Peru Vazhuthi, who lived before the time of the submergence of the Pahruli river, had the distinguishing epithet of Pal-yaga-salai, which means the possessor of many sacrificial halls and another Chola king is known as Peru-nar-killi who performed the Rajasuya sacrifice. Early Aryan thought appears to have been introduced into Tamilakam with Vedic ritualism. The Tholkappiyam and the Paripadal make incidental mention of the early speculations concerning the Universe, man’s place in it and the ultimate destiny of humanity. The Sankhya system of philosophy was in vogue from very early times*; attention, however, does not appear to have been centred round the study of philosophy, until the coming of the Jains and Buddhists. Within a century or two after the time of their illustrious founders, these great religions appear to have been introduced into Tamilakam. Somewhere about this time, there appeared on the firma¬ ment of Tamilakam a star of the first magnitude which continues to shed its lustre even to this day. Tiruvalluvar, whose name is known to all parts of the civilized world, and whose teachings have lent a •unique grandeur to the language in which they were uttered, lived in an age of great intellectual activity. The ferment, introduced by the great heresies of Jainism and Buddhism, made the ex¬ ponents of Vaidika Dharma to revalue the traditional teachings and to formulate a course of conduct which, while remaining •within the established tenets of the ancient Dharma, would also appeal to those who would not accept the authority of the Vedas. The Universal gospel of Tiru¬ valluvar met this demand and has ever since been acclainied as the Uttara Veda. THE DEVELOPMENT OP TAMILIAN RELIGIOUS THOUGHT 257 When Buddhism and Jainism were first introduced, they were considered merely as systems of thought and were received with open arms. The disciplined life of the monk and the self-sacrifice shown by him may have appealed to the hardy Tamil warrior. The old soldier, who might have grown world-weary of the endless number of battles he was called upon to fight, may have found a refuge in the seclusion of monasteries. Those who suffered great bereavements, such as the fathers of Kovalan and Kannald, entered the monasteries to pass the last days of their lives. Princes of the royal blood, such as Ilanko- adikal, embraced a life of poverty to follow the example of the noble ascetic, the scion of the Sakya clan. Along with Buddhism and Jainism, the Nyaya and Vaiseshika philosophies were introduced into Tamilakam. In those remote times, the Mimamsa system does not appear to have been divided into the Purva and the Uttara Mimamsas. Lokayata (materialism), Buddhism, the Sankhya, the Nyaya, the Vaiseshika and the Mimamsa systems are known as the six systems of philosophy in the time of the Mani- mekhalai.^* A great impetus was given to the cultivation of learning and some of the Tamilian Buddhist scholars went to China, Tibet and the island of Java carrying with them the torch of knowledge. Mention is made in the Mani- mekhalai of the famous Buddhist teacher, Ara-vana-adikal. The name may be translated into Sanskrit as Dharma- swarupa. He is the hero of the epic, as much as his disciple, the Bhikshuni Manimekhalai, is the heroine. The fact that he was extremely aged is mentioned in several places in the poem. The force of his personality appears to have gained many adherents to the path of Buddhism. Later on Buddhism and Jainism gained ground to such an extent that they gave up the spirit of toleration which characteri¬ zed them at the beginning and became aggressive religions. They aimed at the conversion of the whole of Tamilakam and attempted to do this by winning over the exclusive patronage of princes and scholars. After the destruction M Manimekhalai XXVIL 6 25S TAMIL CXJLTURil of Pukar (Kavirippumpattinam), which event took place somewhere about the end of the second century, the Chola capital is transferred to Uraiyur. Madura suffers from a severe drought and famine for twelve years. The poets of the Sangam disperse and the glories of the good old days become a mere memory of the past. Several Northern dynasties, that cast covetous eyes upon the wealth of Tamilakam, find an opportune moment to gain a foothold in the South ; an Aryan expeditionary force from the North app0ars to have invaded Tamilakam as early as the time of the Pandya king mentioned in the Chilappadikaram. This invasion was successfully resisted and the king is, therefore, known to history as Arya-padai-kadantha Neduncheliyan. Subsequently, the Aryan hordes make a clean sweep of the country and in the next century we see Pallava kings well-established in Kanchi. The Chola and the Pandya dynasties suffer a temporary eclipse and the whole country passes through a period of transition, at the end of which, we find that the North had achieved a cultural conquest even more pronounced than the political conquest. The very names of the Pandya and Chola kings become Sanskritized. It was during this time, perhaps by the end of the third century or a little earlier, that the Yoga system of philosophy began to appear in Tamilakam. Tradition says that Patanjali lived at Chidambaram and wrote his com¬ mentary on Panini’s grammar,' a treatise on medicine, his immortal treatise on Yoga and the Tantric rules for the worship of Nataraja. The. sage is represented as* a Naga and is considered as an incarnation of Sesha Naga. This seems to suggest that the theory and practice of Yoga were developed among the ancient Nagas. Patanjali’s name is coupled with that of Vyagrapada, another sage, who is said to have arrived at Chidambaram earlier. This sage is re¬ presented with eyes in his toes. Is he to be identified with Akshapada, the father of Nyaya Sastra ? These two sages are said to be the first to witness the cosmic dance of TliE DEVELOPMlto OP 'TAMILIAN RELIGIOUS THOUGHT 259 Nataraja. The account may be symbolic of the fact that the supreme truth of the Shaiva religion can only be dis¬ cerned by the combined eyes of Yoga and Nyaya. By saying so, we do not in the least deny, the historicity of the two sages mentioned above. The Agamic cult of worship, which probably existed as a secret cult from early times, was elaborated during this period, It was certainly enriched by the influx of Tantric thought from the North. The worship of Ganesha, the elephant-headed God, whose form is that of the Pranava mantra is recognised in the Yoga system. Yoga and Tantra engaged the attention of Siddhars and recluses. Before they could filter down to the mass of the people, it was necessary that the doctrines taught by them should be actualized in the lives of one or more saintly personages. Karaikkal Ammaiyar or Karaikkal Pei (the demoness of Karaikkal), as she called herself, was blessed -with a vision of the mystic dance at Tiruvalangadu, and having the gift of song,, she has sung in immortal verse the glory of the vision that was vouchsafed unto her; the first Alwars of Vaishnavism were probably contemporaries of Karaikkal Ammaiyar. Cholan Chenganan, the builder of many temples, also probably lived about this time. In the middle of the seventh century came Tirugnana Sambandhar, the child-saint of Shiyali, who in his third year was blessed with the Divine vision and from thence-forward looked upon Shiva and Parvati as his parents. The saintly old Appar, who in his young days entered a Jain monastery and later on embraced Shaivaism, is a contemporary of Sambandhar. Many sects^^ of Shaivaism, which are at present known only by name, were in active existence at the time of Appar. Kapalis who made use of human skulls as begging bowls, Mavratis with long matted hair and garlands of bones, Pasupathars and others were seen in the streets of Kanchi and Tiruvarur. There was a whole galaxy of saints at this epoch. Andal, the mystic poetess, the Appar, Devaram —^Tiruvarur, Tiruvatirai-Ttrupadikam. 126D ^AlkilL CI^LtURE beloved bride of Sri Ranganatha, and her saintly father, Periyalwar, lived about this time. Sundaramurti-Nayanar, the last of the Devara hjnnnists, came about two centuries later. Tirumangaimannan, the Vaishnava saint, is proba¬ bly a contemporary of Sundarar. Sambandhar, Appar and Sundarar have left behind beautiful songs in praise of Shiva, which to this day form the holy book of the Shaivites. Alwars have left behind the Tiruvaimoli, the Tamil Veda of the Vaishnavites. Manickavasagar, the prince of mystics, completed the work of Shaiva revival started by the Devara hymnists.^® Buddhism disappeared from South India; but the unseen gentle influence of the Buddha, the ideal of compassion to all living creatures and the ethical principles expounded by Him, persisted and became per¬ manently incorporated in the religious life of Tamilakam. Jainism, although it received a set-back, continued to exist in the monasteries, which, besides being centres of religious life, were also functioning as a sort of grammar schools. The elementary treatises on Grammar, Prosody and Poetics and the metrical lexicons (Nighantus), placed in the hands of young students of Tamil even to this day, have come from mediaeval Jain monasteries. The Alwars and the Nayanmars breathed new life into the people and roused them from their lethargy. The pessimistic attitude of mind fostered in the Jain and Buddhist monasteries gave place to a living faith. The glorious example of the Shaivite and Vaishnavite saints helped the votaries of these religions to lead a life of service and selfless devotion. Princes lavished their wealth in budding temples and in patronising poets. The old dynasties of Tamilakam felt their own strength and refused to pay tribute to alien monarchs.^ By successful encounters they not only freed themselves from the foreign yoke but also subdued their erstwhile rulers. Perhaps, it 26 The date of Mamckavasakar is yet an open question; there are ^ong reasoxis in support of the claim put forward by some scholars fixing his date to the end of the third century, *7 Sundarar Devaram: Koil-padikam. 'tHE DEVELOPM^T oiP TAMILIAN RELIGIOUS THOUGHT 26i was during this time that the religion and culture of South India spread to far-off Champa and Cambodia. As a result of the awakening of the spirit, subsequent centuries witness an unprecedented literary revival. Jayam- kondan’s KcdingattupaTcini and Kamban’s immortal epic reach such heights as were never before reached. Kamba- Ramayanam truly reflects the religious thought of the age in which it was written. The old cult of heroism, which regarded valour as the supreme virtue and immortal fame here on earth as the equivalent of immortality hereafter, forms the basis of the lives so beautifully depicted by Kamban. The great God, who forgot His divinity on hearing the wails of a suffering world, walks in the midst of kings, outcastes and recluses as a man among men sharing their joys and sorrows. In Him, the Kshatriya ideal of life finds its fullest manifestation. Kamban has pictured this ideal to its utmost perfection. We find contemporary kings and princes of the royal blood vying with one another in honouring this great poet, who stands unparalleled as the poet of manliness and Kshatriya prowess. The Devara hymns, the works of Manicka- vasagar and Saint Tirumular and of various other Shaiva poets were collected and arranged into the eleven Tiru- murais or holy books of Shaivaism and Sekkilar wrote his story of the Shaiva saints which formed the twelfth Tirumurai. Ramanuja, the great exponent of Visishta- dwaita, lived about this time. The sacred utterances of the Alwars were collected and arranged and formed the' authoritative scriptures of the Vaishnavas. We pass on and come to an age, in which men’s minds turn once more to philosophical speculations. Meikandan appears on the scene. The same Divine power, which made the child of Shiyali (St. Tirugnana-Sambandhar) utter words of wisdom couched in the language of poesy, speaks once more through the tongue of the child of Tiruvennainallur. The inspired message is now given in the language of philosophy, the language of dialectics anH abstract, thought. The message is, however, the same. It TAMli bULTtJRi 262 is not mere scholastic philosophy that Meikandan expounded. The first half of Siva-gnana-bodham discusses the nature of bondage and freedom and the second half points out the path to the attainment of freedom. Herein we find a synthesis of pure reason and Yogic mysticism which transcends the bounds of reason. Sakala-agama- panditha, the Brahihan philosopher, surrenders at the feet of this Vellalah boy and becomes his first disciple, taking the name of Arulnandi-Sivacharya. He composes the Siva-gnana-Siddhiyar and Irupa-irujpathu and hands over the torch of l^owledge to Marai-gnana-Sambandhar, who hands it over to Umapathi-Sivacharya. Umapathi is the author of no less than eight works on Saiva Siddhanta of which one, the Sankalpa-Nirakarana, probably the last, was written in the Saka year 1235 (that is 620 years ago). About the same time, Malik Kafur occupied the city of Madura and the subsequent centuries witness the decline and fall of the Pandyas and the Cholas. Foreign invasions, civil wars and internecine intrigues well-nigh exhaust the energy of the hardy Tamil race. With the fall of Vijaya- nagar, Hindu independence becomes a memory of the past and a sort of mental stupor sets down upon the people; they begin to dream of past glories. The world, in which they lived and moved and had their being, had no attrac¬ tion for them; they directed their thoughts to regions situated far beyond the mortal ken. Despair seizes the heart of the people, they feel tired of life and shrink in horror from the tortures that might await them on the other side of the grave. The old Tamil warrior, who laughed at death, never thought of inventing a hell; the Buddhists introduced a few, but the priests who came into prominence in this age of degradation ushered into existence twenty-eight crores of hells. The heroic legends of the Sangam age were almost forgotten; the Jataka Tales imported by the Buddhists were metamorphosed into new shapes; stories centering round the sage Agastya, episodes from the great epics and tales, fabricated by priestly story¬ tellers, to illustrate the inexorable working of Karma THE DEVELOPMENT OP TAMILIAN RELIGIOUS THOUGHT supplied the material for unusually long poetical composi¬ tions called Sthala-puranams. The vast majority of these compositions are but the echoes of the only consolation which priest-craft had to offer to a fallen and degraded people. They exhort the readers not to mind their present trials and tribulations but to make regular offerings to the deities, bathe in the sacred waters, observe fasts and prepare themselves to gain safe entrance to the portals of heaven, ordering out their present life in strict conformity to the dictates of their rightful spiritual guardians, the priests. Monasteries sprung up all over the country. Founded upon Buddhist and Jain models, these institutions fostered to a certain extent religious and secular learning. But their main function was the offering of elaborate worship to the deities and the departed saints who founded the Order. The presiding abbot was paid divine honours even during his lifetime. Slowly and steadily these houses of reHgion began to accumulate large funds. Flatterers appeared in the guise of poets and received sumptuous meals and costly presents from the presiding abbots. The abbot, secure in his exalted eminence, often led a life of irresponsible ease and knew little or nothing of the miseries of the poor and the downtrodden. The poor people were daily growing poorer, and genuine scholarship was languishing for want of patronage, while a motley crowd of idle parasites consisting of priests, flatterers and the like, were fattening themselves on the food produced by the labour of the poor untouchables. The courts of the chief¬ tains, who ruled over Tamilakam in these troubled times, were also infested with the same kind of parasitic vermin. Sthala-puranas were made to order and wherever incidents or ideas were wanting, they were freely drawn from the inexhaustible source of Sanskrit literature. The monasteries were not all of one persuasion. All the various sects of Hinduism had their own Maths. In spite of the laxity that was spreading over, these institu¬ tions, they served the very useful purpose of preserving TAMIL CULTURE 264 the old manuscripts and keeping inextinguished the lamp of learning that was handed down to them through the centuries. Tiruvavaduthurai Athinam, which claims an unbroken line of succession from Meikandan, has preserved the Saiva Siddhanta phUosophy and has also produced a school of grammarians well-versed both in Sanskrit and Tama The chronicles of this Math state that, during the reign of Virupaksha Raja“ (probably Viriipaksha I of Vijayanagar), one Sivaprakasa Desikar of the Thiruva- vaduthurai Math preached the doctrines of Virashaivam in the presence of Linganna, one of the mimsters of the king. The preaching was so good that the minister requested the monk to be the head of the Virashaiva Math at Tiruvannamalai. With the permission of his monastic superior, Siva-prakasar took charge of the Tiruvannamalai Athinam. This Sivaprakasar should not be confused with Thuraimangalam Sivaprakasa Swamigal, the author of many standard works on Virashaiva philosophy. From the Dharmapura Athinam came Kumara-guru-para Swamigal, the gifted poet and founder of the Tiru-panandal Athinam. Sivagra Yogigal, of Suriyanarkoil Athinam, is another great exponent of Saiva Siddhanta philosophy. By the beginning of the fourteenth century, Vedanta philosophy, which had its votaries from very early times, had extended its influ¬ ence to such an extent as to be considered a serious rival to Saiva Siddhanta. This is evident from the fact that Arul-nandi-Sivacharya as well as Umapathi-Sivacharya attempt to refute at length the doctrine of Vedantic idealism. There were Vedanta Maths in various parts of the country, where instruction was imparted through the medium of Tamil. Veerai Alawandar, Sri Pattar, Tatwa Rayar and Kannudaiya Vallalar are among those who have enriched Tamil literature with Vedantic thought. The Vaishnava Maths were instrumental in bringing out com¬ mentaries on the Divya Prabandhams. Towards the end of the seventeenth century, Father Beschi was preaching the doctrines of Roman Catholic ?8 Tiruvavaduthurai Athinam—Guru-pcram parol Vilakkam, page 57. THE DEVELOPMENT O^* TAMILIAN RELIGIOUS THOUGHT 265 « Christianity and was creating a Christian Tamil literature. Omar, the Tamil poet and others of the Muhammadan faith, were enriching Tamil with Islamic thought; Pillai- perumal-aiyengar was adding to Vaishnava Tamil litera¬ ture. Thayumanavar, the mystic saint, sets at ease the warring schools of Vedanta and Siddhanta by pointing out the harmony that imderlies the two schools of thought. About a century later, comes Eamalinga Swamigal whose devotional hymns are such as would melt the stoniest of hearts. Arumuga Navalar appears in Jaffna and with a reformer’s zeal stems the tide of Christian proselytization and extensively makes use of the printing press to popula¬ rise the teachings of Shaivaism. The general awakening in Bharat-Varsha rouses the South from its slumber and the message of harmony propounded by Swami Viveka- nanda, Hinduism’s representative to the world’s parliament of religions, broadens the outlook of the Hindus and makes them feel that their religion is wide enough to receive light from all quarters and strong enough to withstand all opposition. We come to modern times. The venerable figure of Mahamahopadliyaya Dr. Swaminatha Iyer dominates the realm of Tamil literature for fully half a century. Cease¬ lessly labouring with untiring patience and industry, he carefully edits and brings out book after book of the ancient Tamil classics, thereby silently ushering in a renaissance in Tamil land. It may perhaps take another half century for Tamilakam to realise the extent of the services rendered to it by the venerable pandit. Only a small fraction of the material, that lay hidden in these ancient books, has so far been brought to light. But that little was sufficient to infuse new life into the Tamilians. The gloom, that overshadowed the country during the past four centuries, is slowly passing away and a new dawn is in sight. The harbinger of the approaching dawn is our latest poet Subrahmanya Bharathi. He is essentially a religious poet. With religious mysticism, he combines an 7 266 TAMIL CULTURE unbounded love for the poor end the downtrodden. The poems that he addresses to Kannan (Sri Krishna) are as sweet and soul-stirring as any that we meet with in ancient literature; the hymns to Shakti are grander than the old hymns addressed to Korravai. The charm of his lyrics, and the dignified tone of his patriotic songs have endeared him to his people. The healthy outlook on life underlying his poems has a universal appeal. He views humanity as a whole and stands ready to embrace the North and the South, the East and the West, the Brahman and the out- caste as well as the educated and the illiterate. May the Tamil people, the inheritors of a glorious civilisation, view the world with the eyes of Bharathi, their latest poet and rising above narrow sectarianism and petty social conven¬ tions march on the path that will lead them to the Divine Spirit, which is the source of all goodness, beauty and truth. Translating Old Tamil Poetry—Some Suggestions KAMIL ZVELEBIL. It might seem at the first glance that the translator of Old Tamil poetry into Czech has hardly anything to say to the English reading world. This opinion, however, might be held only by those who see, somewhat super¬ ficially, in the art of translation an instantaneous emanation of inspiration or, on the contrary, a mechanical process of transposition of one text into another. The problem of translation is far from being so simple; let the trans¬ lator, who is responsible for quite a number^ of translations from Tamil into Czech, be allowed to say a few words about some theoretic principles and problems of his work. He will not speak about the translation of modem Tamil prose into his own language; though there is a lot also in this sphere which is problematic and difficult, the matters are not at all so complicated as when facing the task of the translation of Old Tamil poetry into Czech verse. Whenever one reads carefully the oldest Tamil poems in their original language, one must agree with.the words of the French Indologist P. Meile, who says: “ La valeur 1 Hie author has published a number of translations from Old and New Tamil, both prosaical and poetic, in various magazines. Also, three books have been translated so far by the present author. They are: Faher C, J. Beschi’s OOaSfiSr ses>^ under the title “ Zertovne pribehy Mistra Paramarty*' (The Jocose Accidents of Master Paramarta), Prague, 1954 (edition de luxe' ; an anthology of amorous poems translated from different old Tamil collections xmder the title *' Cemy kvet” (Black Flower), Prague, 1955 (edition de de luxe) ; a greater anthology of old Tamil lyrical pOetry (200 stanzas), compiled mostly from the Nattiniai, Akam, Putam, Kaliththokai and Kxaunhthokai collections, under the title “ Kvety jatminu” (Blossoms of jessamine) is under print. 268 TAMIL CULTURE litt^aire de ces poems est de premier ordre. Concis, elegants, sans bravure, presque toujours d'lm mouveinent vif et animes de sentiments tr^s humains, parfois d'une emotion poignante, ils sont, dans la plenitude du terme, classiquerplus sobres et moins rhetoriques que Pindare, qui est le meilleur terme de comparaison,ce sont presque les seules productions de llnde qui, exemptes de preciosite, et n'abusant pas de la virtuosite intellectuelle,aient la grace,requilibre et la sobriete de I'art attique.”* Thus it has become the taSlc of the author of this article to translate the old Tamil verses for the Czechos¬ lovak reader in such a way, that they would impress him in the same manner in which the orginal had impressed the reader having the knowledge of Old Tamil or—^which is surely the ideal of. all translation—^that they would evoke, in the modern reader, analogical emotions, feelings and ideas to those which had been evoked in that reader —or better listener—or whom the verses had been, origi¬ nally, destined. This is—once more it has to be stressed— the ideal of all artistic translatorship ; only very few excep¬ tionally gifted translators can achieve it and it is a question whether it is at all possible to attain this aim when translating from ancient oriental literatures into modern European idioms. It is, nevertheless, the task of every serious translator to try hard to reach it. s There are especially two main kinds of problems which arise when solving this task, i.e- the questions as far as the contents of the texts is concerned, and the problems concerning their form. » As far as the first complex of problems is concerned, it is possible to express briefly the chief difficulty arising from those problems in the very natural premise that, to the Czech and any foreign reader of the 20th century, many of the concepts, ideas and happenings described in UTnde classique. II. Paris—Hanoi, 1953, p. 302. 269 ^TRAN^LATt^d OLD lAMlL POETRY the old texts are not at all so current and ^natural or at least so easily understandable as they had been to the Tamil listener nearly two thousands of years ago. This obvious fact is met with at every step in practical work and it finds a detailed expression in a number of concrete minute difficulties: how to translate some concepts, characteristic only for the nature and society of ancient Tamilnad, into modem Czech verse? Let us give only a very brief outline of some of these difficulties. As far as the local or personal names and mythologic conceptions have occurred in the original texts, the trans¬ lator took the liberty to leave them out sometimes or to paraphrase them or, which is most recommendable, to explain them directly in the text.® It is necessary to stress that an excessive appearance of such original proper names would be a menace to the aesthetic quality of the translation ; and the main purpose of the translator has been to give to the Czech reader a tra^lation as much perfect and polished as possible, which would read well, smoothly, without difficulties and with pleasure. *rhere are, further, some conceptions and ideas and happenings described in the original texts which are • place-name, appearing in toe text, has been included toanslation. (e.g. Quirf Akam, 377, ^aiQpppui Putam, 34 etc.). Naturally, also many personal names have been left out or para- ^^^atton, e.g. (Kut. 80), uenyttum uurmar ^ ^ exclude all origtoal or personal, from the text of toe translation. Siese proper n^es, used conveniently and at the right place, evoke a strancc if atmosphere, they furnish the text with a strange colouring andf^i Nation pleasing to the ear of toe refders of toe tran- siauon, they should certainly be used after careful consideration. Regarding the technique of explanation in toe text itself: in the 105). e.g. Po:ri ( uriH ) is mentioned; in the translation OT^toS^nSSJ f explanation: Pa:ri, the chieftain; i name of a peculiar flower mentioned; it translation and its colour or any other attributes is f^<^ 9 rant or white mullai Thus toe reader has loot-notes are necessary, which, needless to say, would be aesthetically impossible in an artistic translation of verses. TAMIL CULTURit 270 utterly for6i^[ii sxid. void of suy mc&niii^ to the Ozech modem reader; it was necessary to substitute analogical concepts, current and full of meaning, for those of the original Tamil texts, if it was possible. This does not concern only some specific names of many species of plants and animals, which are typical for South India,^ but also some conceptions which are, for the modem European reader, hardly imaginable or even aesthetically or ethically unbearable.® It has to be emphasized, however, that this does not mean that the translator might treat the text with immodest and unrestrained arbitrariness, that he might “ remodel ” and paraphrase and “repaint” the origin^. Such treat¬ ment would not lead to a translation, but to a free repro- 4 Thus, e.g., in old Tamil verses, we find a series of terms for different species of lotus or jasmine; we may leave the term untranslated only if we have no equivalent or analogy, at least approximate, in our language; the Czech reader imagines nothing imder the different terms Qfi&Ss) iL&e$sf>s, iMoieS&Ui etc.; if, however, we substitute for these names the common Czech word “jasmin" (jasmine), the reader imagines at once fragrant white blossoms, which is quite suitable and sufficient for our purpose. If, on the other hand, there is absolutely no Czech term for a herb or an animal found in the text, it is necessary to leave the original Tamil name and naturally not to introduce a . Latin botanical or zoological term (thus we leave e.g. t/sir&r as pw)mai and we do not use CalophyUum inophyllum). * 5 These are the most delicate cases; it concerns some expressions like (alkul) or ^fsSai iihithalai), sometimes even in the connection thithalai alkul (as in Natt 84); in an artistic translation one cannot naturally translate literary mons veneris or pudendum muliebre; it has to be translated as “ lap ” or “ waist ” ; thithalai : these spots and spreadings on the skin have been regarded as beautiful in the time of ancient Tamil poets; it is however doubtful if the Czech modern reader would appreciate its aesthetic fimction if the term would be translated literally by “ spots on the skin ”; thus it has been necessary to say some¬ thing like “ beauty-marks ”. Another instance concerns the idea of SkBitCiLf (.cilirppu) , “ horripilation, erection of hair from emotion ’’; this, again, has been necessary to periphrase with “she was trembling from delight”. Also some concepts ot enss@&rr kaikkiliai oriof— mat: ale: tuthal are strange and difficult to comprehend for the modern European reader and they must be treated, in the translation, with caution. What has been said about these cases, concerns also the sphere of Lfpii ipuiam), of war; many concepts and descriptions of the fighting and especially of the caroiisals of demons etc. are very strange and may even have a repulsive effect on the modem foreign reader. It would not be right, of course, just not to translate such stanzas; the picture of classical Tamilnad, evoked by the translations, ought to be complete and organic.- But such cases must be treated carefully. TRANSLATING OLD TAMIL POETRY 271 duction, to a paraphrase. On the other hand; it is fairly impossible to produce a good artistic translation of such ancient oriental texts which would be at the same time entirely true and strictly accurate. Such accurate transla¬ tion—^not artistic—^is necessary when dealing with the texts from the points of scientific investigation, philo¬ logical, literary or historic; it would be absurd to prepare such a translation for a wide circle of readers, for the masses of common foreign “consumers” who often do not know anything about the literature and its background in question. The translator must never forget his “ social order”, i,e. the kind of people for whom his work has been destined, he must not forget his readers. What holds good for the problems of contents and subject-matter, is equally valid when speaking about the form. Each and every language has created naturally its own, special and characteristic poetical diction and forms, which are hardly imitable; often, they are entirely inimi¬ table.® Thus it is impossible to transfer the quantitative features of the old Tamil verse into Czech form, the nature of Czech verse being entirely different from the quantita¬ tive rhythmical forms of Tamil- In Czech, stressed and unstressed syllables alternate, thus producing rhythm; it is the opposition of quality; in Old Tamil, the essence of rhythmical structure may be seen in the alternation of short and long syllables, in the quantitative opposition: The difference between the two systems is so essential, that any effort to imitate the Tamil form in Czech must end in failure. «Everything is, of course, possible. And there were some eflorts made in the literature of translation (also in Czech) to substitute one form for another exactly and precisely, e.g. for the Sanskrit verse of 17 syllables a wholly artificial Czech metre of 17 syllables was iised; needless to say that such trandations did not have any artistic effect and that their aesthetic value was disputable. 272 T A M I L ' C U L T U R le Then there is the problem of the (Thot:ai). The true means of aesthetic effect is, in Czech, besides the rhythm, the final rhyme; in Tamil, different forms of alliteration and consonance. The task of the translator is to find such form which would do justice to the nature of old Tamil versification by means of a system, peculiar and natural to Czech. Thus, the true final rhyme of Czech poetry has been used where, in Tamil verse, some forms of **initial rhyme” aT^«D«^0/s right under the wall of the fathomless well. The night, the moon, the sweet scent of the forest flowers and everything around above and about Nili exercise a strange spell on her. With fond words of love and affection she wraps up her husband under her arms. Nili’s husband, who has been patiently waiting for this opportunity snatches her costly ‘ tali ’ and, deaf to her heart-rending screams, treacherously pushes her down into the well and hastens back to his fond mistress. With this ends the story in the first birth. In the next birth, the murderer husband, reborn again as a merchant, is on his way to the town where he lived in his previous birth and happens to halt near the same well on a moonlit night. Nili’s ghost comes out of the well, and appears before her husband as a woman of surpassing beauty and claims the lonely tra¬ veller as her husband. Taken aback he looks steadily at TAMIL CULTURE 280 her for a moment, comes to the conclusion that she is a ‘ mohini ^ an enchantress of the ghost world, and instan¬ taneously rejects her. The claim and its rejection are referred to the Wise men of the neighbouring village, who after hearing both sides give their verdict in favour of Nili, duly declaring the traveller as Nili’s husband. Fur¬ ther the Wise men allot a house in the village and order the couple to live there. They enter their new abode. There is joy written all over her face. All the unfulfilled passions, which were cut short at a most crucial stage of her former life, come up again in full fury that night, and she hugs him to.her bosom, only to sap the life out of him. The following day the Wise men of the village come to the house only to find the dead body of the traveller with the woman missing. The degree of dramatic tension pro¬ duced by this story can be understood only when one act¬ ually listens to its performance by the bow song troupe. • Another famous ballad is named ‘ Maruthanayakam Pillai \ It deals with the life of a wicked man, who by foul means tries to seduce the wife of his elder brother. The folk ballad entitled ‘Chinna Thambi’, much appre¬ ciated in Tirunelveli District, portrays how, in order to win a rich treasure from an evil spirit, a wealthy landlord made a human sacrifice of the only son of a poor peasant in his service. Apart from the variety of themes and stories, another very interesting feature in this folk art is the extempore debate in verse. The party divides itself into two groups. The main singer with the ‘ Veesukol \ those who sing with him and the two men who keep ‘Tala ’ by playing on the ‘ Kashta ’ and the cymbals form into one group while the ‘Pitcher player*, ‘Udukku player’ and those who sing with them form into another group. The first group of persons singing from the right hand side will be called the ‘ Rightists * (Valathe Padupavar) and those who sing from the left hand side will be called the ‘Leftists’ (Idathe Padupavar). The ‘ rightists ’ will compose verses on the BOW SONG : A FOLK ART FROM SOUTH TRAVANCORE 281 spot in a particular tune. The subject matter of the verses may be anything under the sun. Usually the vorses will be on ‘Vedanta’ or ‘Siddhanta’, mysticism, philosophy or theology. Usually the verses of the ‘rightists ’ will con¬ tain a series of questions and the ‘ leftists ’ will have to answer them in verses of the same metre and tune as those employed by the‘rightists This is similar to the practice that obtained among the poets and scholars of Tamilnad till very recently_^the practice of singing ‘ Asu Kavi’, To test a poet’s accom¬ plishments and erudition, the other poets and pundits assembled often subjected him to a tough and exacting examination ; for instance they would ask him to compose on the spot a verse of a particular pattern with a specified idea. To test one’s prowess in the mi; of versification,- the examiners^ sometinies asked the examinee to compose a stanza of four or eight lines, which should end with one or two lines supplied by the examiners. Any one who failed to complete the verse according to the specifications faced the ignominy of defeat. In a sunilar manner, if in the course of a spirited debate in verse between the leaders of the two groups in the bow song troupe, one leader fails to answer in appro¬ priate verse and in the appropriate tune the question put to him by his opponent, then he wil} be declared as ‘ Thallu Kavi i.e., a rejected poet and asked to leave the dais. The following song from Shenbakaramanputhur, a village in Nanjilnad, illustrates the type of questions put by the leader of the ‘ rightists ’ to his opponent: Tell me straight The position of the five letters Tell me straight And clearly the meaning of ‘ Hari ’ * Tell me straight The story of the birth of the bow Tell me straight How this rod came to play on the bow 9 282 TAMIL CULTURE Tell me straight The tone of these bells on this good bow Tell me straight The secret of their trembling heart-beats Tell now straight To your pupils or else leave the bow Away straight And run away, you run away now! The word of five letters referred to is of course ^ 6u IT tu f5 LD (Ci va: ya na ma), which contains five Tamil letters (syllabic) which every Shaivaite devotee knows. The next song, from Aralvaimozhi, another village in South Travancore, is about the famous hero, Iravi Kutti Pillai, who died fighting to save the honour of the people of Nanjilnad, and describes in detail how the Chieftain’s army marched towards the battle field. The theme of competition in this song between the contending parties is the comparative merits of bronze and silver, one party’s descriptions all centering on bronze and the other party’s on silver. The rivalry between the ‘ bronze ’ and ‘ silver ’ parties and the attempt of each to outwit the other reflect an imagination, balanced by^ keen observation. The timpano on the elephant’s back Is made of bronze The resounding drums small and big are All made x)f bronze The bugle, kettle and base drums are All made of bronze The headwear of the Pathan’s Arab steed Is made of bronze ! And pat comes the answering description of the ' silver ’ party in equally good liquid loveliness of sound and rhythmic beat of verse: Ravi Pillai’s pearl white umbrella Is made of silver The fans used by his minister’s servants 6oW SOKG : A J’dtK ART FROM SOUTH TRAVA^TCORE 283 Are made of silver And the swords, betel and snuff boxes Are made of silver His Chinese flautist’s vertical flute Is made of silver ! The reference to the Arab steed and the Chinaman’s flute incidentaUy recall the brisk seaborne trade which Tamilnad had with Arabia and China in the distant past. The Arabs used to come with the starting of the South¬ west monsoon with their ship-loads of horses and land at the ports of Kumari, Eyirpattinam, Tondi and Korkkai to obtain in exchange sandal, ivory, pearl, pepper and spices. At the beginning of the fourteenth century, Sundarapan- diyan, the Pandiya king and his brothers, are reported to have imported annually about 2000 horses each from Arabia. The north-east monsoon enabled the Chinese to reach the shores of the Tamil country with silk, copper, tortoise shells, perfumes and cosmetics and many other dainty articles which were popular with the Tamils of those days. A debate in verse, similar to the one practised by the bow song party, still obtains in some villages of Tiruchira- palli and Tanjavoor districts, in the course of the perfor¬ mance of another folk art, called * Lavani Here, however, the scope of the debate and subject matter are limited! In this debate, one person asserts that ‘Kaman’, the god of love, was burnt to death by Lord Shiva, while his oppo¬ nent refutes this and maintains that ‘Kaman’ though burnt by the wrath of Shiva never died. These practices show that poetry was the language both of the princes and of the poor, with perhaps this difference that the language of the former was like a well- cut diamond, whereas that of the latter resembled an un¬ hewn stone. In recent years, this folk art has undergone many changes. The form, structure and technique, both as 284 TAMtL Ctri-tURfi regards the themes and ways of rendering, have been greatly modified. Songs and music occupy only a secon¬ dary place, the story being narrated principally in prose. The songs introduced in between are rendered in the m,ore sophisticated Carnatic style. Musical discourses of the type-of ‘ Kathakalakshepam ’ are also now being per¬ formed with the aid of this instrument, as also musical burlesques and social satires. But whatever the nature of the change and the manner of presentation, the poten¬ tialities of this folk art es a powerful instrument of mass appeal remain unimpaired. The Song of Madurai V. KANDASWAMI MUDALIAR Studded with bee-hives golden, wind-swept hills Rise from the bosom of the earth washed By boisterous.breakers of the roaring seas. Stars of day swerve not from their courses appointed; The flaming sun that lights the day, the silver moon 5. That illumines night shine in radiance spotless; Rains fail not, and fields fertile bear fruit To a thousand fold, carpeting the land With the splendour of their harvests golden; And branches of trees hang low, laden with fruit; 10 Man and wife are bright with flush of happiness Full-fed ; and the cardinal tuskers four. Stately and caparisoned bright, bear aloft The burden goodly of the earth far-flung On their rounded shoulders ample and large. ' 15 The wealth of plenty ceaseless dwindles not a mite Through consumption, nor the landscape fair fades Through evil looks cast at their abundance. The people of the city large, and of streets wide And well-ordered, in full happiness live, 20 Under the sheltering wings of their king Cherished deep; and who, guided by ministers True but never false, holds his regal sway, True to the glory of his ancestors great. In the crimson field of carnage, corpses 25 Headless, time with dance-steps of the ghoul' - -^- 1 Today the second largest city, in the. South; it was the capital of Pandian-land, one of the three Tamilian Kingdoms of ancient India; even during Asoka's time these three were independent 286 tAMiL culture That had gorged on the gory carcasses Of tuskers that lie with their severed trunks. On severed heads of the fallen enemies, Arranged like a frightful oven, the demon cook 30 Well-versed in cunning culinary art. In a pot of crimson blood of fallen Kings, Bubbling on the fire of his flaming wrath. Prepares sacrificial rice by stirring With ladles of the severed and wristleted arms, 35 As a blood offering to steel the arms Of warriors, who to the quake of their enemies Would not turn their backs on the field of war. Of such a force large-and ever victorious Art thou, Sovereign Liege, the King. 40 Thou art equal to divine Agastya^ Templed on the Pothia-hills^ flashing silvern With water-falls, who crushed Havana^ The lord of the surging, southern, blue seas. Gaily-visored war tuskers wallow deep 45 In the mire of their fragrant ichor. And sweep the battlefield, spreading carnage Among enemies in frightful order arranged. Harnessed to chariots strong as steel, leaping War-horses fleeter of foot than racing wind 50 Raise a cloud of dust sanguine and darken The flaming orb of day in welkin blue. With arms toughened through use of flashing steel. You have with chieftain-kings vanquished The Chera^ and the Chola® Kings ; with it 55 Not content, you have other chiefs vanquished. In their homes flanked by towering hills gleaming With mountain-streams; and other smaller chiefs 1 Agastya was the divine founder of the Tamil tongue; he was ih Pothia-hills in Tirunelveli district, where Tampiraparani river takes its rise. 2 Pothia-hills in Tirunelveli district. 3 The ten-headed and twenty-shouldered mythical monster with whom Rama, the hero of Ramayana, warred for the abduction of Sita, his consort. 4 5 Two of the three kings of Tamilian Kingdoms of the South. THE SONG OF MADURAI 287 Of dark forest-lands serried with tall trees. Thus had added to your world-wide renown. 60 Thou art a scion of great Umbal-Pandian^ Of gleaming golden garland, and art likened To bellowing thunder which scorches trees Of the hillside, and scatters to the winds four The rocks powdered by the fierce thunder-bolt. 65 Kings, whose lands are belted by forests dark Against enemies, and whose circling ramparts Are girdled by deep moats, and from whose fort-walls Battlemented, and of towering gateways, A cloud of sharp arrows is rained thick, 70 Are now divorced from victory of wars ; And, subject unto you as vassals, Carry out your behests now as old friends. And thou art the King of Kings of domains Between the towering Meru^-mountains 75 In the north, the V|rgin’-Cape in the south, The calm deep waters of the eastern blue seas. And of the sounding western oceans deep. Ships, stately with mast-heads of flapping flags. Laden with goods of sovereign worth, cleave 80 Through the rolling waves of the dark blue sea. Canopied with clouds, and reach your broad shores To the welcome peal of kettle-drums* large. Urged by the furious wild wind across the seas The fleet of vessels of swollen dusky sails, 85 Lying at anchor on the heaving seas. Is like cloud-capped hills rising in the distance. And you are the doughty victor of Saliyoor®, Named after salinel® the rarest of grains. Its ports on clea r deep waters are lined long 90 1 The far remote ancestor and the most famous of Pandian Kings. 2 The Olympus of Hindus, probably the Himalayas. 3 Modern Cape Comorin of S. India where there is a temple dedi¬ cated to the Virgin (Kenya) Goddess. 4 It is a large kettle-drum of nearly three feet in diameter; it is a war-drum, and was beaten at fort-gates and now at temple-gates. 5 6 A small kingdom of a chieftain, near Madurai, named after red- paddy (salinel) for which it was probably famous. 288 TAMIL CULTURE With yawning ware-houses and swarms with ships. Your shores and far hills echo with the tumult Of home-coming traffickers from far seas ; Echo with the cry of those who goad bulls At the thrashing ground; with the silver peal 95 Of bells round the necks of bulls; with the beat Of the flails, which scatter the golden grains Like the broken rays of the radiant dawn; With the cry of those who scare away birds From harvest flelds; with the song of those, 100 Who, drawn up in a line, flood the green fields With the water of baling-buckets dragged From the brimming freshes of tanks ; with the strain Amoebaean of men who tread the picotta^. And with the dance steps of Baratha^ maids 105 On sand-dunes set with sparkling sapphires Of Mundaga^ flowers; and those mingle sweet With the drum-measure of war-minstrels In villages surging with festive noises. Thou, the vanquisher of Kutwas^, loadest 110 The War-minstrels of shoulders broad and round With gifts of herds of cattle, with stately elephants Of gleaming tusks, their calves and jewels priceless, And decorate, them with golden stars lotus-shaped. (To be continued) " 1 A baling bucket attached to a pole for lifting water from wells.' 2 People of shore land, thfeir chief occupation was fishing and salt- growing ; they were traders. .. 3 Indian night shade. 4 People of a chieftain, state XKutta-nadu). News and Notes CEYLON OFFICIAL LANGUAGE BILL PASSED Claim of Tamil Turned Down Colombo, June 15. Ceylon’s House of Representatives today passed the Government Bill to declare Sinhalese the sole State language, turning down, in effect, the claim of Tamil for official recognition. The voting at the end of a Marathan 14-hour session, which ended at 6 a.m. was 66 in favour, and 29 against. The voting showed that the Government got two votes short of two-thirds majority in the 101-member House. The Government Party was supported by its prede¬ cessor in office, the United National Party and nominated members. Ranged against it were members representing the Tamil-speaking areas and the Leftist parties, who pleaded for parity of status for {Tamil and Sinhalese as official languages of the country. Keen Interest The Bill, the most controversial piece of legislation ever introduced in independent Ceylon’s Parliament, evoked greater popular interest than any single political event in the island’s recent history. —“The Mail”, Friday, June 15,, 1956. UNIVERSITY OF MALAYA Department of Indian Studies Singapore, July 6. The University of Malaya would open a Department of Indian Studies when the new academic session begins in October, the Vice-Chancellor of the University, Sir Sydney Caine, announced today. 10 290 TAMIL CULTURE • The new Department would be developed to cover a wider range of studies in Indian culture and languages but emphasis in the beginning would be on Tamil language and literature, Sir Sydney said. Mr. M. Rajakannu, Lecturer in Tamil in the Govern¬ ment Arts College, Madras, has been appointed by arrange¬ ment with the Government of Madras to head the department. Dr. C. S. Pichamuthu, the well known Indian Geolo¬ gist, will head the Geology Department to be added to the University from October. Dr. Pichamuthu is at present Director of Geology, Government of Mysore, and is also Professor of Geology in the Mysore University. — Hindu”, July 7, 1956. : ANNAMALAI UNIVERSITY ' ' . • Department of Philological Research Mr. R. Radhakrishnan, who was attached to the School of Oriental and African Studies and worked directly under Professor J. R. Forth in the Department of Phonetics and Linguistics, is reported to have joined the new Department of Philological Research in Tamil in the Annamalai Uni¬ versity. A TAMIL POET Here is another project undertaken by the archaeo¬ logists. I learn that experts of the Archaeological Survey of India, Southern Circle, will begin on Saturday excavation at a selected site in Kunrathur. The purpose: they hope to get more information about the Tamil Poet, Sekkizhar and his times. 291 kews ane notes Sekkizhar, was born in Kunrathur, 20 miles from the city (Madras). He lived about 800 years ago, was Chief Minister of Kulotunga Chola. But he is more well-known as the author of Periya Puranam, a monumental poetical work on the lives of 63 Saivaite saints of South India. —" Mail5th March, 1956. The Government of Madras in their Order No. Ms. 2207, dated 22nd June, 1956, have approved the Committee constituted by the Madras Presidency Tamil Sangham, Tirunelveli, consisting of the persons mentioned below for the purpose of finalising the glossary of Tamil equivalents for the English Administrative terms prepared by it. 1. Sri S. Venkateswaran, I.C.S., Member, Board of Revenue, Chepauk, Madras-5. (Chairman) 2. Sri M. Ananthanarayanan, I.C.S., Director of Legal Studies, Madras. 3. Sri T. K. Sankaravadivelu, I.A.S., Secretary to Government, Revenue Department, '' Fort St. George, Madras-9. 4. Sri N. D. Sundaravadivelu, m.a.,l.t.. Director of Public Instruction, Madras. 5. Sri M. R. Perumal, Principal, Teachers’ College, Saidapet, Madras. 6. Sri N. Vinayakam, Senior Translator to Government. 7. Sri P. Kothandaraman of the Swadesamitran. 8. Sri C. Amritaganesa Mudaliar, Secretary, Indian Red Cross Society. 9. Sri R. P. Sethu Pillai, Professor of Tamil, University of Madras. 292 TAMIL CULTUHI5 10. Sri K. Kothandapani Pillai, Member, Railway Service Commission, Madras-17. 11. Sri M. A. Kuttalalingam Pillai, b.a,, Retired Collector, Palayamkottai. 12. Dr. D. R. Annamalai Pillai, • L.C.P.S., L.M.S.S.S.A., M.R.A.S. (LfOndon), Retired AssistahrSufgeon, Palayamkottai. 13. Sri A. Arulappan, b.a., Professor of Tamil, St. Xavier’s College, Palayamkottai. 14. Sri S, Ramaswami Konar, b.a., b.l.. President, Madras Presidency Tamil Sangham. 15. Professor A. Muthiah Pillai, Professor of Economics, Pachaiyappa’s College, Madras-10. 16. Sri R. V. Kriohna Ayyar, Secretary to the Madras Legislature (Retd.). 17. Dr. Manavala Ramanujam. 18. Sri E. M. Subramania Pillai, Secretary, Mad-’as Presidency Tamil Sangam. Transliteration of Tamil Phonemes* into English VOWELS — a (ds in among) ■— a: ( >» calm) & — i ( •• sit) ff — i: ( „ machine) a_ —■ u ( „ fttU) ts — u: .( M iBle) ST — e ( M fed) fr — e: ( » able) S — ai ( „ aisle) 9 — o ( „ opinion) 9 — o: ( „ opium) 9«jr — au ( M .now) CONSONANTS Hard^ (Plosive) Soft (Nasal) Medium (non-nasal continuant) Auxiliary* Hints re: articulation a — k (as in king, angle, alhambra) a — c ( „ church, angel, calcium) *“ ^ • (• »» card ?).... Retroflex - articulate , with blade of tongue. JS — th ( „ threat, this, thick)-dental. “ ^ P ( ., pipe, amber) P — ^ ( »» atlas, Sunday,’arrears). .Retroflex- articulate with tip of tongue. “ — ng ( ,. sing)—velar n O — iij ( „ angel)... .palatal n ^ O’ ( „ um?)....Retroflex n. articulate « with blade of tongue. C5 — nh { „ anthem)—dental n — m ( „ mate) «»r — n ( „ enter)....Retroflex n-articulate with tip of tongue. y ( » yard) r — r ( „ red) — 1 ( „ leave)... .Alveolar 1 - articulate with tip of tongue. " — V . ( „ very) IP — ( .* ?),... Retroflex 1 - articulate with blade of tongue. — 1: ( „ hurl).... Alveolar 1 - articulate with blade of tongue. X ( „ ahead) * The Tamil phonemes may for practical purposes be treated as havine single allophones only, except in the case of the hard consonants which have four allophones each, as shown in note I on the reverse. 294 TAMiLcuLtuRE 1 , The Phonemes, classified as hard, have normally an unaspirated unvoiced value but acquire the following modified values if preceded by a consonant:— (a) a slightly aspirated unvoiced value, if preceded by a plosive or hard consonant. e.g., usKii) - is pronounced pakkham, not pakkam (b) an unaspirated but voiced value, if preceded by a nasal or soft consonant :— e.g., uiwasib - is pronounced pangam, not pankam - „ panjam, not pancam, (c) a fricative value if preceded by a non-nasal continuant or medium consonant or by the auxiliary consonant. e.g., becomes palhalai not palkalai fr.\@ „ ehhu not exku NOTE,—In most present day dialects, the plosive assumes a fricative —sometimes a voiced—value after a vowel also, except In the case of t: which retains its normal unaspirated, unvoiced value even after a vowel. 2 . The value of this auxiliary phoneme, which must always be followed by a hard consonant, was variable during the time of Tholkappiam; it acquired a phonetic value identical with that of the following hard consonant, vide 1 (c) above, e.g., CT.'.0 became ehhu Later its value became fixed as h, irrespective of the following consonant. <1 .K Note, (i) With a view to keep down transliteration to the minimum it is suggested that, in the case of Tamil words wUch arc already in free use in English (e.g., Tamil=Thamil), or where it is unnecessary to indicate the exact pronun¬ ciation, accurate transliteration need not be resorted to. In the case of proper names etc., which occur more than once in the same article, the transliteration need be shown only once in brackets side by side with a free English adaptation, the latter alone being used subse¬ quently, except of course in cases where such a procedure will lead to ambiguity, c.g., (kttiittLii := Vengadam (Ve; ngkat: am). (ii) Reference may be made to Tamil Culture, Vol. IV, No 1 (January 1955 issue) pp. 58-73 for fuller details, Vol. V. No. 4 OCTOBER, 1956 TAMIL CULTURE JOURNAL OF THE ACADEMY OF TAMIL CULTURE CONTENTS A SHORT NOTE ON “THE TAMIL CONTRIBUTION TO WORLD’S CIVILIZATION—AN APPEAL Kamil Zvelebil 295 THE EXACT CONNEXION BETWEEN THE HARAPPAN AND SUMERIAN CUL'TURES AND THEIR PRO¬ BABLE DATE. COULD EITHER OF THEM HAVE BEEN ARYAN ? H. S. David 298 THE PROSE WORKS OF BHARATHI Kamil Zvelebil 315 SAIVISM IN THE PRE-PALLAVA PERIOD M. Rajamanikkam • 328 DRAVIDOLOGY—ONE HUNDRED YEARS AGO Extracts from Dr. Robert Caldwell’s A Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages. 340 THE SONG OF MADURAI V. Kandaswami Mudaliar 345 REVIEW 357 NEWS AND NOTES 359 SYSTEM OF TRANSLITERATION 373 T^l TAMIL SCRIPT 375 All Rights Reserved Rs. 7 yearly OUR CONTRIBUTORS Dr. Kamil Zvelebil is the Head of the Department of Dravi- dology, University of Prague. He has translated many Tamil works into fczech and is an indefatigable research worker. Rev. Ft. H. S. David is Director of Oriental Studies and History, St. Patrick’s College, Jaffna, Ceylon. Dr, M- R^i flinanikkam Pillai, M-A., L.T., M,O.L., Ph.D., is the Head of the Department of Tamil, Thiagarajar College, Madurai. (The present article was originally published in Silver Jubilee Commemoration Volume of Annamalai University). V. Kandaswmni Mudaliar has a flair,for translation and has translated many poems in the Sangam Literature into English. ^ Contribution to Civilization AN APPEAL T here is no doubt that tfieculture of the Tarnils belongs to the great and immortal treasures of the world*s civi¬ lization. From my own experience, however, I can say that, even those who claim to have' a wide outlook and deep education, both Indians arid Europeans, are. not aware of this fact. 'And it is the task of the Tamils themselves, and of. those sympathetic jnlecchas. who try to interpret Tamil culture, to acquaint the world^s cultural public with the most important contributicms of Tamil culture to the World*s civilization:. As far'(is literary works are concerned, it is necessary before all tomake them accessible to a wide public of readers hy means’of artistic translations^ into the world^s great languages ; wUh x^ard to: works, of: arts and- architecture, it is necessary to make them a common trea¬ sure of the world with the help of publications giving ' detailed and perfect reproductions: This may be achieved through the UNESCO as well as through the work of indi¬ vidual scholars and local institutions ; this should also be one of the main tasks of the Academy of Tamil Culture. The following works of art and literature are among the most remarkable contributions of the Tamil creative genius * We £ive pride of place in this issue to the above unsolicited appeal from that well-knovm and Indefatigable Crech. Scholar, Dr. Kamfl. ZvelebU. who has made it his life mission to. interpret Tac^ culture to the. CzeOh nation. May his spontaneous enthusiasm proVe. infectious and wa^ the.Tamil puUic to a realization of their 4uty as so convindn^y Jjwihted' out by Dr, Zv^ebil!—dJpixoB),' ' - . v>.. 296 TAMIL CULTURE to the world's cultural treasure and should he familiar to the whole w^ld and admired and beloved by all in the same way as the poems Hbrnet, the' drdinas of SkakH^ peare, the pictures of Rembrandt, the cathedrals of '^rame and the sculptures of Greece.. 1. The ancteni Tdnitl lyHcal pdetry compiled in (The Eight Anthologies) ; this poetry is so unique and vigorous, full of such vivid realism and written so masterfully that it . can he compared probably only with some of the pieces of ancient Grefk lyrical poetry; 2. The ^(j 5 a@/D«fr (Kural), one of the gre&t hddki of the world, one of those singular emanations of human heart and spirit which preach positive lOVe md forgiveness and peace; 3: The epical poem ' ^b>uu0attfth (Gilai)pathi- kkt9m)i VchiCh, by its trayit ktOry vf hunnau iSUCj by its ** bafb^ spl^mdouf " and by the charm magic of Us lyrical parts belongs to the epic •fhOSter^ pieces of the world; 4. The school op BhaBlTI, both Vaishnava.and Saiva, which is one of those most sincere and passionate efforts of the man to grasp the Absolute; and its supreme literary expression in the works of lofTsaoflAxQjrrdFSify (Manikkavasagar) (QtrGtsraHhu^^f^ (GkiktiASanibandar) tBihiotrdrailtf" (NaimnalWaT)' and <^iOSjfLjt6rr (Andal) ; 5. T^ ^itrLosoPHicAL system op Saiva SuidHanta, a system- which may be ranked among the fhokt pe^ect end cfwerwt system of human thought i AN AJ^PlSAt 2d7 The South Inpian bronzes of the CNOla period, those splendid and amazing sculptures belonging to the best creations' of humanity j 7. - The PrAVH>IAN TKt^PUE-AB^HlTECTXJRE, of which the chief representatives are perhaps the temples Tanjore, Chidambaram and Modarai. These seven different forms of corvtributiQn., withov/t which the world would be definitely less rich and less happy, should engage the immediate attention of all who Ore interested in Tamil, culture; they should oil dedicate their time and efforts to make kno^n (gnd tpell and inti¬ mately known) to the whole of the world these heights of TamU creative genius. The Exact Connexion between the H^ppan Md Cnltui^s and their probable date y. Goidd either of them have be,^ Aryan , a S. DAyro It was in 1920' that Daya 'R^ archaeological excaVatiohs ht 'HatappS; ^ Two' years larer R. D. Banerji dealt with its great tvwn*city,'Mohen3o-^ai^ in Sind. The work at the two sites was co-ordinated by the then Director-General of Archaeology in India, Sir John Marshall. Since then excavations continued, with interruptions, for several seasons, not only at these two sites but at a number of sites ranging from Baluchistan to Rupar (Kotia Nihang Khin) near the foot-hills of the Himalayas, N.K of the Punjab. A full generation has passed since the first Harappan excavations. It is therefore time for us to sum up the achievements of this generation in the archaelogical field. Luckily for us, we have two great works on this subject, which complement each other. First, there is the Supplementary Volume to the Cambridge History of Indian entitled The Indus Civiliza¬ tion by Sir Mortimer Wheeler, c.i.e., sometime Director- General of Archaeology in India. This volume was printed in 1953 at the Cambridge University Press. In his prefatory note, the author warns us not to expect a large volume, in these words This essay, in spite of its pretention as a “ Suplementary Volume ”, is in fact a new chapter for Volume I of the Cambridge History of India and is designed to conform with the scope properly HARAPPAN AND SUMERIAN CULTURES 200 iinposed by that setting. It is essentiaUy a plahi? .sunroai^ hf the-evidence 'available in 1953,'without over .njueh excursion into collateral fields.'. Gonsequently Wheeler’s worh is coiidseJ In 04i pages he d^als with 4he Indus Civilization in a very sum^aiy and scientific manner. On ihe next. pages he listslthe 62 Harappan sites, on which excavations have.so fat t^Si place. He -bases his list and his conclusions Plainly ujiTpn ceramic evidence. On the whple^ the work is satiiSactor^ bearing.all the.;in^ks of .Nor^-European schpIa^Sip, precise, almost mathematical, averse to hasty genera!^^ lions and to unwarranted and sometimes even to just^ble comparisons with other cultures ; .as he hin^elf has’stat^, without overmuch excursion into collateral fieids ’? does the'work proceed. At the opposite pole to the above work is another Vdliinie also published in 1953. It is entitle Trbto^ri^o-Mediterranean Culture, by Rev; 'H; 'Heras, s.j.,' Director, Indian Historical Resetoh instittit.6, St Xavier’s College, Bombay. In his preface to Vpliime I, page xi, the author claims that he has devote seventeen years to a close study of the Indus Culture, which, in his own significant words “Could not be undertaken Vnthoiit reference to the neighbouring nations of the ^cierit world ”. Consequently the work teems with comparisons, especially between the Harappan and Sumerian cultures. In Volume I, Chapter 2 is almost entirely devoted' to this subject and" to the probable affinities betweert these two, ancient nations. After a prolonged discussion bn pages to 230 and copious comparisons, he cbncludes-thaV tire Harappan'Culture is anterior to the Sumi^ah'ahd'is;nSb^ probably the parent of the latter. Before we proceed to decide'between tiiese two views or to.exiHress our own,- we must give the'readerva ghmp^ of :the considerable handicaps which prevent us^ at^^'this stage froni'inaking-a completely correct asSessttieriti -The 300 TAMIL CULT USE fifst of these handicaps arises ^rom m event that com¬ menced exactly a century ago. . In 1856 William Brunton plundered Harappa ruthlessly and robbed that ancient site of priceless bricks in order to implement his ‘^bnUimit’*'scheme for obtaining ballast for the railway- track' ' tirat' he was laying betw^n Lahore and Multan. Conseijuently today the trains rumble ovw a hundred mSlefi of line laid on a secure foundation of brickbats belon^g to the third millennium B.C. During the brickr robbing various antiquities were appropriated by the wortanen and the engineers. At Harappa itself the Western Gateway, like the rest of the Citadel, was terribly robbed and wrecked by the brick-robbers. In fact, there Is evefry reason to suppose that an ancirat t^ple has been bodily removed by the hrick^rohbers at Harap^. This term includes not only the vandals of the type' of W. Brunton and his workmen but also the villagers of modem Harappa, who have built their present village out of the ancient bricks. What seems to us most strange is that Cunningham, who in 1861 was appointed Director- General of an Archaeological Survey of Northern India and who was naturally interested in archaeology, did nothing to prevent the Brunton depredation, which was in progress when General Cunningham visited HarappS in 1856. A second handicap is inadequate exploration. When one reflects on the number of archaeological expeditions and the number of years of excavations and surveys under¬ taken in Crete, Egypt and Sumer on the one hand and xin the comparatively paltry work undertaken so in the Ind^ Valley, one is not surprised at the number of puzzles and queries in the latter field that await an answer. Thus, to take one instance, the eviscerated moiinds of the lower city at Harappa have not be«i dug. In his cited work, Dr. R. E. M. Wheeler, who was in 1944 appointed, Directw-General of the Archaeological Survey of India Mid who participated in several diggings in the HARAPPAN ANp SUMI3aA2Sr CULTURES m Indus sit^, speaks of Moheiijodaro in these on 34 : “Indeed it may be adinhed that five seagions ol careful excavation and planning are required before mvich that is useful Can be said of the remarkable serii^ pf structures which have survived the erosion Of the citadel mound”. On the same page, dealing with the.I;K)wer City of Harappa and that of Mohenjo-daro. he states-:- At neither site have clear traces of fortification been discovered; at Harappa they have not been looked for with the spade, and at Mohenjo-daro search has been of the scantiest.but the whole area requires much further investigatiraiAgain, On page 52, he says:. “It Will be appreciated that the number of skeletons analysed to date is far too small to support any generalized estimate of the racial characters of the Harappans. ..... It is to he hoped that in the fulness of time a detailed report wlU be issued.” ; A third handicap is the nature of the Harappan script. Western Asiatic and ^Egyptian prehist&ry ends with the appearance of the art of writing in Sumer, Akkad, Elain and Egypt round about 3000 fe.c. With the art of writing there comes the record of dynasties, which can be intcr*^ preted to form the outline of fairly reliable chronology; But in India, though writing was known and employed in the third ^d second millennia B.C., the peculiar script is still undeciphered. .Consequently the Indus civilization is as prehistoric as that of Minoan Crete, also formally literate but With ah unread script. The Indus script bears no ascertainable i^lationship With any contemporary script. The conditions requisite for the interpretation ol the script—a bi-lingual inscription including - a knbwn language, or a long inscription with significant recurrent features—are not yet present. A majority of the available inscriptions are' short, With an average of half a dozen letters; the longest has no more than seventeen. Despite all this, Father Heras has made a brave attempt at decipher-^ ing tiiis script, with the h^p of the Sumerian> ElamitCj m T AMII.. CULTURE . Ghine§6 khd -Eg5^tian4iierogl3rp}iic ‘scripts. Scholars, how; ^vety-both Indian and European, are inclined, to;question the v^dity of his decipherment. Apart from the archaeo¬ logical and getto-aMingUistical arguments against him, there is this fact drawn from a comparative study of -the Dravidian-'lahguagfex^-words that Fr. Heras chooses as t iho Harap^ian*'proto-Dravidian words and as the ancestors of those in the modem Dravidian tongues: strike one 'as* sometimes quite modem, ■ at other times: as synth^c products. Nevertheless, there are several occasions on which he Seems to hit the mark. After a careful pemsal of his Chapter I, The Decipherment of the Mohenjo-daro Script, pages 29 to 129, one comes away with the impression that Ft. Heras could not have gone.far .wrong and that his attempt is the best of the several attempts made .to read this script, from the day that Mr. L. A. .Waddell tried to decipher these seals in 1925. Incidentally .Waddell is the ^!^-e3cponent of the strange theory or rather irrational prejudi^ of certam minds that whatever was great, noble smd ^vilized could'not but be Aryan (cf. foot-note 8 ^Ipw) .;. Th^ prejudice lies behind most Sinhalese scholars, a lew./Telugu^ a^ speakers and others, when 1;h%-assertthat their several languages are Aryan in origin; and.-not pravidian. I have heard such statements during; my eighteen months’ sojourn and journeys in India. Ft. Heras seems to be on sure groimd when he cites? anthrc^logists, archaeologists and historians for his com tention^ .that' the Dravidians , are, a .branch'of the Mediterran^m race. This appears on page 63; he then proeeeds^;^ "-A^Swm^Unglyjcth^ exist some relation¬ ship and the other branches Qftth^'.gr^iile The Indo-Sumerian Seals Deciphered, 1925; The Makers of Ci/oiliza- tion in Race and History, 1929. * Volkerwanderung = Wandering of peoples. 3 312 TAMIL CULTURE phase of Sumerian Culture should be dated c. 5400 B.G. It is, however, primitive, belonging to the “ Stone Age At any rate there can be no question of terming the Sumerian Culture Aryan. Consensus of opinion among scholars, both Western and Indian, has likewise decided against the possibility of the Harappans being Aryans. Sir John Marshall,“ Chatterji^^ and Hall” have shown convincingly that the Harappans were not Aryan but predominantly Mediterranean. The Harappans, far from being Aryans, were destroyed by the big tide of Aryan invasion, which reached India first c. 1800 B.C. Wheeler” writes : “ Indra stands accused. He and his Vedic Aryan following destroyed the fortified citadels of the Harappans. These in their decadence fell before the advancing Aryans in such fashion as the Vedic hymns proclaim ”. This is now the accepted theory among historians. The reason for this is not far to seek. If we reject the identification of the fortified citadels of the Harappans with those which Indra and his semi-nomadic Aryan warriors destroyed, we have to assume that in the short interval between the end of the Indus civilization and the first Aryan invasions, an unidentified but formidable civilization arose in the same region and presented an extensive forti¬ fied front to the invaders. This second assumption is more difficult than the first; it seems better, as the evidence presents itself, to accept the identification. The Aryan advent into India was, in fact, the arrival of barbarians 10 Mofccnjo-daro and the Indus Civilization I, pp. 110-112. iiIndo-Aryan and Hindi, p. 43. 12 The Ancient History of the Near East, p. 173. 13 op. cit. p, 92. C£. also S. Piggott: Prehistoric India (a Pelican Book), p, 263 1 The recent excavation of Harappa may be bought to have ch^ged the picture. Here we have a highly evolved civilization non-Aryan tjrpe, now known to have employed massive iortmcatj|ps . . . . nt a time not distant from the likely period of the earheij^yan invasions of north-western India ”, citing Wheeler. HARAPPAN AND Sl/MERlAN CULTURlES 313 into a region already highly organized into an empire based on a long-established tradition of literate urban culture. Before the Harappa culture was discovered, it was assumed that the Aryan invaders of India encountered only a rabble of aboriginal savages, who contributed little to Vedic ttoight or later Indo-Aryan society. But now the situation is almost reversed. As in the case of Rome conquering Greece or of Jenghis Khan and his Mongols conquering China, the Aryan conquerors are seen to be less civilized than the conquered Harappans.^* The Rigveda says that the enemies of the Aryans had walled cities (purah)“ of which the Aryans themselves could not boast. Later Hinduism, in spite of its Aryan garb, retained much of the non-Ary an, Harappan mentality and relationships. The Indus civilization transmitted to its successors a meta¬ physics that endured no less than the essential elements of its material culture. “ The Aryan Indian owed his civili¬ zation to the Dravidians, as the Aryan Greek did to the Myceneans I am aware of the fact that scientifically the term Aryan or better still A:rya has a linguistic rather than an ethno¬ graphic connotation: but in popular use in the modern age this word has come to r|ean much the same as “ Nordic ” when predicated of a race. Thus Alfred Rosenberg, Adolf Hitler and the Nazis employed the two words “Nordic'' and “ Aryan ” as if they had the identical connotation. It is in the same sense that both the writers quoted herein and the author of this article have employed the word “Aryan future article of mine will establish the fact that the Harappans were Drayidians. KRig Veda, I. 103. 3; 11, 20, 8; m. 12, 6 and pasfim. 18 Kail, The Ancient History of the Near East, p. 174, note 3. §14 ^AMii; euLTtjRfi I have so far avoided the scientific terms employed iii ethnology; but I may now mention that according to ethno¬ logists men of the “ Nordic ” race are supposed to be very tall, with blue eyes and blonde hair; the skull formation, however, is disputed. Some think them to be dolichoce¬ phalic or long-skulled; but the vast majority of anthro¬ pologists think that the Aryans of Europe (i.e. the Nordic peoples) were brachycephalic or round-skulled, like the Alphine or Mongolian types.. The'great Italian anthro¬ pologist, Sergi,^’ is of this opinion. On the other hand, an analysis of the skulls discovered among the few human remains unearthed at Mohenjo-d^o reveals that the Mediterranean type is the most numerous, counting 6 out of the 11; the Proto-Australoid comes second, withi3 skulls; the Alpine and Mongolian have 1 each; while of the Nordic there is no instance whatever.^® The same observa¬ tion is true of the Sumerian skulls unearthed by C. L. Woolley and others. Furthermore, the skeletons show that the both Sumerians and Harappans were short of stature. Clearly they were not Nordic or Aryan. nSergi, GH Arii in Europe and in Asia. i®Cf. Heras, opera citato, p. 445. The Prose Works of Bh^athi K. ZVELEBTL The investigation and description of Bharathi’s work su|^ usually from a serious error—the one-sidedness, manifesting itself in different ways.^ First of all, Bharathi’s poetry is usually overestimated in relation to his prose, which has been not less important for the development of modern Tamil language arid culture than his poems. The purpose of this short study, which has been written father to incite further investigation than to treat exhaustively all problems of the great master’s prose work, is to remove to a certain extent this one¬ sidedness and to show upon the basis of critical study of a single kind of his prose work, the essays, the intrinsic value and importance of the prose writings of Subrahmanya Bharathi.^ After investigating some essays of Bharathi,^ it is possible to describe the religious conception of the world and the philosophical ideas put down by the poet. 1 Bharathi is a very complicated personality! Every simplification of his work necessarily leads to distortion and misinterpretation. His work had imdergone a complicated evolution as far as its form and con¬ tents are concerned-^ decisive landmark of this evolution is in his leaving for Pondicherry. Thus it is a misleading Simplification and misinterpretation to see in Bharathi only a revolutionary and progressive poet, the author of Qjsffaj \-Sfiia6sm', it is equally an error to see in him only the greatest modem Tamil lyrical poet etc. Every such inter¬ pretation is one-sided and hence biased and it follows that the investiga¬ tion of only one aspect of his work without regarding his whole life and 1^ whole work in all its complexity, in its evolution and in its relation to the social and literary development of his tijne will necessarily be misleading. * This study is based upon the investigation of the poet’s essays appearing in ur/r^ «tl(5«Dir««r; jfujrmaBfliu O^ar&ir, 196C^ 316 TAMIL CULTURE Bharathi’s religious conception of the world, as shown in his essays, may be called a noble eclecticism, framed by Hinduism, or, if we want a more detailed characterisation, the pantheistic monism, coloured in some of its aspects strongly with the cult of Shakti. Cf. the essay p.3 : e_66r®]60>t_ILI £_6U<5^^@)J63)L.ILI K^^LDfTGlfLb “ thine Atma and the Atma of the world are one.” And he proceeds : “ Thou, I, a crocodile, a tortoise, a fly, a hawk, or a donkey—^1 is only one single life, and that life is godhead This is, of course, rather the confession of the feeling than of the intellect; we are reminded rather of Rama- krishna and Vivekananda than of Sankara’s intellectual monism. However, it would be a grave error to expect, that this pantheistic monism had been combined in the soul of the poet with some form of quietistic vision of all-pervading substance. It is quite the opposite. Bharathi is always the man of action. This important quality pervades both in his poetic and prose work. The roots of this active and vigorous attitude towards the world are to be seen, firstly, in the state of economic and political evolution of India of that time. It is typical of Bharathi that even in essays which seem to be, at first sight, “ torn off ” the actual problems of the world, the author pays attention to different happenings in the world of politics and never forgets to set vibrating a whole set of strings of social sigmficance. When speaking about Christiamty, he quotes only one piece in the New Testa¬ ment, Mk. lo, 21 ff—the social motive of ®^44e GospeL In the essay ^li pp. 78-84, he has expressed views which would indicate that, politically, he was far ahead of his contemporaries in the front of radical nationalism: “ If the poor are distressed—what is it to us ? think the biggest fools ” ^p. 81. “ First, it is necessary to end the cruel state when many perish without any food to eat. THE PROSE WORKS OF BHARATHI 317 where^ a few have it in excess....” It is necessary, according to Bharathi, to keep a state of eTd)(?fiurr 0 ti> ^ujirearihf equality of all ”, i.e., social and economic equality so that nobody would starve. “ If this is not now possible, it will be necessary to establish a form of govern¬ ment jrfT^iueS^, where everything is common to aU, firua 6 U 0650 Lb Qufr^, such a state as has been proclaimed by the Socialist parties of Europe”—^p. 80-81.® From a knowledge of this world, Which is full of misery and inequality, Bharathi infers that it is necessary to frame a religious and philosophic conception, which would help to remove unhappiness and to install happiness. From this knowledge is bom the desire for action; he recommends energetic and bold action: sn^iflttJLOfra (p6w3^ Qa^tuiL^fbjaerr I And further: If there is faith, victory follows; if you ask, what is the chief sign of such faith, then I answer : incessant activity e51i_fr(y)iufD^, courage oi^iuLD and activity. These are the key-words, which again and again appear in most of the essays. For a successful action three-fold shakti (energy) is necessary for everyone : knowledge, means and courage. Another aspect of his religious and philosophic eclecti¬ cism, coloured by social feeling and political activity, is to be seen in his many appeals to mankind for fraternity of all races, all nations, all religions, men and women, (cf. p. 48) : “ Come, peoples, come, brethren, we shall free millions of women. Do you know, that there is no sense 3 This does of course not ai^J l mean that Bharathi was well versed in some form of scientific socialism. Bharathi was never a Marxist. Most Of his social and political views are rooted in the soil of Indian radical nationalism. He himself was, philosophically, an idealist. It is ri^t, however, to say, that he often saw much farther than most of his contemporaries, that he had been much better informed of various events and developments in the rest of the world, and that he, sometimes, had seen more sharply the economic and social causes of political happenings. Never, however, did he proclaim in the marxist way, the dependence of cultural superstructiure on economic basis, nor did he advocate a revolutionary solution of social conflicts etc. 318 TAMIL CULTURE in caste-divisions ? Do you know, that there is no advan¬ tage in the divisions of colours and countries ? Well then, come, thousands of you, we shall resolutely enter the path of equality. Thousands and millions of peoples, we shall join and break to pieces the old bondsHe wants to substitute for these “ old bonds ” a new bond—^love. jlhus he shows himself as a reformer who is not indifferent to the present social order; he is keen on changing it. He wants to change it through peaceful ways, through love, through universal brotherhood. He begins with the indi¬ vidual, in the family, cf. the essay According to him, the religious conception of the world is closely connected with its social and political development; he wants to change the social order upon the basis of a new religious and philosophic conception of the world. This is his idealism. However, this religious and philosophic concep¬ tion, a noble eclecticism, is not a dead scheme, but spurs him to energetic action and results in creative humanism. The way to change this unjust social order, in which one is hungry while another fattens, is through love : . ^saruih uasyseyyw “ Love, or better, charity, the Christian caritas, produces happiness. Hatred only destroys And especially : ^{fuq “The solution for all this is caritas”. It is, however, not e^ugh to profess this creed, it is necessary also to bring^t into life; therefore, he commends karma yoga (in the essay (Seoirds @0 ). With this activism is closely connected also his religion of Shakti, Energy ; and his love for this our world, his trust in science, in human knowledge, in human activity.^ 4His cult of shakti is also typical; he W2iiits to see ujrirfi0 also in tiie mother, in the daughter, in the wife, in the sister. also • “Shakti...is deed, she is that, which has to be done, she is the fruit of deeds, she is lather and mother, she is the form of the highest Brahma ; p. 33. Further; “ The Goddess stands always in that form. Genesis, decay, duration—all these three processes go on for ever ”. For his love to this world and life cf. » .. .and then, in this world- it is sweet to eat, to work is sweet, to sleep is sweet; it is sweet to dance, THE PROSE WORKS OF BHARATHI 319 The nature of his eclectic pantheistic monism, which is fed not only on Indian sources,® is seen especially well in the essay “ Truth There we find the words : “.Truth is, thus, to be found in all creeds ; ho one creed monopolises the whole truth. After all, all believers believe in one God . He adds, that for peaceful association between all creeds and nations, three commandments are necessary r equality (9uq ), brotherhood () and freedom (eSKB^dsi)) . To return to his “ shaktism In many of his essays wiU be found a strong influence of the religious concepts •of radical nationalists, which might be summed up under the common term of “ modem shaktism This is the second source of his active relationship to the world. Thus he says in ; “The world lives through shakti. We wish to live. Therefore we need shakti.” ^akti is, for him, before all, the universal and all- pervading energy. Women are, also, manifestations of shakti. Hence his metaphysic justification of his fight for women’s freedom^ W ith this creed is integrally connected to teach, to learn, to sing, to think, to know everything is really sweet". For his trust in knowledge and science cf. “ In the abyss of heaven there revolve inninnerable worlds similar to this: we see their nature through knowledge ” (p. 50) and “ Science is great. Science is powerful ” (p. 112). 5 Thus, when proclai^^ his religious and philosophic ideas, he refers especially to the foltowing Indian thinkers: Swami Vivekananda, Ramakrishna, B. G. Tilak, R. Tagore, Patanjali, Nammalvar, Vemana, Ta3rumanavar. From Western authors he quotes most often Emerson and Thoreau, Milton, Rousseau, Tolstoy and Goethe. The Telugu poet Vemana appeals to him because of the effort to make religious experience more noble, more ardent and more sincere; “ Why pile ye stones upon stones and raise big temples? Know ye not, that God resideth in the soul...” Bharathi himself says in the essay ^ssff : “ If you go to the temple, it is well; if you don’t, it is also well; will you worship God, it is all right; will you not worship Him, it is all right; if you just stop to deceive others, God will exercise grace.” 4 320 TAMIL CULTURE his nationalism. For “ Mother India ” is another manifes¬ tation of shakti. Hence, again, his metaphysic proof of the righteousness of nationalism.® Thus we have seen, that, for Bharathi, the three active principles which must be adopted by mankind to establish a new and better world, are knowledge (courage () and activity ( (ipiufo^ ). “ Knowledge is god”. To have religion means to have knowledge, not necessarily only religious knowledge, but the broadest and most common knowledge; and to be. active is to do good. The activity, proclaimed by Bharathi, is not, however, any wilful action ; it must be well considered, it must have end and purpose. In one of his best essays, 0«3Bn’6rr6D)««@u) Q^FlL)6ro^55<5(5c^p6rrOT “ The distance between profes¬ sion and practice ”, where he very acutely analyses some of the features of pseudo-patriotism and ineffective and empty nationalism, Bharathi speaks of the man, who has only “ considered ” his proposed deeds, but actually has done nothing; there is a great gulf between his intention and his action. Every action must proceed according to a plan, an intention. The term Qa/rsfreo)® is more than intention, it is the “ conception of the reality ”. But in the case of most of them, who have such conceptions, you will find that their actions are in contradiction to their conception. They are the people who would be forced to confess in a crisis; “ Do as I tell you. But don’t do as I do ”. Bharathi calls them LD<56fru/r^«{r«6fr “ great 6 This is typical for Bharathi; this is one of the conflicts in his spiri¬ tual world; the clash between his metaphysical idealism and practical realism. However, it can be also explained not as an inner conflict, but since Gratia non tollit natUram, as a metaphysical consecration of reality. It is a question of taste. There is another conflict to be found in his work, which cannot be, however, explained metaphysically: the anti¬ thesis of reactionary radical views and influences of radical nationalism, here belongs; exaggeration of the antiquity of India’s culture, abandoning of all foreign reforms and influence, attachment to all ancient social adjustments such as caste, sect etc., and of progressive, realistic views, which arise from the poet’s appraisal of the economic, social and political reality of India’s development. THE PROSE WORKS OF BHARATHI 321 criniiiials , thoy, also, are one of the causes, why “two hundred thousand white men rule over three hundred million Indians According to Bharathi, it is not neces¬ sary for any man to shout to the world that he holds “ the right conception of Swaraj.” He must, however, be ready to lose his all, even to dispense with his own soul ”, if necessary, and only then he is entitled to say that he fights for freedom ( ). Some of Bharathi’s observations are concerned with language and literature. Characteristic of Bharathi’s atti¬ tude to language is his note in the essay ® 6 of) (p. 4 ) : &su6ofl ! ^ 6 U 6 i) (ol&-fr6VQ)j^(otD66r’ Be attentive. I tell you in good and clear Tamil.” And truly his language and style, as will be shown when investigating his prose from the formal angle, is superb ; he always tried to write in “ good ” and “ clear " Tamil. When .speaking of the cultural heritage of India, he says : “ It is necessary to include and to consider as Indian people all who had been born and educated in India, Christians, Parsees, Muslims... .They are one people; it is not possible to divide them ; it is not possible to destroy them ”. Says he about language : “ with the change of time, the language goes on changing («/r 6 ULb lditid, LLTfo LLrr^SQafrem(B QuirSfo^) ; old words change, new words spring into exist¬ ence.” Especially interesting are the following passages : “ Good poetry is written in an easy .style ” ( CT 6 ifl 6 a)LD 0<5wr«^t_ ;b 60 )i_), ‘ the rare visions of the mind ’ ( ^ 06 d^lo luiTssr £_6fr6rr«<5Bn'il.^<5B6fr). This is a programmatic principle adopted by Bharathi; he is an idealistic poet, who has outgrown his individualisrr. and speaks to the masses of people in language they would understand. At the same time he criticizes the reverse of this principle : “ But, the wise and the spiritual preceptors of certain centuries would appear to have held that the excellence of high poetry consists in writing about very Common things in an uncommon and difficult style TAMIL CtfLTtJRfi Bharathi shows himself to be a sympathetic, deep thinker with a firmly formulated program; the arts and litera¬ ture, must educate the people and must raise their spiritual standards j hence it is necessary to write about “ rare visions of the mind in an easy style ”, The second volume of Bharathi’s «si_® 60 )fr) for us to accept the fimdamental Soviet principle that “there is absolutely no difference between man and woman ”. Among the essays dedicated to the problems of Indian womanhood, there are two which are exceptionally inte¬ resting : “ The painful state of widows in India ” (pp. 298- 304) and “The culture of Tamilnad” (pp. 241-254). The first of these articles is of great significance because of its severe criticism of the ideas of M. Gandhi. According to M. Gandhi, “ the best way to reduce the number of widows is for men to take a vow not to re-marry.” Bharathi makes the following comments : “ Bravo. It is a very neat trick. But—^there is a great snag. First, men will never adopt this scheme. But more than that, the opinion of Mr. Gandhi that men who have lost their first wives are mostly senile, is wrong. Mr. Gandhi THE PROSE WORKS OF BHARATHI 325 has apparently forgotten that, in India, the average age of .death for men as well as women is 25. Thus, many lose their wives in their youth. They will not remain in a state of celibacy And he adds ironically : “ If you ask him how to reduce the number of widows, Mr. Gandhi answers: by increasing the number of widowers.” Bharathi appears to be much more realistic and keen than M. Gandhi in the solution of this social problem. There is only one way of reducing the number of widows and changing their sad fate (p. 303) : the widows must have the liberty to remarry the man they choose, without restrictions of caste or sect. And Bharathi proceeds to criticise Gandhi sharply: “ Mr. Gandhi says that it is possible for girl-widows to re-marry. But he has no courage to proclaim even this firmly ; he puts it off. The proper remedy to eradicate the worst injustice done to India’s women is to enable re¬ marriage of all widows. Anything short of it is empty words.” It is interesting that Bharathi supports his proposal with metaphysical and religious reasons, remark¬ ing that it cannot be the will of God that young people should not collaborate with Him in His creative activity. Passing on to the next volume of essays, entitled by the editors adsomefr “ arts and sciences ”, the article jsrilQ is chiefly an eulogy on the ancient Tamil poetess Auvaiyar ( ^srrfioajujfrir ). There are some interesting observations in the first few lines of this essay : Bharathi describes the unity and the common origin of Tamil and Malayalam language and literature and culture in general. He rightly stresses this unity as well as the fact that the woman in ancient Tamil society had been “ much more free and independent than in other parts of India In Auvaiyar he sees the embodiment and symbol of this independence and, at the same time, of the educa¬ tion of ancient Tamil womanhood. We can hardly agree with Bharathi—from the point of impartial and objective 326 TAMIL CULTURE criticism—in his estimation of her work; it is certainly an exaggeration to state that Auvaiyar’s art is greater than that of such masters as Ilango or Kambar. However, the popularity of Auvaiyar among the vast masses of people is undisputable. And it is right to see in this popularity and in the many affectionate legends surrounding her persona¬ lity the expression of the independence and greatness of ancient Tamil womanhood. In the essay jB/riLQ Bharathi has masterfully achieved the right balance between Tamilnad as an integral part of India and India as a whole. He thinks about India always as an integral whole; but he never forgets that he is a Tamilian; whenever, however, he speaks about Tamilnad, he sees it as an integral part of India. Very interesting and important, because entirely correct, is his observation (p. 236) concerning the meeting of two different cultures : whenever two cultures meet, one full of vital energy, the other weak, that culture, which is absolutely stronger, destroys and absorbs the weak one.’ This fact can be well demonstrated especially in the sphere of language; Bharathi himself quotes the instance of the Philippines, where American culture has won a complete victory. Bharathi’s observation is fundamentally right, even if the actual process is more complicated. However, Bharathi rightly adds : “ our Indian culture is not such a powerless thing ”. On the contrary, it was India which absorbed the cultures of the conquerors. From this fact he infers also India’s relation to European cultures ; they_are not strong enough to absorb and destroy Indian culture ; on the contrary : “ ’Piey are a great help. They are no demons to be feared 7 Qa/d/Oo/jp/ 9J(BBsCuJLLt^ ^jrexsrQ mrsitsBiadr aL.Qih(3uirjp ^drjpi iSsa/ih taeStu^iraiajih u)fiQ(n^drjDi iSseifih ueoeffearLDO'soiui §l(l$i(gii>ir^dr sjeSu^ wSesiWiuflpmfB Q(sAp Qpiffiuiru>& sSQfiii^ ggesrtaesdr ueOQpeiaL-ttJ isrs^saO/B ^ssr urmof, lapib QfiptSujeupoap THE PROSE WORKS OP BHARATHI 327 It is strange, that in this very essay, which brings out Uie keenness and depth of Bharathi as a thinker, he also propagates some of the naive ideas of Indian radical nationalism. He falls into the.error of subscribing to ideas (cf. p. 228 ff) which try to “ prove ” that the Aryan and Tamil civilizations are the most ancient civilizations of the world, that they were, as the first cultures, at the very loginning, created by God, that “ in the civilization of mankind, it was these two languages, in which the most noble poetry, literature and science has, for the first time, appeared And on p. 229 : “ The Aryas and the Tamils are the first nations who had, as the first of the first in the world, a high type of culture Unfortunately, these and similar conceptions are still found in some Indian publica¬ tions which pretend to be scientific; they are not worthy of the great intellect of Bharathi but, perhaps he was carried away by his great love to his nation and country under the influence of the school of political and cultural radical nationalism of B. G. Tilak’s type. When critically judging Bharathi's work, one cannot avoid referring to such con¬ ceptions which are unscientific and hence reactionary. (To be continued) Saivism in the Pre-Pallava Period M. RAJAMANIKKAM r , • ' * * The pre-Pallava period is usually considered to have ended before A.D. 300. The pillar inscription of Sainudra- gupta at Allahabad tells that, when he (Samudragupta). invaded the Deccan, Visnugopa, a Pallava King was reigning at Kahci.^ We can fix that period as about; A.D. 340-350.2 By this, it is definitely known that Ton<^i-; maijdalam, the northern p^t of Tami]agam was under the reign of a dynasty of kings known as Pallavas in the iniddle part of the fourth century A.D. Scholars say that Slvaskandavarman, the first Pallava king who issued the first royal charter from Kanci, belonged to the third century A-D.® There are others who say that Slvaslouidavarman himself is Kumaravisnu who captured Kanci and his regnal years were about A.D. 325-350.^ Certain others differ and fix the date of S'iva- skandavarman as about A.D. 300-325.® Taking all these into consideration, it is proper to conclude that the Pallava rule might have commenced in Toiidaimandalam from about A.D. 300. The Pallavas who conquered Toijdaiman^alam and began their reign in about A.D. 300 continued to be powerful kings till about A.D. 900, and they fought with Ceras, Colas, and Pa^idyas. These are historical facts. The Pallava empire stretched from the Krisna to the Kaviri 1 Pallavas of Kanehi, R. Gopalan. Appendix A, No. 7. 2 Ibid. p. 33. 3 Ibid. pp. 35-6. * Studies in Pallava History, Fr. H. Heras, S.J., pp. 9-14 & 22. s Successors of Satavahanas, D. Sircar, pp. 164-166 & 247-248. SAIVISM IN THE PRE-PALLAVA PERIOD 329 from about A.D. 575--900.® Nothing is mentioned about these-Pallavas who established-their power and remained in the iTamiJ country for many centuries, in Tolkappiyam, the Eight Anthologies, Pattuppat^u and Kuyal which are considered to • be the oldest Tamil works now extant."^ iTiough mention has been made about Kanci in many places in the two Kavyas, S'ilappadikaram and Manimekalai> it is worthy to note ^ that nothing is mentioned about-^even a single Pallaya king. Therefore it is clear that these two works belong to the .pre-Pallava age.® Ccmsequently, all the above-mentioned Tamil works may be iaken to belong to the period'prioT to A.D. 300.. TolkappIyam. It is foimd in Tolkappiyam, the oldest TamiJ Grammar thatS'eyon (Muriiga) andMay6h.(Vi§nu) were worshipped by the inhabitants of the hilly region and the forest region respectively.® It is also known that the worship of Kon’avai (Kali or Durga) too was in vogue.But no mention is outwardly made in Tolkappiyam about S'iva. It is said by its commentator that lovers are sometimes separated and the lover leaves his love, among other things, for the chivalrous purpose of protecting images of gods. Pujas and festivals were conducted in honour of gods. Since these facts are mentioned by IJampuranar, who is the oldest commentator of Tolkappiyam, we come to know that temples were in existence, idols were enshrined therein and they were worshipped and festivals^^ were held .in their honour in this period. Epithets of S'iva. The name ‘ Siva ’ is not found in the Eight Anthologies and Pattuppat^u. However, that God is mentioned by 6 Pallavas of Kanchi, R. Gk>palali, pp, 83-85 & 142. f Pandian Kingdom, K. A. Nilakanta Sastry, p. 19. 8 Prof. V. R. Dikshitar’s Introduction to SUoppadikaram. p. 30. * Agatlxndi Ij/ol, Tholkappiyam, s. 5. 10 Purattinai lyal, Tholkappiyam, s. 59. 11 Agattinai lyal, Tholkappiyam, s. 30 and its commentary. m TAMIL CULTUHb! such phrases as—^the sage with lowered locks of hair who performs severe penances QuireSi^ ^Q^iSjSin^ Q^irdr)f the three-eyed Lord (ofisstL the Lord with blue throat (mmfi the Lord with beautiful blue throat (if«o ineaafi LSi^pjpt the ancient first Lord** (op^Qp^wojtk), the Lord having Pfirvati who has blue body and jewels as his left part (itfoQmesff eutre^&iy) uirs^Qj£fr(i^6ueh’)j one having rain** (cloud) on his head (um^fi Angry God (siruj the green-eyed Brahmin uiriruurr^)f one who rides the bull (Ljsi^uh ijar/f Oa/zreorJ, the Lord with blue neck ^cwr One who has water-flow on his head** the three-eyed Lord ((ipssQk(^^), the Brahmin with cold locks of hair the God under the banyan tree (^eoiLir one who has battle^ axe** (smf}4^^ujfr^). References to S'iva in the Anthologies. References to S'iva in the eight Anthologies are as follows: S'iva has long braids of hair ;** wears garlands of ‘konyai’ on the che^ and head;*’ wears the crescent moon on the braids of hair ;** wears the cloud on his head wears the Ganges on his head ;** has three eyes ;** has Vedas in his mouth; taught them to the Brahminshas the mark of poison in his throat ;** holds axe in his hand ;** holds a begging-bowl made of skull in his hand ;** has 12 Purananuru, w. 1, 6, 55, 91 & 166, 13 Aingurunuru, Prayer stanza and v. 207. 14 Paripadal, 5. 11. 13, 27; 8. 11. 2, 127; 9. 1. 6. *15 Kalittogai, vv. 2, 38, 81 & 103. i« Purananuru, W. 1, 55, 166; Kalittoffoi, v. 38. 17 Ibid. V. 1; Ibid. V. 1. 1* Ibid, w. 1, 55, 58; Ibid. v. 103. 15 Ainfirurunwru, V. 207. 20 KaliUogai, v. 1; Paripadal, 6. IL 1-4. 21 Ibid. V. 6, 55; Ibid. v. 2; Tirumurugarruppmlaii, i. 153. 22 Ibid. w. 1, UW; Purananuru, v. 168. S ^ronanuru. w, 1, 56; Kalittogai, v. 1; Puripddal, 9, L 7. M Ibid. V. 56; Ibid. w. 2, lOl, 103; ItfadttrttOt-fcattji, 1. 455. 25 Kalittogai, v. 1; 1. 12. SAIVISM IN THE PRE-PALLAVA PERIOD 331 eight hands ;** wears tiger’s hide as clothhas Parvatl as half of his bodyhas a bull for his ride and flag;® stays under the banyan treedoer of severe penance protector of livesThe god of destruction is also He.” A temple was dedicated to Him.” He was the destroyer of the three towns.” He smeared the burnt ash of the three cities all over his body,” S'iva would take many shapes; control and destroy all things and dance in the end. 'That dance is called “ KodukoHi ”. After destroying the three cities He would smear, on His body, the burnt ash of the Asuras, and that dance is called “ Pandurangam ”, That God would dance after killing the tiger and wearing its skin, with garlands of ‘ Konrai ’ on his shoulders and the skull of Brahma in his hand. That dance is called “Kapalam”.” Siva stays on the Himalaya mountain with Uma. Havana attempted to uproot the mountain and sufferedwhen the Lord Siva takes upon himself the task of protection, he will assume a certain form and appear before His devotees.” References from S'ilappadikaram and Manimekalal In the hierarchy of gods, Siva takes the first place in S ilappadikaram, Manimekalai and Maduraikkanji, one of the songs of Pattuppattu.” Siva, Visnu, Balad#va, Muruga and other gods were offered pujas at the dawn of every 26 Kalittogai, v. 1, L 4. ‘ 27 Ibid, V. 1, 1. 11. » PurarianuTu, v. 1; Aingurunuru, Prayer; KalUtogai. v. 101. 1. 24 and its commentary; Tirumurugarruppadai, 1. 153. 2» Ibid. w. 1, 56; Tirumurugarruppadai, 11. 15l>152. 30 yv. 81 & 83: Sirupan Arruppadai, U. 96-99; Tiruinuruyarni- ppadat, 1. 256; Purananuru, Prayer Verse. 31 Purananuru, y. 1. 32 Ibid. 33 Ibid. V. 56; Kalittogai, v. 1, 1. 6. 34 Ibid. V. 6. 35 Ibid. V. 55; Paripadal, 5. U. 22-29; Kalittogai, w. 1, 2. 38: Tim- murugarruppadai, 1. 154. 3€ KuUttogqi, v. 1, 1. 8. . . 37 Kalittogai, v. 1, IL 1-12; Madavi performed (the dance). Kodukotti and Pandurangam; SilappudikaTam, k. 6, U. 40-45. ' 38 Ibid. V. 38. 11. 1-5. U. 32 Ibid, V. 1, L‘16 and its commentary. f S^ppadilaiTam, k. 5. B. 169-172; k. 14, IL 7-10; Msnknefcelaj, k. 1, 54-55; Madurttik-kanji, U. 453-455. 332 TAMIL CULTURE day." < Ceran S'anguttuy^ was bom by the grace of S'iya;" he worshipped S'iva" A dancer of the Cera country exhibited in Cera’s court the “ Kogli^otti ” dance which was played by Siva.". The word 'Siva' is not found even in these works; but the w6rd “ S'aivism ” occurs in Maiiimekalai. There were many expounders of religions in Vahji; and a S'aiva expounder was bne 'of them. Manimekalai, daughter of kovelan went to every one of them and asked them to tell her in detail the doctrines Of their religions ^d the nature of the gods they worshipped. She went to the S'aiva expounder and asked, “What is the nature of your god ? ”. “ He stated that the two lights (the sim aiid the moon), the doer and the five elements constitute the basis from out of which human beings are made by combination "of life and body. He who does this is constituted of the kalas; His nature is to create beings as an act of play; '^d He destroys them and thus gets rid of their sufferings, and He, besides whom there is none else, such a one is my God.”" The worship of severe divinities. Muruga worship is given a prominent mention in Tirumurugaryuppadai and Paripadal. He is spoken of as Slva-Kumaran." The worship of Komavai was prevalent not only amoijg the hunter class, but also among the city folks." Vasudeva and Balarama were also worshipped in the Tamil county." Digambara Jains (Nigranthas) and Buddhists also flourished in cities like Madurai, Kavirip- pumpattinam, Vanji and Kanci, having built their own 41 Maduraik-kanji, IL 453-460. 42 Silappadikaram, k. 26, 11. 98-99. 43 Ibid. U. 64-65. 44 k. 28, 11. 67-75. 45 k. 27, IL 86-95; Manimekalai in its Historical Settings, Dr. S. Krishna- ^ami Ayyangar, p. 192. ' 46 Paripadal, 5, 1. 13; 8, 11. 127-8; 9, 1. 9, etc.. VI.Silappadikaram, k. 23, 1. 181. 48 Ibid. k. 5, IL 169-172; k. 11, 11. 7-10; it was prevalent in North India in the first two centuries before Christ— Vaisnavism, Saivism and Minor Religious Systems, R. G. Bandarkar, pp. 3-5.. SAIVISM IN THE PRE-PALLAVA PERIOD 333 monasteries ^ind temples. - Of these two religionists, there were also'the order of nims. S^ilappadiharam and Ma^i- mekalai have much to speak of these two relieious sects. Temples. Temples of those times were of mud, timber and bricks." The Madurai Siva Temple had a Hall of Silver.®® Cto the. walls of the Maiitapa within the temple at Tirup- p^angundram, there' were fresco paintings illustrating scenes from the Ramayana and the Puranas.®^ Scholars say that S'iva lingas were then also in worship in the temples at Gudimallam, Kalattur arid Ku^umiyan-malai. They say that these lingas belonged to the 2nd century B.C.®* Hence it will be appropriate to say that Siva lingas were in worship in the South Indian temples even before the time of the Pallavas. As Siva is mentioned as ** ^QJLLir Q6P6U0765r ” (God seated under banyan tree)^ in the classic literature,®® it is to be inferred that there was the Daksinamurti cult and the figure as such in worship in those early times. Festivals were conducted as Karttigai-Vila, Adirai-Vila and Tai-Vila.®* Some of the festivals continued for several days. The images of gods were taken in procession on those occasions.®® The dance of Madavi in Indira Vi}a in Sllappadikaram spesd^is to the fact that music and dance played an important part on such occasions.^ The bhaktas sang devotional hymns in the temples in appropriate pans ( uahr) (ragas).®’ People came round the temples in prayerful attitude.®® They offered-prayers thus: “We do not pray for gold, wealth and luxury,- but pray for three things, love. Your grace 49 Manimekalai, k. 4, 11. 53-9. 50 Purananuru, v. 58. 51 Paripadal, 19, 11: 46-53. 52 Hindu Iconography, R. Gopinath Rao, II, P. I, pp. 55-7. 53 Sirupan Arruppadai, 1. 97. 54 Agananuru, 41 & 141; Paripadal. 11, 1. 78; 8, L 6; Nairirtdi, 22 and Airigurunuru, 84. ' 55 Moduraik-kanji, U. 427-52. 56 SUappadikaram, k. 6, 11. 49-66. 57 Paripadal, 14; IL 23-4 & 30. 58 Kalittogai, vv. 82 & 84. 334 TAMIL- CULTURE . charitable deedswe wish the cessation of the suffer^ ing of rebirth we desire only to Uve at your feet Names of S'iva adopted by the people. The names lyaiyarar, Rudrai^ S'attinadan, Perun- devaiiar, Pereyil-mufuvalw, Veubudi denote Siva. Perun- devanar means Mahadeva, the great God. Pereyil-muyu- yal^ is the name that indicates Siva’s burning the Tripura with His smile, and Veubudi is the name which indicates that Siva is the wearer of the sacred ash.“ Brahmins of the period. Brahmins versed in V^as are mentioned in many places in the ancient Tamil Works. They followed six professions, namely, study, teaching, performing sacrifices, officiating as priests in sacrifices, giving charity and receiving charity. Tolkappiyam speaks about the usage of Sanskrit words in Tamil and the six kinds of professions mentioned above.®^ Vedic Brahmins as well as those who had renounced the world completely were living in the Tamil country. The ‘Andauar Palh*, the dwelling place of BrShmin ascetics at Madurai had been built like a mountain-cave. Those Brfihmin ascetics taught religious principles to the people.** Brahmins versed in the four V§das and their branches of learning were respected by the Tamil kings; they were granted villages and lands as gifts.®* They were found in many places of the Tamil Country. Their customs and manners find mention in the ancient classics.®® The Tam4 Kings performed sacrifices (Yagas) with their help. Among them, PalySgasalai Muduku^umip-Peru-Valudi, 59 Poripadol, 5, IL 78-80. M Ibid, 17, IL 52-3. 81 Ibid. 18, IL 54-8; 21, iL 68-70. :. •* Kuruntoffoi. Introduction, pp. 111..2, 83 Ttu^kappiyam Ebtttadikaram, s. 102; Tholkappiyam CoUadikaram, s. 401; Purofti^i lyol, ThoUcappiyom, s. 20. 88 ICalittogai, 93, U. 20-36 ; Maduraik^kanji, 1. 474 and its commentary. M PuranonuTu, v. 166; Pattuppattu, No. 2; and VeMkkUdi prant. 88 Porlpodcl, n. 297-308; Silappadikaram, k. 10, 11. 142-7, SAIVISM IN TIffi PRE-PALLAVA PERIOD 335 Rajasuyarri'-Vetta-Perunavkilji and Ceran S'enguttuvan deserve mention. The kings gave them riches and gold.®^ Brahmins were protected when there was an invasion they were protected when Madurai was burnt®® by Ka^naki. Though , the Brahmins were emigrants, the reasons for their being respected in the TamiJ country were their learning, high moral character and piety. Some of the Brahmins who came to Tamilagam and were treated with respect by the kings, mastered the Tami} language and were recognised as Tamil poets. About 25 such poets have written verses which have found places in the ancient anthologies. Kapilar, a Brahmin poet was Pari’s dearest friend; Paranar was respected by Ceran S'enguttuvan. With the association of such poets and Brahmin ascetics, the TamiJ kings performed Vedic sacrifices. By the association of the Brahmins, the ancient Tamil modes of worship assumed new forms. Muruga became Subrahmanya; Koryavai became Umadevi; the pre-eminent S'iva became Rudra. Vedic rites, epic and puranic stories came into prevalence.’® First place to S'iva. In all places where a number of temples are mentioned in S'ilappadikaram, Manimekalai and Maduraikkanji it could be seen that S'iva Temple has received the first mention. L9jDG.iir uj(rden&ij QuifiCStuirdr QsfruS^ih euT^euSsir (Sioesf} 6uire9(Siufr^ QstruS^ih iSei) Quiesfi Qrsiq.Qiu!r^ « Purananuru, v. 867. 88 Ibid. V. 9. 68 Silappadika'nm, k. 21, L 53. 70 Ancient Dravidians, T. R. Sesha Ayyangar, pp, J09-tU. 71 Silappadikaram, k. 5, U. 169-172. 6 336 TAMIL CULTURE “ The Temple of the Great One who has a body that is not bom, The beautiful temple of six-faced Muruga, That of Balarama whose colour is like the conch-shell, The Temple of the blue-bodied (Visnu).” “ istrC-L^^ ^esyjDfSiuirm (SsfruS^ih A,QJGXfri= iLMJiris(o^iTGsr iSojQjiiL . Qjeo^iuiris^ Qsumdstr fStSirQ^Lh Qsrrifi^ Qffeujb Qairis^SSiufrest “ The Temple of the Lord with an eye in the forehead, The Temple of Him who has flown the eagle flag, The Temple of the White (Balarama) who has a plough- written flag. The Temple of Him who has a eock-written flag.” {SitiLl-^ juf^iuirdr (yi^eonru u^euiry) “ From the Lord with an eye in the forehead To the Bhuta of public square”. The first two are from the mouth of Ilango A^gal, who was an ardent Jain-saint, and the next is from that of Sattanar, a Buddhist. When we consider the fact that both these poets who were non-S'aivas gave the first place to S'iva, we can understand to a certain extent the important place ascribed to S'aivism in the period of S'ilappadikaram and Manimekalai. In addition to that, their wide outlook, which discarded religious differences of these non-S'aivas is revealed. The following lines from Maduraikkanji also support S'iva occupying the pre¬ eminent place among the gods. LDirs eSs^LcfSuir GSit^a^LjAr ^jtujbjSiu LLQ^Qjira- Qisu^Qiuir^ fi&ceu 72 Silappadikaram, k. 14, IL 7-10. 73 Maitimekdlax, k. 1, H 54-55. 74 Ibid. U. 453-55. SAIVISM IN THE PRE-PALLAVA PERIOD 337 “ The Great Lord, who created the water, the earth, the fire, the air and the sky is the foremost God Religious Intolerance. In those days S'aivism, Vais^avism, Jainism, Buddhism and other religions lived at comparative peace; they preached their doctrines in a peaceful manner; there was no outward hostility. However, there was inward intoler¬ ance among those who followed the Vedic religion, for such of the non-S'aiva religions as Buddhism and Jainism. That some of the members of the Vedic religion used to contradict some of the doctrines of these foreign religions, is revealed by the following poem of Avur Mulangilar : — “ The Veda consists of four divisions and six branches that are inseparable from the tongue of the Lord 6iva. Buddhists and the votaries of other religions have written works contradictory to Vedas. In order to bring down their influence, after having learnt their false doctrines which appear to be true, not believing their falsehood as truth and imparting the true knowledge to them in a fitting manner, thou hast been born in the family of those who have performed twenty-one sacrifices in all their fullness.” Thus has been praised KavuniyanrVinnan-tayan the Brahmin of Puhjairur of the Cola country by Avur Mulangil^.’® Conclusion. From the foregoing investigations, the following facts are revealed: 1. There were S'aivism, Vaisnavism, Buddhism, Jainism and others in the pre-Pallava Tamil Country. Among them, S'aivism was occu¬ pying the first place. 75 Purananuru, v. 166 and its commentary. Perhaps the intolerance for foreign religions which began in the pre-Pallava period, in course of time, developed into the big religious struggle of the 7th century A.D. 338 TAMIL CXJ^LTURfi 2. There were temples in Tamilagam; they were built of such destructible materials as mud, wood, etc., idols of Gods were enshrined in the temples and worshipped; festivals were held; the deities were taken in procession on the occasion of festivals; paintings illus¬ trating Epic and Puranic stories had been drawn in the Maiitapas of temples; music and dance were in vogue in temple worship and processions. 3. Worship of Siva Linga and Dakshinamurti was in vogue in Siva Temples. 4 Learned ascetics of high religious merit remained in Jain maths, Buddhist monasteries and the Asramas of the Brahmins and preached their respective religious doctrines. There were also S'aiva-ascetics.’® 5. The Tamil kings allowed the members of all reli¬ gions and their teachers to reside in the land. Though there was slight religious intolerance there were no persecutions like those of later times. 6. The Tamil kings performed Vedic sacrifices; granted villages and lands to Vedic Brahmins ; influence of the Vedic Brahmins increased gradually in the land. The Sanskrit language, the doctrines of the Vedic religion, epic and puranic stories began to spread in the country. 7. There was also the Order of Nuns among Bud¬ dhists-and Jains.’^ Narrinai, v. 14L n Satavahanas rd^ied in the Deccan from about B.C. 200 to A.D. 300. There were women - ka p a l l i ra s in the Deccan, who smeared the sacred on their bo^^ and held begging bowls in their hands. (Vide Early timory of the An^ru Country, Dr. K. Gopalachari, p. 123). But there is no_ evidence in the ancient Tamil classics as to the existence of the Kapahkas in the Tamil country. SAIVISM II^ the pre-?allava period 33d 8. Tirumuruga^yuppaqiai and Paripa^al properly deserve to be called ‘ song-books * or * prayer- books ’ on Muruga and Vis^u. These may be taken to remind us that there must have existed hymns in those days. The hymns on * Tirumal ’ and * Muruga * in Paripac^l clearly indicate the devotion and piety of the people of those days for their respective gods. 9. The people of the pre-Pallava period were having such names as lyaiyanar, Ve^ibudi and Perun- devan^ which belong to S'iva. Dravidology-One hundred years ago Extracts^ jrom Dr. Robert CaldwelVs ‘ A Comparative ■ Grammar of the Dravidian Language * ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ It was supposed by the Sanskrit Pandits (by whom everything with which they were acquainted was referred to a Brahmanical origin), and too hastily taken for granted b> the earlier European scholars, that the Dravidian languages, though differing in many particulars from the North Indian idioms, were equally with them derived from the Sanskrit. ***** The supposition of the derivation of the Dravidian languages from Sanskrit, though enter¬ tained in the past generation by a Colebrooke, a Carey, and a Wilkins, is now known to be entirely destitute of foundation. The orientalists referred to, though deeply learned in Sanskrit, and well acquainted with the idioms of Northern India, were imacquainted, or but very slightly acquainted, with the Dravidian languages. No person who has any acquaintance with the principles of comparative philology, and who has carefully studied the grammars and vocabularies of the Dravidian languages, and compared them with those of Sanskrit, can suppose the grammatical structure and inflexional forms of those languages and the greater number of their more important roots capable of being derived from Sanskrit by any process of develop¬ ment or corruption whatsoever. ***** The orientalists who held the opinion of the derivation of the Dravidian languages from Sanskrit, relied mainly on the circumstance that all dictionaries of Dravidian languages contained a large number of Sanskrit words scarcely at all altered, and a still larger number which, though much altered, were 1 It is pi'oposed to publish from time to time extracts from other publications which would be of interest to our readers. 2 The first edition of this book was published in 1856. DRAVIDOLOGY—ONE HUNDRED YEARS AGO 341 evid^tly Sanskrit derivatives. They were not, however, aware that such words are never regarded by native scholars as of Dravidian origin, but are known and acknowledged to be derived from Sanskrit, and that they are arranged in classes, according to the degree in which they have been corrupted, or with reference to the medium through which they have been derived. They were also unaware that true Dravidian words, which form the great majority of the words in the southern vocabularies, are placed by native grammarians in a different class from the above-mentioned derivatives from Sanskrit, and honoured with the epithets ‘ national words ’ and ‘ pure words.’ In general no difficulty is felt in distinguishing Sanskrit derivatives from the ancient Dravidian roots. There are a few cases only in which it may be doubtful whether particular words are Sanskrit or Dravidian— e.g. nir : water, and min : fish, are claimed as component parts of both languages though I believe that both are of Dravidian origin. ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ • The orientalists who supposed the Dravidian languages to be derived from Sanskrit were not aware of the existence of uncultivated languages of the Dravidian family, in which Sanskrit words are not at all, or but very rarely, employed ; and they were also not aware that some of the Dravidian languages which make use of Sanskrit deriva¬ tives, are able to dispense with those derivatives altogether, such derivatives being considered rather as luxuries or articles of finery than as necessaries. It is true it would now be difficult for Telugu to dispense with its Sanskrit: more so for Canarese ; and most of all for Malayalam :— those languages having borrowed from Sanskrit so largely, and being so habituated to look up to it for help, that it would be scarcely possible for them now to assert their independence. Tamil, however, the most highly cultivated ab intra of all Dravidian idioms, can dispense with its 342 TAMIL CULTURE Sanskrit altogether, if need be, and not only stand alone, but flourish without its aid. The ancient or classical dialect of the Tamil languages, called Shen-Tamil (S’en-Damir) or correct Tamil, in which nearly all the literature has been written, contains exceed¬ ingly little Sanskrit; and differs from the colloquial dialect, or the language of prose, chiefly in the sedulous and jealous care with which it has rejected the use of Sanskrit deriva¬ tives and characters, and restricted itself to pure Ancient Dravidian sounds, forms, and roots. So completely has this jealousy of Sanskrit pervaded the minds of the educated classes amongst the Tamilians, that a Tamil poetical com¬ position is regarded as in accordance with good taste and worthy of being called classical, not in proportion to the amount of Sanskrit it contains, as would be the case in some other dialects, but in proportion to its freedom from Sanskrit! The speech of the very lowest classes of the people in the retired country districts accords to a consider¬ able extent with the classical dialect in dispensing with Sanskrit derivatives. In every country it is in the poetry and in the speech of the peasantry that the ancient condition of the language is best studied. It is in studied Tamil prose compositions, and in the ordinary speech of the Brahmans and the more learned Tamilians, that the largest infusion of Sanskrit is contained : and the words that have been borrowed from Sanskrit are chiefly those which express abstract ideas of philosophy, science, and religion, together with the technical terms of the more elegant arts. Even in prose compositions on religious subjects, in which a larger amount of Sanskrit is employed than in any other department of literature, the proportion of Sanskrit which has found its way into Tamil is not greater than the amount of Latin contained in corresponding compositions in English. * * * * * Tamil can readily dispense with the greater part or the whole of its Sanskrit, and by dispensing with it rises DRAVIDOLOGY—ONE HUNDRED YEARS AGO 343 to a purer and more refined style; whereas English cannot abandon its Latin without abandoning perspicuity. Anglo- Saxon has no synonynis of its own for many of the words it has borrowed from Latin; so that if it were obliged to dispense with them, it would, in most cases, be under the necessity of using a very awkward periphrasis instead of a single word. Tamil, on the other hand, is peculiarly rich in synonyms; and generally it is not through any real necessity, but from choice and the fashion of the age, that it makes use of Sanskrit. ♦ ♦ * ♦ ♦ Through the predo¬ minant influence of the religion of the Brahmans, the majority of the words expressive of religious ideas in actual use in modem Tamil are of Sanskrit origin, and though there are equivalent Dravidian words which are equally appropriate, and in some instances more so, such words have gradually become obsolete, and are now confined to the poetical dialect; so that the use of them in prose com¬ positions would sound affected and pedantic. This is the real and only reason why Sanskrit derivatives are so generally used in Tamil religious compositions. In the other Dravidian languages, whatever be the nature of the composition or subject-matter treated of, the amount of Sanskrit employed is considerably larger than in Tamil; and the use of it has acquired more of the character of a necessity. This is in consequence of the literature of those languages having chiefly been cultivated by Brahmans. Even in Telugu the principal grammatical writers and the most celebrated poets have been Brahmans. There is only one work of note in that language which was not composed by a member of the sacred caste; and indeed the Telugu Sudras, who constitute par excellence the Telugu people, seem almost entirely to have abandoned to the Brahmans the culture of their own language, with every other branch of literature and science. In Tamil, on the contrary, few Brahmans have written anything worthy of preservation. The language has been cultivated and developed with immense zeal and success by native 7 344 TAMIL CULTURE Tamilians ; and the highest rank in Tamil literature which has been reached by a Brahman is that of a commentator.* The commentary of Parimelaragar on the Kural of Tiruvalluvar (supposed to have been a Pariar, yet the acknowledged and deified prince of Tamil authors) is the most classical production written in Tamil by a Brahman. .• This is not strictly accurate. Br ahmins have contributed also to Tamil literature, devotional as well as philosophicaL—Editor. The Song of Madurai V. KANDASWAMI MUDALIYAR (Continued from previous issue) The clouds may their seasonal showers withhold, 115 The hills may be scorched with sun’s fiery rays Of midsummer, and Venus the star of dawn May even swerve from its course and rise South, But through ever flooded rivers of Vellilaiyur^ Your lands will yield golden fruits without abatement 120 You are the overlord of the chieftains Of ancient Vellilaiyur,- whose ripe fields Ring with the rustle of wind-swept golden com, With the sickle-swish of harvesters at work; With the twitter of birds that alight in fields; 125 With the roar of the sprumy waves of stenchy seas. Teeming with gambolling sharks savage and blue With the incessant drizzle in the aloe groves Of pitcher-shaped flowers crowning the sand-dunes Lunette-shaped ; with the tumult of fish-boats 130 Heavy laden, grating on the sandy shore; And with the noisy barter of salt-vendors In the salt-fields of the wide back-waters. The people of the four-fold* lands of ancient fame And of small holdings, but jubilant 135 With plenty, pursue the faultless twin trade Of honest husbandry and fair commerce. And they, now your allies, true as old friends, i A small state near Madura, drained by the Vaigai of Madura (Pan- dian Capital). , s Agriculttiral, pastoral, sea-bound and hill-landsfour of the five¬ fold lands of Tamil country: 346 TAMIL ttrLTURE Render you service; and with their allegiance You had sweRt through your enemy's country, spreading 140 Terror and consuming fire in Alanganam^ You vanquished the Cher-Cholas* with other Smaller chieftains, capturing their war-drums ; And won immortal fame through the strength of aims Slaughterous, and celebrated your success 145 By sacrificial blood offerings to ghouls. Your friends you raise aloft to heights of glory, And your foes hurl down to abject dust Of humiliation; you are the well-beloved Of the flourishing people of Korkai* fort 150 Lapped by seas, and whose pearl fishers dive deep To gather the harvest of mature pearls, and conches Radiant; and of the small villages around, Whose people indulge in toddy as beverage. And you shine, before the righteous of these lands, 155 Clothed in the glory of your victories great. You spread confusion in your foe's country; You are the war-bull of South-Barathas*, Now your faithful allies, whose lands are rich In pulav-rice® rich with fatty meat 160 And juicy roots, and whose arrows slaughterous Are still fresh with revolting stench. With the might of your arms you gained the wealth Hoarded of your enemies, and you bestowed it. With unselfish generosity, on your allies, 165 And not content to rest on your laurels. In the lands strange now dear to you, You marched in arms to the thick forest lands At the foot of the towering Himalayas, ^ It is in Chera country—Malabar; Pandian King Nedunchelian defeated the seven chieftain>ldngs. 2 Two of the three *ramil Kingdoms. 3 The sea-board Capital of Pandian .Kingdom, prior to Madura; archaeological finds seem to confirm that Korloii was the cradle of Dravi- dian civilization. A People of sea-board land, fishers and traders. 5 A dish of lice and meat stewed in ghee; a delicious and lavouritf dish with modem Muslims. tKe dF MAbvkAt Down whose.sides thawing snows flow in silver sheen. 170 Your serried ranks poured into the forest lands^ Razed their fortresses; and you rested for years In those strange lands to establish lordship Over them to their benefit, and then left Their ancient land. And inarching against 175 Unyielding enemies scorched their forests, Standing as ramp^s against their fierce foes. You made their evergreen fields, wide and large, A prey to hungry colourful tongues of flames* Thus you turned the flourishing cities 180 Of Marutha' lands a bleak blackened waste; Wild beasts now stalk where sheep and cow Nibbled peacefully, and green meadows are charred; Modest damsels fair and lusty have renounced Their Thunangai*-dance of tuneful measured steps; 185 The pillared hall of learned disputations Ek:hoes no longer with the chant of lore, But darkly resounds with heavy dance steps Of ghouls of fierce looks and b^tly paws; Damsels of bewitching beauty sadly solicit 180 Help of sentinels standing guard at the gates Of cities evacuated of their peoples, And where home-gods-templed* lofty mansions rise. Faded with himger, damsels of towns all round Leave their homelands seeking the sure shelter 185 Of their many kith and kin in distant lands; The ominous waiF of the horned owl and mate Echoes in corn-bins, which had fallen charred From many-storied stately mansions; In the fields which surged with flowers blue 200 Of sengalineer,® grow thick rushes and reeds 7 1 Agricultural land, one of the five-fold divisions of Tamil countrjr Marutha (pastoral), Mullai (wood), Kurinchi (hill), Keldal (shora)^ Palai (desert). X Hand-in-hand dance of man and wife. X Even to-day many of the Hindu homes have a chapel-room for worship Di home-gods. ^ . a Wail owl is an evil omen; the cry of homed or harp owl it dmlnooe at dude and it resembles the cry cd a child. 5 Pink or crimson water-lily. TAMIL CULT UR fi To the oveivshadowing heights of tuskers ^ The boar and bristled sow wallow in fields, Where stately bulls peacefully turned the soil; And the green fields of your enemies, 205 Who were loth to be subject unto you. Are a mouldering ruin of scorched wasteland. Your invading host of man and beast raise A tumult echoing in the very heavens ; War-elephants of stately legs wander 210 Wildly, and trumpet with the thunder peal Gf their trunks raised in between their gleaming tusks. Like wrathful Muruga your sea-wide forces Of brawny shoulders, and which would not pursue The fleeing forces, marched unimped^ against 215 The foemen, to the echo of their march In the blue sky; their arrows rained thick And dark like heavy rain-drops to the wane Of your enemies* fame ; horses speeding Raised a cloud of sanguine dust dark against the sky ; 220 Horn and conch loudly pealed, and their ramparts Circling captured to the wane of their fame. And to the ruin of their cities and towns And those enemies are now unto you ^ Subject, as you smote them with the aid 226 Of their very kith and kin; and hence art thou The overlord of domains ancient and wide Of the mighty Thondai^ and Chola Kings. Swerving not from just ruloj you lead the subjects To virtue by your example, ever walking- 230 In the footsteps of your grandsires, who worshipped The waxing moon in the twilight west, and spread Your glory from generation to generation. To the dwindle of your enemies’ streigth. Like the waning moon in the glowing east. 235 Even should you gain the lofty heavens With ambrosia, falsehood you will not cherish ; Even should the whole earth girdled by roaring seasj _ 1 The Pallava country with Kanchi as its capital, a later TamU King- d(an. The Chola country was round about modem Tanjore. THE SONG OF MADURAI 349 And even should the Devas* of the heavens Rise against you, you will not lend your knees . 240 In surrender; even should you gain the wealth Hoarded, and as great as hills, of Vanan* Of the South, you will not court infamy; But will thirst for' renown that comes by charity; No one is your peer in your virtues great. • 245 Destroy the illusion of fame that comes Through war and victory. I can only Discourse, but initiated acharyas® can set Your feet on the path to illumination. May your ancient fame stand firm-based 250 Like towering hills against the four winds ! The mother-earth groans under the heavy weight Of the granaried grains and garnished gold Of your lands, and your palace bells ring sweet With the tintinabulations of anklet hells 255 Of thunangai dance-steps of minstrels, Man and wife; your music hall overflows With these travelling harper’s rumble of drums, To the fair mmstrels’ silver strains, sweeter Than the soft melody of their cunning harps. 260 Feasted on imsatiating meat and viands Varied and rich^ and yet renouncing them, - They carouse on mead sweeter than the viands. And the harpists laden with gifts of tuskers And gold, and their partners of slender hands 265 And fair of form, now decked with beaming bracelets, Leave for their dear homelands from whence they come. Your domain of undwindling fertile fields Is the home of Latchmi,* the goddess of wealth. To your allies you give the booties of war, 270 Gained by razing the towering ramparts of foes 1 Bie gckds of heaven. ’ ' • ' ~ ~: ? A £Bndu Pluto; an asura (Titan) who had hoarded up untold wealth in the underworld (South).'. * Teachers who initiate in the path of virtue, the learned in lore, and seers. * The consort of Vishnu, and the goddess of wealth, prosperity and plenty; she is represented standing on a pinh-lotus. 35a TAMIL CUI/TUBB You march in arms against your enemies Still nursing the raw wounds of spear and sword To the quail of even their brazen hearts. Harpists gathered at dawn at your city gate to 275 Leave your land laden with gifts of chariot and horse; Decked with flaming flowers ever abright With your unfading valour in victories, In token covered ever with sandal paste fragrant, And with your war-chiefs renowned for heroic deeds, 280 And inebriate with draining to the dregs The mead served in brimming bowls, you march to war. : Your allies you teach to walk in your footsteps, Vanquish to vassalage your adversaries, Marching against them to collect subsidy. 285 And your victory-drums peal the birth of dawn At the gates of the battlemented citadels, High above the flight of whistling eagles. Not content, you gained their other lands; And they are kings whose victory-drum 290 Of bristly band have won endless laurels. They to the spread of their fame had vanquished llieir foes to carry out their behests; and they Had vanished with their minds \inillumined, And without pursuing the path of victory 295 Over the unending cycle of birth and death. And such kings are greater in number TTian the sands of dunes heaped on the shores Of the ink-black sea of rwnming waters 1 Where are they now ? To what end ? 300 Fleecy flocks of clouds from the eastern seas, Dark with winter rains, hover over hills, And volley down day and night the hollows, Submerging the rising mounds from end to end. To the flights of tuskers in bamboo-forests 305 Of hillsides, thundering clouds roar like bellowing bulls; And thfttr red rushing rain waters sweep down In cascades and eddies and fill tanks and swell The river that empties in the eastern main. THE SONG OP MADURAI The dug-out pits for Valli^-roots on banks Of the river, bubble and boil With the overflow. The bunds of perennial tanks and belted By fields tall with Corn to the screening height Of tuskers ; the tanks are alive with the chorus Of bees round jubilant flaming flowers Of bristle-stalked lotus, and round soft petaled Honey cups of blue NeidaP flowers The surge of rivers of agricultural lands Bedecked with Korukachl® flowers echoes In the distant heavens; and the loud roar Of the Vaigai^ in floods, overflowing banks, Mingles with ringing merriment of children Bright-eyed, and of fair women bright with glint Of gold and colourful glamour of sarees** At their Adipperukku® festival. 325 The gallants’ gaieties and loud laughter Merry, of their seductive courtesans Of physical perfections frolicking free In the sanguine freshes, to the tangle Of their colourful garlands, blend sweet 330 With the rush of heedless flow of waters. The hum of festivity and the drizzle of rains Rise from cloud crowned Parankundram'', The sugar-cane press tunes its cricket-drone Monotonous, the sweet amoebaen strains 335 Of man and woman at weeding, the uproar Of inebriate men rescuing the aged bulls Caught in the mire of fields, and the loud rumble Like drum-beat sound of the windswept cornfields Mingle with the ringing din aU round. 340 351 310 315 320 1 Valli root, a sweet edible root, rich in sugar and starch. 2 Neidal, water-lily of different colours, blue, pink, red, while, purfile. • 3 A reed like plant variety. 4 The river in Madura. 5 Saree, a loin cloth worn by ancient Tamil women, round the waist and not carried upto the shoulders. 6 A festival of floods in rivers; burnt food, lamp and flower offerings are made. 1 One of the six famous places of pUgrimage dedicated to Lord Muru^r. 8 352 TAMIL CULTURE And fishers in their peaked hats sweep away The tangle of Valli-creepers^ to the scared flight Of terns nestled among reeds, cast their nets And loudly barter their haul; and crows, On trees under which the fisher-women Are dressing their fish, call to their kind Croaking, to share the stenchy offal. In pastoral-lands, golden stag and hind gambol Gracefully amidst millet fields, ready For the scythe, amidst gingeli, black and fit For harvest, and the black-stalked ripe ragi Rustling in the wind; and when kondrai^ Gleaming golden and over-shadow’ing rocks Carpets them with yellow flowers, and when Musundai^ stars the land with flowers Silvern, and when neidal-plants gleam' Brighter than sapphires in their tangle of flowers Blue, a loud tumult rises in dales Like the echoing dance-measure of devil-steps. Against a pillaied mound of clipped agil 360 And sandal, bamboo-paddy^ waves in the wind; And the long stalked mustards raise their heads. Towering higher than the mountain-paddy. Varied hill-products with ginger, pepper And turmeric stand in colourful heaps. 365 The alarm of watchers who scare away Parrots from millet terraces ; the yell Of hillmen chasing away the heifers From the fields where bean-hoppers shed their nuts Coral-tinted ; and the yell raised at smiting 370 The boar, lusty and fat enough to be ensnared In camouflaged trip-pits; the false alarm Of vengai-vengai”^ raised by gay girls, 350 355 1 A water-cress. 2 Gold-mohur. 3 Leather-berried biodwood. 4 Bamboo rice or paddy is a hill product, and a fare of the hill-tribes. 5 Yengai means tiger; and also a tree of hill country, pterocerpus mersupium THE SONG OF MADURAI 353 Gathering the yellow flowers of vengai tree And the echoing roar of striped tiger, 375 As it strikes down the white-tusked boar, Mingle with the rush and ripple of mountain brooks. And echo from hill to hill of mountain-land. In hill-girt dry woodlands bleak and parched. When the bamboo forest is ablaze with flames 380 Golden-tongued, when blue smoke rises In whirling clouds, and when the hill rings loud With fire’s crackle, herds of elephants flee fast To other lairs; their heavy thud of steps. Their trumpet-peal of distressed cry blend in sight 385 And sound with the consuming forest-fire. The sound oboe, musical and jubilant. No longer sounds, as fields are consumed in flames. And the hot wind, drying up hill-brooks, Vanishes in the deep dark caverns of hills. 390 Stretches of grass-lands, turned golden in summer. Lie like hay-ricks; and summer’s wild hot wind Ruffles the deep waters of delves, and echoes Like boisterous seas ; and the village bucks, Severe of speech and mien, and armed with bows 395 Leave their deer-robe beds in their hay-thatched huts. To guard the mountain-pass imder the sun Blazing, without the cool shelter of trees. Urged by sailors brave and bravery of seas. Ships in majestic multiplicity 400 Of sails, laden with varied wealth of land And sea, far and near, cast anchor at ports Of Pandian Kingdom far-famed for wealth. And her ware-houses on the sand-covered Shoreland are full with iridescent pearls 405 Of the deep sounding seas; with rolls of bangles Slenderly cut and daintily wrought of conch; With sweet tamarind and white salt-heaps Of black salt-pans brought by Baratha merchants; With huge, plump slices of salt-fish heaped up By brawny fishers; with precious products 410 ♦TAMIL CULTURE 354 Varied, of classic shores'; with stately horses Of rnettle and breed of Arabia brought In exchange for their rare homeland products. Drums of festivity rumble in your streets 415 Festive, dance-steps of kuravai-koothu* And of thunangai echo soft; fragrance Sensuous rises from courtesans’ squares | Prosperous villages jostle one another ; The growing wealth of five-fold^ lands overflows, 420 And such are the bewitching beauty And colourful glory of your broad realm, As sung by your country’s bards of renown. Rising from the distant misty mountains Of the west, the broad Vaigai, carrying 425 Fragrant flowers of various hues and moulds, Flows like a flower garland between Rippled sand-banks dense with wind-swept trees Ringing with the cry of peacocks of trains Of opulent lines; dark with towering trees 430 On whose network of boughs jubilantly swing Troops of monkeys, sire and dam; and packed With hones of Panas^ of ancient descent, Nestled in groves flaming with the radiance Colourful of perfume-flUed flowers of dawn. 435 Girdled by a moat of fathomless depths Of sapphire-blue waters, your broad ramparts Battlemented, rise tier upon tier like cloud-topped hills Reaching the very heavens; and your street teeming With man and beast, wide as the Vaigai, leads up 440 To the uivulnerable gateway renowned of yore, Where is templed the awe-inspiring god of war, ^d guarded by massive doors waxed jet black With mustard oil ; and they have put to flight The besieging army of enemy kings, 445 * A mauds. Tyre SAd Sidon. 3 MarSto™ Thunangai. pastor^ PlOai. (agricultural, m. ^ to Adi-Dravidas. or hnmiS of remote times. THg SONG OF MaUURAI 3S5 Who hjid lost their vwde domain comparable To AlzhumbiP of the chieftain-king, named Mana-viral-vel,* whose wealth of rich lands Of ever growing fertility does not ’fade; And those who had lost their villages 450 Jubilant and jostling ; and who cherishing Long-standing hatred had with their army Great of tuskers, and renowned in warfare, In retreat turned their backs against war Leaving behind a trail of sweet-toned kettle-drums 455 As through an aeolian harp the wind sings sweet Through the open windows of sky-reaching Storied mansions that line the river-wide streets, Where by beat of drums, roaring like the seas Stirred by wild wind, the coming festivity 460 Is announced; where with tumultuous harmony Of conch, drum, and horn, the jubilation Of crowds, like the churning noise of bathers Frolicking in the wide waters of tanks. Mingle ; where the babel of the crowd 465 Of many climes echoes; where the morning And evening bazar roads, as beautiful As a picture, are brilliant with flags Colourful of different booths. Festoons Of temple-fair, victory flags raised aloft 470 By chieftains of war commemorating The capture of enemy’s fortresses By their surging sea of armed forces And tiie stenchy slaughter of war-tusker? By the bristling lancers ; and flags in praise 475 Of sweet toddy by its vendors; and flags Of the assembly halls of the learned. The seers and the bounteous flap in the wind Like the distant gleam of colourful brooks On the blue and the purple mountainsides. 480 ' a place near Madurai and in Pandian land under the Chieftain-King Mana-viral-vel (unrefr ea/oijQsiJ^) / there is a place of the same name in Chola coimtry. * wrer sBfi&OuA —or Vana-viral-vel —eutrsBr 356 TAMIL CULTURE Swept by a wild whirlwind, the full-sailed ship Of queenly grandeur lying at anchor, On the shores of the deeps, where paiiai-fish^ Gambol with conches, wrenches its anchor Breaks its mast to slivers, cuts its rigs, 485 Tears its sails to shreds and wildly rolls On the heaving sea ; and so the tusker In musk, tramples down to death its goader. In fury throws down the mahout, and breaks The shackles of its hind legs, and to the sound 490 Apprising of conch, behind, before, thunders Madly through the wide street spreading panic. (To he continued) 1 climbing perch. Review TIRUKKURAL TIRAVU — NITTAR PERUMAI By K. Natesa Udaiyar. The author has given a new and daring exposition of several couplets of the great Tamil work Tirukkuralj based mainly on the view that the philosophy and way of life of the ancient Tamils differed radically from those of the Aryans and that Tiruvalluvar wrote his great work with a view principally to bring out this distinction. He contends that the ancient Tamils had four sacred scriptures which had no connection with the Vedas of the Aryans. The author is not one of those who assert that the first four chapters of Tirukkural grouped as ‘Payiram’ or Introduction were not written by Tiruvalluvar; on the other hand he brings out the importance of these four chapters to the entire work in establishing his thesis. He has rightly issued a warning (p. 93) to those who often pick out and dismiss certain portions of the famous work as interpolations. The coupldts in the last chapter of Porutpal, viz., Kayamai, throw much light, according to Mr. Udaiyar, on the main points of superiority of the ancient Tamils over the Aryans in religious and social ideals and practices. thesis obviously revolves round the chapter ‘ Qu065)id * and especially the couplet ‘ ^ 06 roLD QisMs while explaining his views in detail, Tiru¬ valluvar himself is depicted as grieving over the degenera¬ tion of the Tamils in failing to recognise the greatness of 358 TAMIL CULTURE the ancient Tamil saints, under the corrupting influence of a culturally alien people (p. 253). He traces the religion of Tiruvalluvar to Ancient Saivism, but similar claims have been made by other religionists. It would be more sound to infer that Tiru¬ valluvar was one of those rare saints who were endowed with the serene vision to examine objectively all the religions and philosophies of the world and the unique capacity to rise above sectarian prejudices and to advocate a noble humanism to one and all. In portraying Tiruvalluvar, the author has apparently been imable to discard his personal likes and dislikes. Although this lends a certain originality as well as force to his arguments, there is too much indignation and too much assertiveness in some places, which detracts from the academic character of the work. News and Notes THE TAMIL UNIVERSITY MOVEMENT, CEYLON The following statement has been sent to us for publication: — The Tamil University Movement is jan organised endeavour by the Tamil-speaking peoples of Ceylon to preserve, enrich and hand over to posterity, the language and culture which they have inherited and which are in¬ dispensable for their continued existence. The Movement seeks to achieve its objective by pro¬ moting in every way witlfin its power the establishment of a University for the Tamil-speaking peoples of Ceylon. It is a cultural and an educational movement, and as such its purpose is in conformity with the avowed aims of world organizations seeking world amity such as the United Nations Organization. It is strictly non-political, and it has no association, connexion or affiliation with any political party whatsoever. The Movement was started on the 9th June, 1956. Within the space of barely two months it has gained Island¬ wide momentum. The Movement will approach Government in the near future to impress on it the vital necessity to set up at an early date a University for the Tamil-speaking peoples of Ceylon, and to request it to take the necessary steps in this connexion ; and for this purpose an academic and planning committee of experts will be set up to study mid to formulate details of the University desired. The proposal is to ask for the establishment of a University in the Eastern and Northern provinces. It is the intention of the Tamil Uni- 9 360 TAMIL CULTURE versity Movement to see that the university requirements of the Tamil-speaking peoples of Ceylon, wherever they may be, are adequately served. The subscriptions collected from members will go into a fund called the Members^ Fund, which, together with donations, will be in the care of trustworthy persons. This Fund will be used solely towards the establishment of the University and its subsequent maintenance. All incidental expenditure, such as the maintenance of an office, etc., will be met from a special fund built up from donations given for this purpose. It is the fervent hope of the Tamil University Move¬ ment that the products of the University for the Tamils speaking peoples will not only foster Tamil language and culture but will also prove to be worthy citizens of their motherland—Sri Lanka. ‘. OFFICE-BEARERS OF THE MOVEMEOT President : Sir Waitilingam Duraiswamy, Kt., b.a., Former Speaker, State Council. Vice-President : Sri C. Coomaraswamy, c.b.e.. Former High Commissioner for Ceylon in India. The Rt. Rev. Sabapathy Kulendran, b.a. (Lond.), b.d.. Bishop in Jaffna of the Church of South India. Professor A. W. Mailvaganam, o.b.e., m.a., ph.d. (London), b.sc. (Lond.^, F.N.A.sc., Professor of Physics, University of Ceylon. Sri M. M. I. Kariapper, Di^rict Judge, Kurunegala. Dr. S. Subramahiam, l.m.s. (Cal.), l.r.c.p & s. (Edin.), Former Provincial Surgeon, Jaftna. NEWS AND NOTES 361 The Rev. Fr. Xavier S. Thani Nayagam, m.a., m.litt., s.t.d. . Sri S. P. Vythilingam, Proprietary Planter. General Committee : Dr. C. Amirthalingam, b.sc., ph.d. (Lond.), Former Director of Fisheries. Sri C. Ayadurai, Proctor, Vavuniya. Sri C. Balasingham, b.a. (Lond), c.c.s. Sri C. S. Barr-Kumarakulasihghe, Advocate, Colombo. Dr. (Mrs.) G. R. B. Barr-Kumarakulasinghe, m.r.c.p. (Edin.), D.c.H. (Eng.), l.m.s. (Cey.), Paediatrician. Sri E. Black, b.sc. Eng. (Lond.), m. enst. c.e., a.c.g.i., Chief Engineer, Way and Works. Professor P. K. Chanmugam, m.sc. (Lond.), m.r.c.s (Eng.), L.R.c.p. (Lond.), L.M.S. (Ceylon), Professor of Anatomy, University of Ceylon. Sri R. R. CrossetterThambiah, q.c., Bar-at-Law, Former Solicitor-General. Sri S. Cumaraswamy, a.c.a., b.a. (Lond.). Prof. C. J. Eliezer, m.a., phd. (Cantab), d.sc. (Lond.), Dean, Faculty of Science, University of Ceylon. Dr. S. Gnanalingam, b.sc. (Ceylon), m.a. (Chntab.), ph.d. (Cantab), a.m.i.e.e.. Lecturer, University of Ceylon. Dr. K. Kularatnam, ph.d. (Lond), m.a. (Lond.), a.g.a. (Lond), B.sc., F.R.G.S., F.S.S., M.A. INST. MIN. E. Sri M. H. M; Naina Marikkar, Advocate, j.p., b.a. (Lond.), LL.B. (Cantab.). Sri V. Manickavasagar, District Judge, Colombo. Sri N. Manicka Iddaikadar m.a. (Cantab.), b.sc. (Lond.), F.s.s. (Lond.), B.C.D., c.c.s. Adigar Abdul Cassim Marikkar, Mannar. Dr. W. D. Ratnavale, m.d., m.d., (Pathology), d.c.p., d.p.h., L.M.S. (Ceylon), m.b.b.s., (Lond.), l.r.c.p. (Lond.), Pathologist. 362 TAMIL CtJLTiJRfi Sri C. Rasiah, b.sc., a.m.i.c.e., mech. sc. tripos (Cantab.). Sri S. Rajanayagam, o.b.e., b.sc., b.sc. Eng. (Lond.), a.c.g.i., A.M.i.E.E., Chief Telecommunication Engineer. Sri C. Ranganathan, Advocate, Colombo. Dr. Kumaran Ratnam, l.r.c.p. and s. (Edin.), l.r.f.p. and s. (Glasgow). Sri M. Ramaswamy, b.sc, (Ceylon), m.sc. (Lond.), D.I.C., F.R.I.C. Sri S. Sittampalam, b.sc. (Lond.). Prof. A. Sinnatamby, l.m.s. (Ceylon), f.r.c.s. (Edin,), F.R.C.S (Eng.), M.R.C.O.G. (Gt. Br.). Sri P. Sri Skanda Rajah, District Judge, Jaffna. Sri K. V. M. Subramaniam, j.p., u.m., Proctor, Batticaloa. Sri G. P. Tambyah, b.a. (Lond.), c.c.s. Sri V. V. Tharabipillai, b.sc. (Lond.), a.m.i.c.e. Sri M. Tiruchelvam, b.a., ll.b. (Lond.), Deputy Solicitor General. Dr. John Wilson, m.b.e., m.d., b.s. (Lond.), m.r.c.p. (Lond.), F.C.C.P., M.R.C.S. (Eng.), D.C.H. (Eng.), t.d.d. (Madras). General Secretary : Dr. A. Sunderalingam, b.sc., ph.d. (Lond.), f.r.i.c., A.M.Am.i., ch.e. Assistant Secretaries : Mrs. Sarojini Kadirgamar, b.a. (Ceylon). Sri C. Suriya-Kumaran, b.a. (Ceylon), b.sc. econ. (Lond.). Treasurer : Sri T. S. Muthulingaswamy, b.sc. (Lond.), Manager, City Branch, Bank of Ceylon, Colombo. Auditors : Satchithananda, Schokman, Wijeyeratne & Co. NEWS AND NOTES 363 SOOTHERN LANGUAGES BOOK TRUST Book Prograjvime It is one of the declared objectives of the Southern Languages Book Trust to sponsor the publication and distri¬ bution of high quality low priced books in large numbers in the four major South Indian languages—Tamil, Telugu, Malayalam and Kannada. The three-year programme which it has undertaken provides for the publication of about 240 books in the principal South Indian languages during these three years based on the suggestions made by its Advisory Committees. A majority of the books will be' by Indian authors or on Indian subjects, but it is also pro¬ posed to include a certain proportion of foreign books so as to give to South Indian readers the best in foreign thought and literature. The Foreign Advisory Committee, which was set up with the help of the Ford Foundation, has com¬ piled a basic list of nearly 400 books from which the Trust will make its selection. -The Trust is anxious that the books sponsored by it are of high quality and appeal to a wide reading public— particularly to the non-English-knowing public. It is the Trust’s desire that these books should be written in simple popular language which the average reader can understand. The Trust does not intend to sponsor or otherwise concern itself with the publication of purely scholarly works whose appeal is of necessity limited to a relatively small group of readers. In choosing titles and types of books to be pub¬ lished under the auspices of the Trust, it has in view readers who have not had education in English. The Trust feels that such potential readers should derive not only knowl¬ edge but also worthwhile entertainment from their reading. The Trust’s programme is designed to help publishers to realise these objectives. The procedure followed by the Trust is as follows : (a) To select, through advisory committees, high quality books, current and classic, Indian and non-Indian, suitable for publication ; 364 TAMIL CULTURE (b) To providG rGCOverablG loans to publishers who will contract to publish the books in large num¬ bers for ::ale at low prices ; (c) To set up with grants and/or loans, and with the active participation of publishers, a wide¬ spread distribution mechanism to sell the books in large numbers; (d) To provide technical assistance in distribution, modem printing, cost accountancy, and promo¬ tion methods. The Trust does not intend to publish or print any book itself, but it proposes, as an integral part of its three-year programme, to assist publishers to produce popular books of high quality in the four languages and make them availa¬ ble to the public at a reasonable price. '.It is the Trust’s intention to negotiate with publishers for the publication of about 20 titles during each year of its operation in each of the four principal languages of South India—i.e. about 80 books a year. Books published under the auspices of the Trust will be of the type popularly known as ‘ pocket ’ books—Crown Octavo size, bound in soft covers of about 120 pages, resembling in appearance the ‘ Penguin ’ or ‘Mentor’ series. About 60 per cent of the books pub¬ lished under the Trust’s auspices are to be by Indian authors or on Indian subjects while the remaining forty per cent constitute a representative cross-section of worthwhile foreign books. The categories of books, which the Trust has in view, include the arts, biographies, philosophy, history, science, classics, self-aid, reference, travel, children’s books, novels and short stories—list enclosed. Being concerned with keeping sale prices low, the Trust has tentatively proposed a multiple sales price structure, ranging from Re. 1 for a book of 128 pages to Rs. 2 for one of 256 pages. In the case of books exceeding 256 pages, it may be possible to issue them in two or more volumes. 365 NEWS AND NOTES CEYLON’S UVNGUAGE POLICY—1956 This Stutein^tf issued uud^ the auspices oj the heague for the Frornotion of TdffiU Language Rights, ColoTH-bo, has been sent to us for publi¬ cation. From time immemorial Tamils and Sinhalese have co¬ existed in Ceylon. It is probable that when the first Sinhalese colonists came to Ceylon they found a Tamil¬ speaking people already in occupation. For several centimes before the conquest of North Ceylon in 1620, a Tamil-speaking Kingdom flourished in the northern part of Ceylon. ’Hie Sinhalese Kingdoms of the south of Ceylon included large Tamil-speaking groups. The one living language with which the Sinhalese language was in contact from earliest times up to the period of European domination was the Tamil language. The Tamil language enjoyed a favoured place in Sinhalese courts and in Sinhalese halls of learning. It was the source of vitality and inspiration to the Sinhala language. When the Portuguese ruled Ceylon they recognised both the Tamil, and Sinhalese languages as the languages of the people of Ceylon. So did the Dutch. So did the British. This brings the story up to the year 1945. In 1945 both the Tamil and the Sinhalese languages were by resolution of the Ceylon Legislature declared the official languages of Ceylon; and their replacement of English both in administration and in education was gradually in the process of implementation. With the capture of power by the Sinhalese language majority, there has come into being a movement for the elimination of Tamil as an official language of the country* The present M.E.P. Government, with its overwhelming racial majority in the Legislature, has passed a Bill which makes Sinhalese the one and only official language of the Ceylon State. 366 TAMIL CULTURE This genocidal legislation was rushed through the Legislature in the face of strenuous and island-wide op¬ position by all sections of the people of Ceylon—in a closed House with empty galleries and under the protection of armed forces, while riots and atrocities and alarming chaos reigned in the country. Ceylon has a population of about eight millions. Of these nearly 30% is Tamil-speaking—17% indigenous Ceylon Tamils and Muslims, 13% descendants of the Tamils of India who have lived and worked in Ceylon for over one century and whose permanent home is Ceylon. Indeed, the major part of the inhabitants of Colombo, the capital of Ceylon, are people whose mother tongue is Tamil. The confiscation of the language rights of the Tamil¬ speaking people of Ceylon who form a third of the Ceylon State is contrary to fundamental rights and freedoms. Switzerland has given national and official status to the French language, spoken by only 22.1% of its popula¬ tion, and to Italian, spoken by as few as 3.9% of its popula¬ tion. Finland has likewise given national and official status to Swedish, spoken by 9% of its population. Quebec has given ofiScial status to English, spoken by 15%. of its popula¬ tion. Canada, South Africa, India, Pakistan—each of these countries has adopted principles of language policy which the M.E.P. Government of Ceylon has refused to accept. ; -fe The claims of the Tamil language to national and official status in Ceylon flow logically from its antiquity (it is one of the oldest living languages in the world with a copious and profound literature), the numbers who speak it, the contribution it has made to Ceylon’s culture and progress. The imposition of one language only over every part of Ceylon is a tyrannical and iniquitous measure which the ifEWS ANb NOJES 361 Tamil-speaking people are determined to resist. They are a separate and significant racial group with a traditional home-land of their own. It is. only right that attention should be drawn to the terrorism and the atrocities which have been perpetrated on Tamil-speaking people—^men, women, and children—in Ceylon, in order to intimidate the Tamil-speaking people into abstaining from even constitutional methods of protest against the Sinhala Only Official Language Bill. A statement on Ceylon’s language policy by responsible persons of Ceylon appears below : Statement by Fourteen M.Ps. “ We, on behalf of the Tamil-speaking nation of Ceylon, hereby reject the proposal of the Sinhalese Gov¬ ernment in Ceylon to impose their language (Sinhalese) as the only official language on the Tamil-speaking nation in Ceylon. - “ The proposed imposition of an alien tongue is a violation of a fundamental right of a nation which was independent and sovereign at the time of the first European conquest of Ceylon and which has continued to maintain its national identity and individuality within a clearly definable territory. “ The proposed Bill is a negation of accepted language rights obtaining in bilingual and multilingual states both unitary and federal. It is tyrannical and oppressive and is sought to be imposed on an unwilling and smaller nation by the force of numbers. It is a denial of the fundamental concept of democracy and is based on a travesty of majority rule. It would be a complete rever¬ sal of an historical position of equality or parity of the two languages maintained up to date. “ We call upon the comity of nations and the member-nations of the Commonwealth to take note of 10 m TAMIL CtiLTtjfefi .this threat to our continued existence as a nation, and our- resolve to maintain our identity as a “nation and ]^eep inviolate our traditional homelands.” V. A. Alagacone A. Amirthalingam S. J. V. Chelvanayakam S. U. Ethirmanasingam V. A. Kandiah M. S. Kariappar M. M. Mustapha V. N. Navaratnam G. G. Ponnambalam C. Rajadurai N. R. Rajavarothayam C. Suntharalingam C. Vanniasingam S. R. Kanaganayagam (Senator THE CULTURAL PLIGHT OF TAMIL IN SOUTH AFRICA A South African Tamil writes to us : ' ^In South Africa the Tamils constitute 80% or little more than a quarter million of the Indian population. Unfortunately it lacks leadership with the result that there is no guidance to Tamil heritage, culture, language and religion. The Tamil Community is certainly a lost one, not knowing its heritage or culture. There is, however, a certain amount of awakening today among the youth who are clamouring for reforms and the like ; the adults cling to orthodoxy . . . . . . . . What guidance can you offer the Tamil Community? The Muslim and the Gujerati groups are progressing by leaps and bounds ; must we remain stagnant ? Give us the light and we will try and lead the way.Can you assist us with Tamil books in English which are rich in culture, heritage and the like which we can published for the benefit of our people here ?. I am a little sad to report that not many speak the language well although they are fully conversant with English.” NEWS AND NOTES 369 Will readers—particularly, booksellers and publishers —^write to us their suggestions or communicate direct with the writer, whose address is: Sivanathan R. Father, 46, Valbro Chambers, Durban. S. Africa. FOREIGN SCHOLARS AND TAMIL LANGUAGE. Dr. R. D. Aster, Lecturer in Linguistics, School of Oriental and African Studies, London, spent a year in Tamil Nad studying modern spoken Tamil and left for U.K. about a month ago on the completion of his studies. Dr. Asher originally took his Doctorate in. French and even taught that subject in the University of London. Later he became interested in Linguistic Studies and for the past two years has been engaged in research work in^ spoken Tamil. While in London he had the assistance of Mr. R. Radhakrishnan, who is now with the Ahnamalai University. PRIZE AWARD Dr. M. Varadarajanar has been awarded a prize of Rs. 500/- by the Government for his book Mozhiyiyal Katturaigal. The Academy of Tamil Culture offers its heartiest congratulations to him. Thiru. S. M. Palaniappa Chettiar, of Palaniappa Bros, Publishers and Booksellers, Madras and a member of the Academy of Tamil Culture, has been appointed President of the Southern Languages Book Industry Council. The Academy of Tamil Culture offers its felicitations to him on his appointment to this important position. TAMIL CULTURE 370 The Academy regrets to record the death of Sami Velayutham Pillai, an educationist and author of a Tiruk- kural Lexicon and Concordance Q — m ( „ mate) — n ( „ enter)... . Retroflex n - articulate with tip of tongue. Medium lu — y ( „ yard) (non-nasal cr — r ( „ red) continuant) so — 1 ( „ leave)... .Alveolar 1 - articulate with tip of tongue. 'ftj — V ( „ very) IP — 1* ( ,. ? ).. i .Retroflex 1 - articulate with blade of tongue. m — 1 : ( „ hurl)... .Alveolar 1 - articulate with blade of tongue. Auxiliary^ - x ( „ ahead) ' The Tamil phonemes may for practical purposes be treated as having single allophones only, except in the case of the hard consonants which have four allophones each, as shown in note 1 on the reverse. 374‘ CULTURE 1, The Phonemes, classified as hard, have normally an unaspirated unvoiced value but acquire the following modified values if preceded by a consonant;— (a) a slightly aspirated unvoiced value, if preceded by a plosive or hard consonant. e.g., uasih - is pronounced pakkham, not pakkam (b) an unaspirated but voiced value, if preceded by a nasal or soft consonant :— e.g., uiiiaib - is pronounced pangam, not pankam U 0 ffib - „ panjam, not pancam, (c) a fricative value if preceded by a non-nasal continuant or medium consonant or by the auxiliary consonant. e.g., becomes palhalai not palkalai „ ehhu not- exku NOTE.—In most present day dialects, the plosive assumes a fricative — sometimes a voiced-lvalue after a vowel also, except in the case of t: which retains its normal unaspirated, unvoiced value even tffterJa vowel, „ - 2. -The value of this auxiliary phoneme, which must always be followed by a hard consonant, was variable during the time of Tholkappiam; it acquired a phonetic value identical with that of the following hard consonant, vide 1 (c) above, e.g., became ehhu Later its value became fixed as h, irrespective of the following consonant. Note, (i) With a view to keep down transliteration to the minimum it is suggested that, in the case of Tamil words which are already in free use in English (e.g., Tamil=Thamil), or where it is unnecessary to indicate the exact pronun¬ ciation, accurate transliteration need not be resorted to. In the case of proper names etc., which occur more than once in the same article, the transliteration need be shown only once in brackets side by side with a free English adaptation, the latter alone being used subse¬ quently, except of course in cases where such a procedure will lead to ambiguity, e.g., (offlJwai_ib=Vengadam (Ve: ngkat: am). (ii) reference may be made to Tamil Culture, Vol. IV, No 1 (January 1955 issue) pp. 58-73 for fuller details 178-93-85165-054 CULTURE Vol. V -1956 Vol. VI - 1957 g!Trf|r7ii a fTg?rft '/ /// International Institute of Tamil Studies ' IIUIC U1 iitlllll >31UU1CS /> [' w / / JfJ Prof. R. P. SETHU PILLAI, b.a., b.l., Head oj the Tamil Departvient. Madras University, receiving the honorary degree of Doctor of Literature au'crded to him at the special convocation of the Unii'ers^ij of Madras Centenary Celebrations. Vol. VI. No. 1 January, 19s7 TAMIL CULTURE JOURNAL OF THE ACADEMY OF TAMIL CULTURE CONTENTS EDITORIAL A SEMINAL PERIOD OF INDIAN THOUGHT Xavier S. Than! Nayagam RELIGIOUS LANDMARKS IN PUDUKKOTTAI Leop. Bazou, S.J. THE PROBLEM OF THE LIFE AND AGE OF KAMBAN A. C. Paul Nadar TENTATIVE PERIODIZATION OF THE DEVELOP¬ MENT OF TAMIL Kamil Zvelebil THE SONG OF MADURAI V. Kandaswami Mudaliar TAMIL NAYANARS IN TELUGU LITERATURE Athilakshmi REVIEWS NEWS AND NOTES SYSTEM OF TRANSLITERATION THE TAMIL SCRIPT 1 4 19 31 SO 56 71 79 80 83 85 All Rights Rtservsd Rs. 7 yearly OUR CONTRTOUTORS Rev. Dr. Xavier S. Thani Nayagam is founder and Chief Editor of this Journal. He is a member of the Department of Education, University of Ceylon, and is at present engaged in research work at the London Institute of Education. Rev. Leopald Ba50U, S.J., is French by birth and long resident in Tamilnad. His hobby is Dravidiana. Mr. A. C. Paul Nadar is a keen TamU Scholar and research worker. Dr. Kamil Zvelebil is the Head of the Department of Dravido- logy. University of Prague. He has translated many Tamil works into Czech and is an indefatigable research worker. Mr. V. Kandaswami Mudaliar has a flair for translation and has translated many poems in the Sangam Literature into English. Srimathi M. Athilakshmi, M.A., Diploma in Polilics and Public Administration and Visharad Hindi, is a Government Research Scholar in the Telugu Department of the University of Madras. The sixth year of publication jbirClug)iih (Suir^safKSso Sisirufi ^ G^earoj^^ urruf^ .. London. GupU, 6th ed.. pp. 131-132. Susil- A SEMINAL PERIOD OP INDIAN THOUGHT 5 necessary for such an explanation. Perhaps it was a move¬ ment of peoples within India, perhaps it was the same overseas trade with the maritime peoples of the Mediterra¬ nean which is said to have brought the first patterns of the Brahmi script to India, perhaps it was contact with the Achaemenid empire, perhaps political upheavals within India, perhaps it was either one or more of these factors which furnished the sudden stimulus to the advance in religious and ethical speculative thought.* Further, the culture impact of the Indo-Aryans by now long settled and mixed with the indigenous population, after a career of war, conquest and consolidation in the Indo-Gangetic plain, may be considered another remote but important explana¬ tion for the intellectual ferment which appeared in the sixth century. The efflorescence resulting from the misce¬ genation and cultural fusion of pre-Aryans and non-Aryans with the invaders has been compared to the fusion in Attica (Athens) of the fair-haired northerner and the dark-haired Pelasgian, and the fusion in Latium (Rome) of the ancient Etruscans with later invaders. The Greek efflorescence did not take place in Sparta which is said to have had the purest blood of the north'ern people.* It has been assumed all too easily that the changes in the trend of human thought in the sixth century were “ simultaneous and independent ” in the different countries. As far as India is concerned, it seems difficult to imagine that she could have remained unaffected by the military exploits of the Achaemenids in her north-western provin¬ ces. Vardhamana Mahavira (d. 468 B.C.), Gotama Buddha (b.c. 563—d. between 486 and 473 B.C.) and Markhali a T. W. RHYS-DAVIDS, Buddhist India, op. cit.. p. 61: "These merchants were mostly Dravidians, not Aryans. Such Indian names of the goods imported as were adopted in the West (Solomon’s ivory, apes, and l^acocks for instance, and the word ‘ rice ’, were adaptations, not of Sanskrit or Pali, but of Tamil words.*’ * See L. de la VALX,EE-POUSSIN, Indo-europeena et Indo-irahiens. L inde lusgue vers 300 av. J-C; 139 ff; Boccard, Paris, 1024. Jhdia. p. 224 and p. 148 ff; O.UJ»., London. 1951. This book is particularly useful for South Indian Cultural Anthropology. 6 TAMIL CULTURE Gosala (fl. 450 B.C.) were young men when Cyrus (558« 530 B.C.) was founding his empire. Within the limits of the Achaemenian empire commercial and political inter¬ action between Greeks, Jews, Indians and Persians was frequent, and the new religions of India were yet in their formative stage when the Indian contingents fought in their “ cotton garments ” in the armies of Xerxes at Thermopylae and when Darius (522-486 B.C.) and Xerxes (486-465 B.C.) built and embellished Persepolis.* These synchronistic events are recalled here not to argue a case for a two-way flow of ideas between India at one end and Persia, Assyria and Greece at the other, but merely to point out the proba¬ bility of a furtherance in the development of thought as a result of culture-contacts and of the social and political changes which are likely to take place in a country con¬ sequent upon the awareness of changes in other parts of the world. Ideas travelled faster in the ancient world than we are prone to imagine because of the paucity of historical documents, and the same trade routes which brought Skylax (B.C. 517) to explore the course of the Indus could have brought back^ Indian merchants with information regarding the various peoples in Babylon and their interests and ideologies.* The sixth century B.C. in India records a questioning of traditional beliefs and of philosophical and religious assumptions. This rationalistic tendency appears not only in the new religions which developed in the century but also within Brahman orthodoxy itself. Many of the philo¬ sophic systems which were classified and developed at a later period like the mimamsa, the yoga and the sankya ; the theistic bakthi cults of Siva and Vishnu; popular animistic cults, as well as an influential trend of materia¬ listic and atheistic opinion are found to progress in howso- * Herodotus, VII, 65. A SEMINAL PERIOD OF INDIAN THOUGHT 7 ever a tenuous and incipient form in the sixth century B.C « From a mechanistic and world-constraining concept of sacrifice efficacious typus operans, maintaining the cosmic order (r^a), and conferring the wealth and good-living man could hope for, Vedic thought had arrived by this time at a symbolic explanation of ritual and a monistic identification of the individual with the Absolute —Tat Tvam Asi. That excessive formalism and ritualistic determina¬ tion in religion, combined with a mercenary concept of the fees and gifts which accrued for the service rendered at the altar, led to ambivalence and even multivalence in Indian speculative thinking both within and without priest¬ ly circles is no surprise.’ The parody of the priestly proces¬ sion in the Chandogya Upanishad (I, 12) and Jthe comparison of sacrificial rites to unsafe boats relied on by fools in the Mundaka (I, 2, 7-10) express the inadequacy of ritualism and would explain the recourse to agnostic and atheistic thinking at one end, as well as to an intense desire for Union with the divine involving a bright and illuminating faith at the other : From the unreal lead me to the real From darkness lead me to light From death lead me to immortality. (Brahadaranyaka U, I, 3, 28)® 0 S. RADHAKRISHNAN. Indian Philosophy, op. clt., vol. I ; HEINRICH ZIMMER. Philosophies orf India, pp. 605-613. Kegan Paul, London, 1951 ; A. M. ESNOUL, Le courant affectif a I’intericure du brahminisme ancien, in BEFEO. vol. VLXHI (1956), pp. 141-207; ALBERT SCHWEITZER, Indian Thought and Itt Development, pp. -1-67, Adam and Charles Black, London, 1951. 7 Cf. L. RENOU, The Religions of India, University of London, 1953, p. 18: " The Indian mind is constanUy seeking hidden correspondences between things which belong to entirely distinct conceptual systems." 8 Cf. J. N, FARQUHAR, Religious Thought of India, p. 57: " There is in the teaching of the Upanisbads a basis for pessimism; but their general tone is by no means pessimistic. Emancipation fills many a passage with joyous radiance.” S. RADHAKRISHNAN, The Principal Upanishads, pp. 48-145, Allen and Unwin, London, 1953. 8 t A WI L CULTURE Having accepted at some earlier periods, in all likeli¬ hood from the animistic thinking of the pre-Ary^ and non-Ary an peoples, the doctrines of samsara (transmigra¬ tion) and karma (causal efficiency of one’s deeds in the present life affecting the next), the main preoccupation of the religious and intellectual classes of the entire region, and even of the ordinary people, was how the prospect of an unending tedious chain of existence might be ended. All the various schools which appear in the sixth century offered an answer and a doctrine of Release. The Angu- ttara Nikaya mentions as many as sixty-three different philosophical schools (ganas) of thought which existed at the time of the Buddha, and the Jaina books speak of 363 erroneous views with which the Jains had to contend." The extent and popularity of speculation concerning the problems of the future and the cessation of existence did not originate from one and only source, the Vedas, as is commonly believed.Charles Eliot says : — “ Indian religion is commonly regarded as the off¬ spring of an Aryan religion, brought into India by invaders from the north and modified by contact with Dravidian civilization. The materials at our disposal hardly permit us to take any other point of view, for the literature of the Vedic Aryans is relatively ancient and full and we have no information about the old Dravidians comparable with it. But were out knowledge less one¬ sided, we might see that it would be more correct to describe Indian religion as Dravidian religion stimulated and modified by the ideas of Aryan invaders. For the greatest deities of Hinduism, Siva, Krishna, Rama, Durga and some of its most essential doctrines such as metem¬ psychosis and divine incarnations are either totally un¬ known to the Veda or obscurely adumbrated in it. The ® CHARLES ELIOT. Hinduism and Buddhism, op. cit vol I d B7 • HERMANN JACOBI. Gaina Sufros, p. XV. S.Bi.. ^voL x5Sl Lys spiritual career m India offered a field for the ambition of younger sons to LASSEN, RHYS-DAVIDS, CHARLES ELIOT. WlNTERNITy ture, pp. 21-56 , University of Calcutta. Calcutta, 1925. A SEMINAL PERIOD OF INDIAN THOUGHT 9 ehi€l charocteristic5 of mature Indian religion ore charac- teristies of on area, not of a race, and they are not the characteristics of religion in Persia, Greece or other Aryan lands.”^t Three main streams of educative traditions, which take their rise in a more remote period, progress during the sixth century B.C. One is the informal and technically less specialised process of popular education carried out by the minstrels and bards, the Sutas, Magadhas and Kausilavas, both at court and among the people. It may not have been always a conscious process on the part of the educators ; nevertheless, the result was always forma¬ tive. They kept alive and increased the heroic and epic traditions of the tribe, the clan or the kingdom, and their lays and epics were instrumental in defining and perpe¬ tuating the heroic types and the moral, ethical and religious values which were prevalent in the social pattern of their n CHARLES ELIOT, HinduUm ond Buddhism, vol. I. HEINRICH ZIMMER. Philosophies of India, op. cit., p. 60. Editor's note ; Like Buddhism, Jainism, Sankhya, and Yoga, do not accept the authority of the Vedas, and are therefore reckoned as heterodox, i.e., doctrines outside the orthodox Brahman tradition of the Vedas, Upani- shads and Vedanta. It was Dr. Zimmer’s contention that these heterodox systems represent the thinking of the non-Aryan peoples of India, who were overcome and despised by the Brahmans, but nevertheless could boast of extremely subtle traditions.of their own. Dr. Zimmer regarded Jainism* the oldest of the non-Aryan group, in contrast to most Occidental authorities, who consider Mahavira. a contemporary of one Buddha, to have been its founder instead of, as the Jainas themselves (and Dr. Zimmer) claim, only the last of a long line of Jaina teachers. Dr. Zimmer believed that there is truth in the Jaina idea that their religion goes back to a remote antiquity, the antiquity In question bcinft that of the pre-Aryan, so-called Dravidian period. Which has recently been dramatically illuminated by the discovery of a series of great bate Stone Age cities in the Indus Valley, dating from the third and perhaps even fourth millennium B.C. • Cf. MACDONNELL and KEITH, Vedic Index, 1, p. 207. l4 TAMILCULTUBfi of class prejudice and a fear-coniplex. Was it the tradi¬ tional Brahmin attitude which the v Dhamlasustras of Gautama enunciate ? “ The ears of a Sudra who listens intentionally when the Veda is being recited are to be filled with molten lead. His tongue is to be cut off if he recites it. His body is to be split in twain if he preserve it in his memory ’’.*® The Upanisadic/dlscipline of secrecy {Tahasyam= toero/c “ secret ” is another word for the Upanisads) excluded women from Vedic education. Megasthenes (C. 300 B.C.) should have been amused when he wrote that the Brah¬ mins do not communicate their philosophy to their women because they did not think them fit for philosophy and because they feared the women might divulge the secret knowledge to others should they turn perverse. The examples of Gosha, Lopamudra, Maitreyi and Gargi as phi¬ losophers or as disputants are too few to argue any general trend in favour of female education. Though Harita allows an upanayana to women ascetics (Brahmavadinis), Manu is the legislator who codifies a general persistent attitude of the post-Vedic period : “For women no (sacramental) rite (is performed) with sacred texts, thus the law is settled ; women (who are) destitute of strength and destitute of the knowledge of the Vedic texts, (are as impure as) falsehood (itself), that is a fixed rule”.** 20 GAUTAMA, Institute of the Sacred Law, 12-14 (S3J!., vol. II. Part b p. 236). 21 J. W McCRINDLE, Megasthenes. 22 MANU,' Laws, II, 66; Yagnavalkya, I, 13 ; Sec position and educa¬ tion of women in H.C., vol. II, p. 558 ff; S. RADHAKRISHNAN, Religion and Society, 2nd ed., pp. 13&-198, Alien and Unwin, 1948. PADMINl SENGUPTA, Everyday Life in Ancient Indio, pp. 147-162, O.U.P., Bombay, 1955, and pertinent Sanskrit and Pali texts in the books on Ancient Indian Education by R. K. MOOKERJl, S. K. DAS, F. E. I^AY and A. S. ALTEKAR. On education of women in antiquity in the Graeco- Roman world; see THOMAS WOODY, Life and education in early societies, op. cit. and CHARLES SELTMAN, Women in antiquity. Pan books, London, 1956. A SEMINAL PERIOD, OF INDIAN THOUGHT 15 The Brahmin woman had no cause to envy her female contemporaries in Sparta or Athens, for they too were considered hopelessly inferior. The third and most significant of the century’s stream of educational tradition was the one which may be desig¬ nated the ascetic or Sramana tradition. The repeated insistence in the Pali canonical Aworks on the distinction between “ Brahmanas ” and " Samanas ” as well as the distinction in Megasthenes between “ brachmanai ” and “ samanai ” point to two ancient and parallel institutions. One was a priesthood by birth, with the sacrifice as the source of spiritual power and universal efficacy ; the other was eremitic renunciation by choice with tapos or mortification as the means of self-conquest and soterio- logical release, or as the means of attaining of magical and superhuman power. It seems probable that the ascetic tradition originated and developed outside the Brahminic circles, and that later, Brahminism, with its characteristic resilience and capacity for compromise and accommodation included it as one of the asramas. ” The Brahmana and the Sramana schools developed in two separate geographical areas, the former in the region north of modern Delhi known as “ Kurupancala ” and the latter in the north-eastern districts, particularly in the kingdom of Videha, Magadha and Kosala. In the Kuru¬ pancala area the Brahmin class was supreme and hence that district remained the “ holy land ” of the Brahmins and the home of orthodoxy, the transgression of the geo¬ graphical boundaries of which might require, on the part of the Brahmins, a purification ceremony. In the north¬ 's H.C.. voL I. p. 493 f; " The oldest Upanishads speak of these asramas only as three types or branches of life, but not as successive stages. It is only in the late Upanishads, the Great Epic, and the Dharma- sastras, that the theory of successive stages of life is formulated and is developed further by an addition of a fourth stage, that of the Sannyasin who gives up even sacrifice, in fact all good works and as an ascetic, renoimces the world to meditate on the Absolute (Brahman) with a view to realize it or achieve union with it." »» T. W. RHVS-DAVIDS, Buddhist India, op. clt, pp. 138-9; D B., vol. 1, pp. 212-219. 16 TAMIL CXTLTITR* eastern regions the Kshatriya classes dominated and the Brahmins were subordinate to them, since there appears to have held sway a greater influence of non-Aryan tradi¬ tions and non-Aryan beliefs. This influence might well explain the popularity of asceticism and the origin of the heterodox sects in the eastern sector. ** The ethnic com¬ position in these eastern kingdoms involved as it was with differences of worship seems to have laid the foundation for the regional differences in ideologies. Beriedale-Keith says: — “Much more still beyond the pale were the people of Magadha, which serves with Anga in the Atharvaveda as a symbol of a distant land. The man of Magadha is dedicated, in the account of the symbolic human sacrifice given in the Yajurveda, to ‘ loud noise suggesting that the Magadha country must have been the seat of mins¬ trelsy, an idea supported by the fact that in later literature a man of Magadha is the designation of a minstrel. If, as has been suggested, the Kikatas of the Rigveda were really located in Magadha, the dislike of the country goes back to the Rigveda itself. The cause must probably have been the imperfect Brahmanisation of the land and the predominance of aboriginal blood, which later in history rendered Magadha the head¬ quarters of Buddhism. It is significant that the Buddhist texts show a subordination of the Brahman to the Ksha¬ triya class which has no parallel in orthodox literature. It is clear however that Brahmans sometimes lived there, but that their doing so was a ground for surprise.’’®* T. W. Rhys-Davids commenting on the racial and colour composition of the Kshatriyas of these kingdoms in the pre-Buddhist period says : — M EDWARD J. THOMAS, The Ufe of Buddha as Legend and Hlstorv. P- 13 Geography of Early Buddhism ; Kegan Paul, London, 1931; B. C. LAW, The Geography of Early BuddhisTn, London NALINAKSHA DUTT, History of Early Buddhist Monasticism vol 1 pp. 135 ff, Calcutta, 1941. s v . a. K.. }■ P- 91 MANX!* 17-20: ‘Trom a Brahmana bom m that country . Indian Sculpture end Pointinit, p. 55. 30 TAMIL CULTURE fresco appears to Jouveau-Dubreuil, the French scholar who discovered them in 1920, as ‘ a scene from the religious history of the Jains ' A scene from the Jain heaven , remarks Karl Khandalavala.’ The Sittannavasal fresco recalls to mind those of the famous Ajanta. ‘ The line has all the rhythm, fluency and definitiveness of that of Ajanta ’, and they * undoubtedly belong to that age when the art of fresco painting in India was at its zenith to quote again Khandalavala. But the Sittannavasal artist has happily followed his own creative imagination ; thus he has avoided the exaggerated forms of his better known contemporaries, such as the wasplike feminine waistline and the typically sensuous rather than religious attitudes of Ajanta as well as ofSigiriya (Ceylon). It has been said that the Jains had ‘ an eye for the picturesque The natural caves they first occupied and those they later carved out of the rock are usually to be found in the upper slopes of rockhills, as eagle-nests would be. They command a large landscape ; from there the eye rests on nothing that is not peace-inspiring in the vast panorama of nature with its rocks and forests, its combs and dales, its water tanks and fields. As seen from such an altitude and distance, everything looks, in the subdued light and colours, like a dreamland, as it might well appear through the half-closed eyes of a contemplative Jain recluse who lived there and prayed. (To be continued) « NANALAL CHAMANLAL MEHTA,' Studies Indian Polnfinos. Bombay, 1928, p. 11. 7 KHANDALAVAL, p. 55. • KHANDALAVAL. p. 55. • Madura Gazetteer, p. 256. The Problem of the Life and Age of Kamban A. C. PAUL NADAR Kamban is tjie g reate^^c poet in Tamil language. His supreme mastery of language and metre, his simplicity of style and profundity of thought, his wonderful portrait of men and women, his powers of dramatisation and his sense of humour, his knowledge of the deep past, and pro¬ phetic vision of the future and his grasp of the fundamental problems of life make his Ramayana unique in Tamil literature. It is a creative work of art, comparable to the very best epic poem produced in any age or under any clime. Its study from the point of view of the age is calcu¬ lated to elucidate several problems connected with the historical development of the cult\ire of the Tamils. For it is obvious that it reflects the hopes and fears, the aspira¬ tions and ideals of a particular epoch in the history of the Tamils. But the problem of his age and life remains un¬ settled among historians, literary scholars and research workers. There is such a vast difference in the periods assigned by the various schools of thought among them that the question of the development of age, language and literature, art and science, religion and philosophy, politics and economics, caste and society and a host of questions of similar nature await determination. Some think that Kamban belonged to the 91h century of the Christian era ; others take him to the last quarter of the 12th century! There are a few others who assign to him various dates between the two. The difference thus ranges over a period of three centuries. The theory of the 9th centut-y ,was championed by the late V. V. S. Iyer (vide his introduction to Balakandam 32 TAMILCULTXJRE 1917) . This view was shared by such various schools as 1. Sunnakam Kutnarasamy Pillai (vide his Balakandam 1918) . 2. Illakkana Paramparai Somasundaradesikar (Karanthai Silver Jubilee Essays, 1938). 3. T. K. Chidam- baranatha Mudaliar (vide Kamban Tharum Ramayanam 1953). 4. V. P. Subramania Mudaliar (Kamba Ramayana Saram ). The late Dr. S. Krishnasami Iyengar placed him in the middle of the 12th century. The editors of the Annamalai University Silver Jubilee Publication of six padalams of Sundara Kandam (1955) suggest 978 A.D., as the date of composition of Kamba Ramayana and emphatically reject the 9th as well as the 12th century. The theory of the 12th century was first suggested by the late Maha Vidwan R. Raghava Iyengar about 5Q. years ago (vide Sentamil — Vol. 3). In recent j'^ears it was championed by Professor S. Vaiyapuri Pillai, whose two books— Tamil Chudar Manigal —1952, 2nd edition, and Kamban Kavyam, 1955 fairly summarise the arguments advanced by the late R. Raghava Iyengar in addition to his own. The task of fixing the correct date is not an easy one. It is full of difficulties. No direct or contemporary evidence is available. There is a paucity of historical works. We do not know with certainty the time and place of origin of many books of literature. There is a mass of traditional accounts, which have gathered around Kamban and his patron Sadayan down the centuries. They contradict one another ; though some of the stanzas connected with tradi¬ tional accounts profess to be Kamban’s own or those of his contemporaries, they are of doubtful historical value. The circumstantial evidence is neither full nor adequate to warrant any definite and certain conclusion. Our fore¬ fathers had neither an historic sense nor an excessive anxiety to preserve things as they were in their pristine form. As a result of these defects, we have not the original text of Kamban’s poem with us, but only copies made less than 400 years ago. Eveh these copies are admittedly full THE LIFE AND AGE OF KAMBAN 33 of interpolations, additions and omissions. The earliest copy available is alleged to have been prepared in about 1578 A.D., that is to say, about 400 years after the latest and 700 years after the earliest date assigned to the poet. And no one knows from which source that copy was made. We have now about 30 to 40 manuscripts written on palmyra leaves. The readings vary from one manuscript to another, though the general frame work is substantially kept Intact. So we have to take the 16th century text with all its faults and infirmities as a basis for our investigation. As interpolations and additions have been made from time to time to suit the ideas and tastes of later ages, the question of fixing the age becomes extremely comphcated. Indeed the whole thing works in a vicious circle. We want a correct text to fix the age, and the text can be corrected and restored to its pristine parity only in the light of the knowledge of the times which necessitated the inter^la- tions, additions and omissions. In recent years, several attempts have been" made to get at the original text. T. K. C.’s monumental work makes an attempt to restore the original from the point of view of poetics and aesthetics alone. This leaves a large gap in the narration of the story of the poem. S. Murugappa in his short-study of Kambar Kaviyam (1953) deals with the question of interpolation and additions from a common sense point of view. It is interesting to note how much he agrees in the matter of interpolations and additions with T. K. C. For example, many stanzas in Pookoi Padalam, Punal Vilayattupadalam, Undatta Padalam in Bala Kandam are found to be interpolations by both. They are certainly incongruous in the light of what appears to be the Poet’s great basic principles, such as his condemnation of laxity in sexual relationship and abhorrence of intoxicating drinks. A mere comparison of the manuscripts does not yield fruitful data, necessary for fixing the age of Kamban, as all the av^lable manuscripts are less than 400 years old. It is however, interesting to note‘that Prof. S. Vaiyapuri 34 TAMIL CULTURE Pillai rejects as an interpolation the story of Viswamitra (83-138 in Mithilai Katchi) on the strength of omission in one manuscript which he considers very old (vide. Kamban Kaviyam, pp. 43 & 44). T. K. C. rejects the same on poetical grounds (vide: T. K. C.’s Ramayanam, Intro¬ ductory P. XIV). The purification of the text is a task beyond the capacity and competency of any single indivi¬ dual. It calls for the exercise of different qualities and talents not commonly found in any single individual. Discriminating poetic perception, a sound and intimate knowledge of the literature of the relevant period in all its aspects and patient industry must be brought to bear upon the study of the knotty problem before anything like a satisfactory solution can be found. We have, therefore, to grope in the dark in our investi¬ gation with a debased text, and with the mass of contra¬ dictory traditional accounts. Far more than these is our imperfect knowledge of the historic background. In spite of the vast historical materials now available after a patient research for nearly a century, no historian of genius has arisen to use these materials with the insight of a seer, the vision of an artist and the accuracy of a scientist. Till now specialisation has gone so far that research scholars, who know epigraphy well, are deficient in their knowledge of literature and vice versa. We have before us the curious phenomenon of a learned historian of the Cholas who was so sure some years ago that Kamban was patronised by Vikrama Chola (1118-1135) and was even lavishly reward¬ ed by him with the title Kavichakravarthy (Emperor of Poets) and a fief called Kumba nadu, holding now the view that he belonged to the age of Kulottungan III (1178- 1216). One is left wondering whether he has any adequate reason for the change over and whether the period of more than half a century in the history of Cholas does not make any difference whatsoever in what he calls “ the colour of the time.” (vide page 672 in The Cholas by K. A- N. Sastry 2nd edition, 1953). The learned professor admittedly THE UFE AND AGE OF KAMBAN 35 follows the conclusion of the late Professor Vaiyapuri Pillai. The late Professor Vaiyapuri Pillai has expounded his theory of the 12th century in his two books {Tamil Chudar Manigal 2nd edition, 1952 and Kamban Kavyam, 1955). He asserts that the world of scholars accepted the last quairter of the 12th century as settled—^vide page 145, Kamban Kavyam. The reasons assigned by him for his conclusion are:— (a) Tyaga Vinodam is referred to in the stanza No. 58 of Maruthumalai padalam and is the ex¬ clusive title of Kulothunga Chola III. Hence Kamban must have lived in his reign. {Kamban Kavyam—page 149). (b) The stray stanza (Thanian) beginning with “ Oan-sTOL ” supports the view that Kamban finished his poem in Saka year 1100 corresponding to 1178 A.D. (Kamban. Kavyam —^page 150). (c) The stray stanza (Thanian) beginning with “ CT6WJ7«3ofliLi a^asiru^LD ST 6 XTf^S 3 irs)m shows that arangetram (publication) of Kamban Ramayanam was in Saka year 1107 correspond¬ ing to 1185 A.D. {Tamil Chudar Manigal — page 131). (d) Another stray stanza attributed to Kamban according to Tamil navalar Sarithai is said to be addressed to the king Pratapa Rudra of Warsin- gal 1162^197 {Tamil Chudar Manigal —^page 121 ). (e) According to the stray stanza attributed to Kamban in Cholamandala Sathakam, Sadayan the acknowledged patron of Kamban was the same as Puduvai Sadayan. This Puduvai Sada¬ yan was the son of Sankaran, the early patron 36 TAMILCULTUKE of Ottakoothan. So Kamban was the junior contemporary of Ottakoothan who sang ulas about the three Cholas who ruled for fifty-four years (1178 to 1171) (vide pages 124-125 Tamil Chudar Manigal). (/) According to tradition Ottakoothaui, the Kavi- chakravarthi of the Chola Court, jealously guarded his position and influence and kept down young aspirants including Kamban (vide page 151 Kamban Kavyam). (g) Kamban did not find favour with the Chola King (Kulothunga III) for he was a Vaishna- vite and Saivaism was the state religion. And those were not the days of toleration (page 151, Kamban Kavyam). (h.) Kamban was neglected by the literary circles, as he did not follow the poetic tradition of his days. The poets of his age looked down upon this as heresy and taunted him with his low birth (page 151, Kamban Kax>yam). (i) In spite of the opposition of the royal court and literary circles, his genius was recognised by the common people who immediately awarded the title of Kavichakravarthi. His fame was an established fact as soon as his great Kavyam was published (page 152, Kamban Kavyam). (j) Kamban lived at the time when Tamilnad attained the zenith of its prosperity (pages 131 & 132 Chudarmanigal). We will now examine his reasons in the order set forth above: (a) The sheet anchor of his thesis is the reference to Thyaga Vinodhan in Maruthumalai Padalam in stanza No. 58. He says that a certain town named “ thiraimoor ” THE LIFE AND AGE OF KAMBAN 37 during Vikrama Chola’s reign was some decades later renamed Tygavinodha Amir and that this change took place during the reign of Kulothimga III. Therefore he thinks that this shows clearly that Thyaga Vinodhan was none other than the Kulothunga III himself and that fol¬ lowing the king some of his officers added this title to their names. He quotes for instance “ Thyga Vinodha Muvenda- velan ” (MER No. 28 of 1927) and “Thyga Vinodha Bhat- lan ” (MER No. 169 of 1927) vide Kamban Kavyam, page 149. (1) The identification of Thyaga Vinodhan with Kulothimga III is based on an inference from the changes of names as Thyaga Vinodhan Arrur, referred to in two mutilated inscriptions reported in Senthamil, VoL I half a century ago, but not yet copied by the Government Epi- graphists. As a matter of fact historians took no notice of that until Professor Vaiyapuri Pillai explained it in recent years. There is however no evidence that Kulothunga III even used this title of Thyga Vinodhan in any one of his innumerable inscriptions. He used as many as nine titles and this is not one of them (vide Pandarathar’s History of Later Cholas, Part II, page 168, and Krishna Sastri’s com¬ ment in G.O. No. 665 dated 28—7—1910). The stanza No. 58 of Maruihumalai Padalam runs as follows : — aieoresfi Ouireor QiDsireQeuTSjrsusBT ix)St)jps6r (SLOsofresr asfiireofl/RTOT aeysreasr^ih asirssof) Qi9^f>ir68f!_57'sfr O^jfJiusu QjjrsBr ^iuir& eSQi^^sar O^iuaiu QuireereoflfiiTLiQ eveoMjasneuueiDUULieueirQjiiretr (Sr^iraSu Guir(^sir. (2) We have ample evidence that the name Thyaga Vinodhan was in use long before and after the time of Kulothunga III. Professor Vaiyapuri Pillai’s citation of the reference to Thyaga Vinodhan in MER No. 169 of 1927, relates to an inscription recording the gift of a lamp to the temple of Athitheswaran at Perunkalandai of Pollachi taluk in Coimbatore district in the third year of the Kongu Chola 38 TAMIL CULTURE ruler Vikrama (1004-1041 A.D.)- As a matter of fact it is the year 1007, that is to say, about 200 years before Kulothunga III. There are two officers of Vikrama Chola bearing the nsime of Thyaga Vinodhan Thalaikoli (u^iSeuirf eSCSjBO'^^fiSsuASisrrGSI) and Thirumandiravolai Thyaga Vinodha Bramma Rayan (StuirSso ^turret sSSjBiTfi iSiriitnir/riusor) [For other references to Thyaga Vinodhan vide MER No. 260 of 1920 for the time of Kongu Chola ruler Kulothunga III (1145-1183) and S.I.I. VoL VIII No. 487 in 15th century during Vijayanagar times.] (3) The reference to the Thyaga Vinodha Muvenda- velan in MER 28 of 1927 related to a chieftain who belonged to the region of Thiruvarur where Siva was and is wor¬ shipped as Thyagaraja Perumal. It is legitimate to infer that the name is one in imitation of the deity just as ( 3 p(S 6 »j_[B^ ffeusTTfreor and ^ai&uujtLuso (SnuoTireiT used in those days. It is hardly necessary to add that the name Thyaga Vinodha Muvenda Velan cannot be called in aid to prove the king’s title. (4) The stanza No. 58 of Maruthumalai Padalam describes the ruler of the land of sacred Cauvery as Veeran Thyaga Vinodhan (eSirear 0Bj(r& eSKSj^^sar). The lite¬ rary and epigraphic evidence of those times shows that the successive rulers of the land of Cauvery were all fond of the titles veeran and thyagi. The Nandi Kalambakam refers to its hero the Pallava King Nandhi Varman III as ‘ ^ujitS ersar^ih ’ ‘ Q?!r JSJ3^ ’ ‘ ^0;b(r®6!»i_uj Vikrama Chola Ula refers to Vikrama Chola (1135-1150 A.D.) as 0ujira Various inscrip¬ tions describe the first Rajadhiraja Chola (1042-1054 A.D.) as ^iuitsQld ^6cofliu(r«<5 Qdsn’sisn'L-eiisar; Veera Rajendran (1063*1070 A.D.) as ^ir^^safldOdsiru^ ^iuiraaQsirLf.Gujir(S cgJswTL-aiajr ; Adi Rajendra Cholan (1070 A.D.) as ^iu(r<35 rriririusaar t 7 ($csstfl«u ^sSsayi— Qsr(3fifi ’ ui—eo^^s6r iSIser Seo tSiflaj '■ OsiuiLfilasdr €uaf>trujULJL. ©sfroTfiar. •Slsup^sr §1^^ QstuiLfdr 5>65r(iT}@u).” (vide Sentamil Vol. Ill—page 53). This is literally copied with approval in ‘ si-r Losoofiasfr ’ (vide pages 130- 131) but in Katnban Kavyam he added “ iBsu uan^Diu 67il®u OujirsBT^eu Gs'^iifeir arenaruuS^jD^.** (vide page 86). He does not disclose the age of the manuscript in which it was found. One wonders whether it is earlier than the 16th centufy. (2) There is no evidence as to who composed it and when. This is not one of the stanzas known to the tradi¬ tional stories as embodied in ‘ ^i£ltp jj/rsusuj ’ and ‘ Qs-ryi tosaart_fiu which belonged to 17th and 18th centuries respectively, nor to Tamil Plutarch (1859) and ‘ L/suajj-L/tr/reooni) ’ at the end of the 19th century. (3) As for its interpretation both R. Raghava Iyen¬ gar and Vaiyapuri Pillai think that this means Saka Year 1100 corresponding to 1178 A.D., as the year of the com- 40 TAMIL CULTURE position of Kamban Ramayanam. But it is difficult to see how these learned men get over the expression which would mean only a thousand years deducting a hundred years answering to 900 of Saka Era, corresponding to 978 A.D. This is exactly the inter¬ pretation put upon it by the learned editors of the ‘Annamalai Silver Jubilee Publication —Sundara Kandam —1955.’ (4) It may be noted that in their stanza the name of Kamban is not at all mentioned but is simply described as the son of the great Gunadithan of Muvalur According to tradition there are as many as six different stories all pointing to the bastardy of the poet. It is difficult to see how these stories could have been invented if he was known to be the son of a great man. (5) Further there is another ‘ Thanian ’ which makes the poet as the native of ‘ Therazhandur ’ describing him as “ >^(rswjf) (S.spn’^^rsrril©^ ^(5aj(i^^gn'5i3aj<#^<9=-6iir, srrjrsoof) QairanL-iurresT stiuearpiBi^t^jj) Oa^tuas/reor. The proxi¬ mity of Muvalur to Therazhandur does not solve the problem. (6) There is the statement that the composition of Ramayana must have taken place in 1178 A.D. and that the alleged change of name of “Thiraimoor” as Thyaga Vinodha Arrur derives support from an inscription of the sixth year of Kulothunga. It is difficult to see how a poem finished in 1178 A.D. would refer to a title assumed by the ruler six years later, even if the assumption be true. (c) Professor Vaiyapuri Pillai cites the ‘Thanian’ reading as follows ; — STsosTSBofluj SloA euTifiof ,/B«wrs5Bf)iu OeusArOewsriu ^eareafiCSet) ‘SmujBirueir usArsmfiuj ^trmMsiTsn^ uA'^^afl aeytreasffuj npssrCsBr ^BeaiujASspiSli^sai. THE LIFE AND ACE OF KAMBAN 41 and interprets the Saka year as 107 reading “ OTswr ” what others read as “ffrfiwjr^yr/DO/DCtP ” or eight hundred and seven Saka year. He accepts the ingenious explanation of R. Raghava Iyengar that in practice 1107 is mentioned as 107 leaving out the thousand. But the ques¬ tion is When such practice as that came into existence. Professor Vaiyapuri Pillai is not consistent with reference to this stanza. On page 149 of his Kamhan Kavyam he treats it as a fabrication of the 16th century. We will deal with many problems arising out of this stanza at a later stage. (d) Reliance is placed on the evidence afforded by a verse from Tamil Navalar Charithai which reads as follows : — ^6ii6Bf5yp(ip ^uSirir uawoP Q^(r(ip6UT(r —L/oisafl e_(5^^[r(r t^ear^aai-iu Qirtiisd) jsirLLu).d> &(3^^!rT euireaiLpif^ifiirih. This verse is said to have been a composition of Kamban himself addressed to Prathapa Rudra of Warangal in North Telugu country (Pratapa Rudra—1162 A.D. to 1191 A.D.). (1) The composition of Tamil Navalar Charithai is admittedly at the end of 17th century. It has collected about 28 stanzas attributed to Kamban and his contempo¬ raries. If all the stanzas are genuine, historically they contradict one another. For example, the stanza addressed to Prathapa Rudra is assigned to the end of 12th century when Kulothunga III was ruling over the entire Tamil Nad at least nominally. But a stanza found in Tamil Naimlar Charithai as a work of Kamban viz., lQ(5U;S^ jhireirQ^friffiu srStet^ssnu L.iu Oa/TiDiDaiir Oa/nuail dlt—U). 6 42 TAMIL CULTUKK (page 76 of Towil Navalar Charithai published by Saiva Siddhantha Nool Padippu Kazhagam) shows that the Chola ruler mentioned above must have been a petty ruler. If it is so it must represent an earlier peri^ than the 10th century when the Cholas built up an empire. (2) The learned Professor seems to realise the absurdity of a Tamil poem being appreciated by a Telugu ruler in a far-off country and seeks to support his position by an allegation that Kamban himself shows a familiarity with the Telugu language by the use of such words as jstiiS, and in his Ramayanam. But several commentators consider most of these words as It is clear one need not go to Telugu land to learn these words. When the Pallavas ruled over the land between the Krishna and Cauvery, there must have been an intermingling of Telugu and Tamil populations as we see today. (3) The legend connected with this stanza is of a tell-tale character. It may be remembered that from the 16th century Telugu rule was established at Madurai, Tanjore and Gingee. It looks as though a Tamil poet invented the story as a sort of compensation for their degradation. The legend says that Kamban quarrelled with the Chola ruler and went in exile to Warangal and afterwards returned triumphantly to the Chola Court with the ruler of Warangal acting as his betel box carrier ! (4) Professor K. A. N. Sastry has dealt with this aspect of the matter and states as follows : — “ The story goes that Kamban commanded the rule of all the sovereigns of his time, including the Pandya and the Kakatyia Rudra and that the Chola Ruler jealous of his fame and anxious to get rid of his over-mighty subject plotted his murder and executed it in person. There is no means yet of deciding if this puerile accdunt of the poet’s end has any foundation—Italics is mine. (Colas. 1955 edition, page 672). THE LIFE AHD AGE OF KAAIBAN 43 (e) Next is an attempt made to fix the age of Sada.- yan, the acknowledged patron of Kamban. Professor Vaiyapuri Pillai strikes a note of caution that legends have gathered round the name of Sadayan as much as in the case of Kamban. These legends are embodied in Tamil Navalar Charithai and Cholamandala Sathakam. It is also natural that the proverbial poverty of the poets and panegyrics exaggerate the importance and the greatness of the man who patronized them. It is possible that in subsequent times when patrons were scarce the poets would look back with glamour for the past patrons. Hence apart from Chola Mandala Chathakam and Tamil Navalar Charithai there are other stanzas handed down the centuries. Professor Vaiyapuri Pillai rejects some of them and utilises a few in support of his theory of the end of 12th century as the age of Kamban. We propose to examine the value of such materials as he relies on. (1) Kamba Ramayanam gives the names of Kam- ban’s patron as Sadayan and Sararaman. Another name Kannan is also found in some manuscripts. His place said to be Thiruvennainallur is identified now with a small hamlet on the banks of Cauvery as Kadirkamam, not far from Mayavaram. The poem itself does not give any indi¬ cation of his status or his parentage or any other residence. Professor Vaiyapuri Pillai relies on Chola Mandala Chatha¬ kam for another residence. The stanza reads as follows : — OLDiueniuiT «ofl£U6UjD^£D>^ luir^SuirpiD aidxvir He infers from this that Sadayan was Puduvaiyan. It means a native of Puduvai. The learned Professor does not either identify the place with any present day village nor does he locate it in relation to Thiruvennainallur. He notes that the same stanza occurs in an inscription at 44 TAMIL CULTURE Muvalur. From that he asserts that the authenticity of the stanza cannot be questioned. Unfortunately the Muva¬ lur inscription is not dated. Apparently he thinks that the stone record is more reliable than the cadj an record. (2) As a matter of fact, the very same stanza occurs in Tamil Navalar Charithai also. The learned editor of Tamil Navalar Charithai points out that the Muvaltir inscription was copied out in AR No. 29 of 19^^ Puduvai becomes Puduvaipuri in an inscription of Thiruk- kodikaval copied out in AR No. 58 of 1930-31. Professor K. A. N. Sastry in his Cholas talks of Sadayan alias Sara- raman whom he identifies with “ Trigarta ”, mentioned in Vikrama Chola Via and in the undated inscriptions from Muvalur and Thirukkodikaval in which he is also described as the “ Cedirya ” of the Ganga race. Professor Sastry^ identifies “ Cedi ” country with the hilly country roimd x about Thirukkoilur and Killiyvir in South Arcot District. Professor Vaiyapuri Pillai relies on Chola Mandala Satha- kam for describing Sadayan as “ Vennai Trigartan Now “ Trigartan ” means one who has fed the entire en¬ tourage of all the three crowned heads of Tamil Nad. viz., Chera, Chola and Pandya Rulers. One wonders when all these three rulers were the guests at Thiruvermainallur ! (3) Vikravia Chola Via does not refer to the place of “ Trigarta ” of his times but only describes him as a conqueror of Kongu and Coorg. (vide Vikrama Chola Via stanza No. 88). Now stanza No. 84 of the same Via refers to the chieftain of Chedi as a conqueror of the land of Kannadas. It is clear that they are different personages altogether. Further from the days of Purananooru down to the days of the later Cholas, Chedirayas were Malayans (uagfeutuuxrajr) (vide Purananooru No. 125 and Pandara- thar's History of Later Cholas, pages 65, 106 and 174). The trigarta referred to in Vikrama Cholan Via is not identifiable with any of the known heroes of the times of Vikrama Chola (vide Pandarathar’s History of Later Cholas, II, page 88). THE LIFE AND AGE OF EAMBAN 45 (4) Professor Vaiyapuri Pillai relies on another stray stanza quoted on page 156 oi Tamil Chudar Mani- gal for the position that Sadayan’s father was Sankaran of Puduvai in whose domestic service Ottakkoothan was alleged to have been employed in early life. That stanza refers to Lfgisnajiuih L/swr skbAuj 3^«tbLD6sof)j- #(r6Dr;5) ^triSiLiiT aibujBiri-ear Oa^ireareaT (jpuiLDaxrFUQaiTeoir^ Unfortunately, the poem (y)ti)U5fiBafl.i(S jBiretHuLieSuSw Lj6N<9se3ALl (SapjD^Qsrrsrr—j§)fior(S0jsn'G9r yu5i_^60>^6u/rtcu L/QSIijDt_;5«»^ eSpjSa^uu ^ebeairtii^ j3irdr. (i) It is somewhat amusing that Professor Vaiya¬ puri Pillai should say that in spite of the opposition of the royal court and literary circles, his genius was recognised by the common people who iinmediately awarded him the title of “ Kavi-c-chakravarthi ”. He cites in support of it 48 TAMIL CULTURE what he calls a contemporary poem which reads as fol¬ lows :— xihujbirSio>t-^S9)!rerfume 735 And illuminated with golden flames. Courtesans, ravishingly fair as nymphs Of heaven, decked with beaming jewelry Of purest gold, spend the night with youths. Who, like birds that go in quest of trees 740 Fruit-laden, gather round them. And the courtesans With these gay gallants gambol in water Cool, of Vaigai river, rest on sand dunes Playing on harps and drums, till far Into the night and then desert in haste. 745 And girdled round their swaying waists with wreaths Of water-lilies, and cresses hanging Over their languid zones for other captivations Seductive, hurry to their stately mansions Full with perfume of enrapturing flowers. 750 On the bright Onam-day*® of the birthday Festivity of Namnan,** the king radiant With golden garland in token heroic Of vanquishing the host of Avunas,*® Heroic warriors, inebriate with toddy, 755 Heedlessly wandered about the streets littered With sharp steel gravels thrown in the mad path Of battle-tuskers, for the abatement of their speed, By goaders from the lap-folds of their tunics Of broad, blue borders. The hands of warriors 760 20 Now an important Malayalee fesUval; basically a harvest festival: has mythological associations with Mahabali. the asura king 21 A great chieftain king. 64 TAMIL CULTURE Are indurated with training tuskers Of war, death dealing, whose heads are covered With scars of battle, and their thumbai garlands. To the hum of bees, sway round their shoulders. And love of war ever bums in their hearts. 765 With milk surging in full round breasts, women Of matronly grace, newly delivered Of children, to the great joy of their husbands. Wash, with their kith, kin and others Of their households, the pollution of child birth, 770 In the holy waters of the temple tank ; And join in worship to the sweet melody Of harps set in tune with drums large and small. By food offerings before the golden flames Of camphor, when enceinte women of pea-cock gait 775 Pray for a similar deliverance And safe of their first and anxious conception. As augured by the presiding, god-possessed Priestess of-broad, full and rounded shoulders. With these mingles the surge of devil dame-square. Where the awe-inspiring priest, decked abright With a garland of kurinchi“ flowers Of winter, dances to the music silvern Of pellet-anklets®^ and hand-silambu ; And apprises the crowd of the cause 785 Of their several misfortunes, and offers Propitiatory worship to Muruga Decked with kadamba®* flowers. The festive Birth-day of far-famed Nannan finished up With the surge of kuravai dance and song, 790 Of man and wife, in the villages Several and cheries of Madura-town ; Thus passed the first watch of the night. When conch trolls the end of first watch, women Stately and modest o f mien, decked with jewels, 795 » Now applied to blue flowers of "Nil^ Stubilanthes Gunthianes. or jewel bearted auUet, and the same is used as a hand musical instrument by priests when they dance in ecstatlc-souare Wendlandla Notoaiama (bot). ^ THE SONG OP MADURAI 65 Shut their booths of sliding plank-doors, to rest For the night, and confectioners of cakes Spongy as beehive, of sweet puffs with dhol And cocoanut stuffed and sweetened with candy, And of cates stewed in honey, sink to sleep 800 By their confection baskets beside. Dancers, pipers, trumpeters and others. At the end of the festivity, lie hushed in sleep Like the sea that calms after its surge. In the darkness of midnight, 805 When evil spirits wander with demons deadly. Swarthy thieves, one with the dark night, dressed In tunics, black as hide of tuskers stately. Over their many-coloured underwears, And dusky turbans, cower about the streets 810 For a chance to steal jewelry ; swords hang By their sides, deadly daggers and hidden In the rippled folds of their underwears ; Rope-ladders are wound round their loins, and they Wander about with sandaled feet, and armed 815 With chisels to which even firm stone walls And steel-bound heavy doors will easily yield. While armed with unerring bows and arrows City-guards, versed deep in criminology Fearless of evil spirits and unmindful 820 Of heavy rains of the night that flood The broad streets, go round their night watches Spying for thieves, who vanish in the twinkle Of an eye, and wait under cover To pounce upon them, as tigers sinewy 825 Lie in wait to strike down stately tuskers. The Vedic Brahmins*® humming-chant rises Like the chorus of dragonflies round The opening pollen cups of fragrant flowers Of cool green tanks ; harpers tune their lyres and play 830 Marutha songs ; goaders urge tuskers to eat; Chariot horses in stalls begin to chew grass ; Brahmins whose business is to chant the Vedas. 9 66 T A MI I. CULTURE Bazaar-keepers sweep their booths and spray Them with cow-dung watertoddy vendors Loudly tell the prices and hawk the beverage. 835 When the morning rays of sun dispel darkness Of night, chaste damsels sleeping in embraces Loving of their lords, eager for duties Domestic of day rise betimes, open The lofty doors guarding their high-walled mansions, 840 To the jingle of their anklets and bracelets Flashing like lightning, when the morning echoes With the confused lisp of men still under The spell of their night’s carouse, with praises Of minstrels, some standing and some sitting, 845 And with the bell-toll of time-keepers. Peal of drums apprises the birth of dawn. And mingles with the bellowing of bulls in stalls ; The song of pie-bald cock ushers in the dawn ; The hoopoe, the swan and the peacock tvme 850 Their amorous notes calling to their mates ; Tuskers in company of their dames peel loud Jubilantly ; and the roar of tigers. Bears, and lions immured in cages echoes In the distant chaste blue heavens .of dawn. 855 When the morning rays of sun put to rout The darkness of night, ushering in the dawn With the promise of security, maids Sweep the mansions littered with arecanuts. Pearls and gems flaming as flower tom from 860 Necklaces in the night’s amours, and sweep The sanded gateway buzzing with bees circling round Fallen flowers of the night’s amour. Tuskers deserted by brazen-shouldered Warriors in their retreat, horses fleet of foot 865 Captured from the enemy’s country, and herds Of cattle deserted by fleeing herdsmen through « This custom still obtains in Hindu homes of South India; cow-dung and other products of cow are sacred to Hindus, for example the wine • it is supposed to remove pollution. tHE SONG OF MADURAI 67 Slaughterous flames raised by fierce Vetuwas Massive doors of fortresses girdling round The hill-country, and subsidies of gold And jewelry offered as homages By vessel kings flow in volume Measureless into Madura like waters Many of the Ganges that empty themselves Into the sea. Thus in riches greater Than of the domains of gods shines in glory Far-famed Madiira-town of Pandian king. Damsels roseate fair as the rays of sun Setting behind western hills, filtering Through a grove of asoka” trees aflame With buming-red leaves on a network Of boughs circled round by humming flatteries of Damsels decked with jewelry wrought of gold Purest, set with sparkling colourful gems. Walking in bewitching peacock-gait casting Radiant haloes— Damsels tender of newly-budded Mango-leaf complexion mantled fair With golden chloasma in leaf-vein patterns— Damsels with a fine array of pearl teeth, With ears beaming with pendants shark-shaped, And of faces bright as large poUen-filled flowers Of red lotus of flaming petals that grow In the sacred tank, and decked with wristlets Of rare craftsmanship of cunning artists— In a bed curtained with colourful garlands. The king rested for the night in the embraces Fond of such sweet consorts, with his head Pillowed on their perfumed shoulders round. And rose betimes for the work of morn. After amour-satisfied quiescent sleep Sweet, at the early hours of the dawn. The king handsome as a statue wrought ** A fierce warrior tribe. *# (bot) Polyalthia looglBora. 870 875 880 bees— 885 890 895 900 68 TAMIL CULTURE In cunning colours lively and true to life By cunning artists, and smeared with fragrant paste 905 Of sandal of adamantine core and decked Abright with pearl necklace and fair garlands Of colourful flowers, round which hvunmed begs, Gold-banded, their amorous songs, set in state— The jewel-set rings on his fingers gleamed, 910 In tune with the golden hero-anklets ; And his starched diaphanous tunic on shoulders Broad, hung in straight faultless folds in tune With pearl-garlands hanging down from his neck. Sovereign liege, lord of hosts and princes ! 915 Sitting in state, you welcome those warriors, Who, like- the anicut that stops the fast-rushing Waters, advancing between two warring hosts. Have put to flight the surging forces of foes. To the praise of your fame through victories of sword : 920 Those warriors who with mighty bend of bows Have their arrows against their broad chests borne. And of shoulders brawny enough to master Wild horses of mettle and fleet of foot: Those warriors rich in heroic deeds who had 925 Guarded the fortresses girdled by as deep moats As yawning hill-caverns into which surge And rush the waters of winter rains ; Those warriors still covered with raw wounds Through battling tuskers of war, and who, 930 To the peal of kettle-drums of mouths stopped with the robe Of death-dealing bulls, had boldly marched Into the very thick of battle like forest-fire To the devastation of enemies : Those allies decked with garlands of gold-wrought 935 Thumbai-flowers, who had flung their arrows And steel-capped lance-sticks at the enemies. To their confusion, and who are armoured In sectional coats-of-mail dull with age. Over their bodies obvious with ribs. 940 tHB SONG OF MAOUBAl 69 Like the spokes of wheels, through flesh-lom wounds of war: Those who have patched up friendships Between those, whose prosperous domains broad Are comparable to the regions of the gods : Those vassals of smaller domains, who are 945 Decked with colourful garlands, whose chests deep Are dry with sandal paste, and who had Devastated the arrayed forces stately Of tuskers of war : Thus welcome princes 950 And warriors famed through war to enter. Without hesitation, your lofty palace gates. Accessible thus, you will be to all. And welcome the troops of minstrels, singers. Dancers and trumpeters ; and not curious 955 To know who and whence they are, you with them Consider as your own kith and kin, And without their solicitations. And to the measure of their dear wishes. Give gifts of lofty chariots decked with lotuses 960 Wrought in ivory, and tuskers. In fields far and wide people carouse wild On sweet toddy ; under every tree fat sheep Are slaughtered, and the fat melts under fire raised To approach them ; and tumult of people stewing 965 Vegetables of diverse kinds mingles with fumes. Purple and blue as mist-clouds of winter. Hissing through the final flavouring Of dishes over fire in frying pans. Thus does Madura of lofty mansions jubilate ! 970 May you walk in the path of your forbear. Lofty Kudumi,^® famous for raising Many penance fires, and who shared the bliss Of heaven with great teachers, who had performed All austerities as mentioned 975 30 A greatly renowned lorbear of the Pandians. •70 TAMIL CULTURE In ancient lore. And you like lofty Vishnu’* The lord of all the wealth of the wide world. Will share all your good things with your peoples. Filled with greatness matchless, wisdom, And all other praiseworthy virtues, you will 980 Bestow precious gifts on the many Families that live in your large domain. And elevate them. And filled with deep learning You will shine amidst your kith and kin Prosperous like the flaming sun that rises 985 From the depths of sapphire seas, and like The full moon amidst her starry host. And you will, to the deep desire of your heart, Lead in the straight path of righteousness. Chieftain kings famed for war; the five-fold men” 990 Great in virtue and wisdom, decked with jewels Of far-famed gold, of your great assembly ; The Kongan” kings famed for smiting with sword Unfailing, their foes, beginning from Maran,’* A chieftain king, famous and decked with flowers 995 Of gold, who on earth established renown Fair ; and to the blessings of the wise. Beaming with renown, of the assembly. When night comes, sleep against the shoulders Of consorts, decked with beaming jewelry, 1000 After carousing on the well-flavoured mead. Offered by them in cups of gold. May thou, lofty king, great in wisdom Live for the rest of your god-ordained days Walking in the goodly path of righteousness ! 1005 3* Vishnu, one of the Hindu triad, the preserver; in one of hia incarnations he rose to sky-reaching height and hence lofy. 3* Ministers of the king’s assembly (cabinet) ; ministers, commanders priests, ambassadors, spies. 33 Kongan. a country of a chieftain king. 3< A chieftain king of the line of Pandians. Tamil Nayanars in Telugu Literature ATHILAKSHMI The Nayanars of the Tamil country played an important role in the evolution of Saivism in South India. The word ‘ Nayanar ’ denotes a devotee of Saiva. They were sixty-three in number and were drawn from all strata of Hindu Society ; the twice-born and the low-born, the kings, warriors and the commoners. They lived approximately between the 5th and the 10th centuries of the Christian Era. In Telugu they are styled as ‘ Aruvattumuvvuru Nayanarlu ’ and are included in the ‘ Sahasraganamalika ’ which forms one of the devotional litanies of the Saivites of the Telugu country. Curiously enough the number 63 corresponds to the Tri-shasti-sataka purushas of Jain tradi¬ tion embodied in the encyclopaedic work of Hemachandra Suri, the well-known Jaina Samayacbarya in his Tri-Shasti- Satakapurusha Charitra. In South India Saivism had to encounter two formi¬ dable rivals, Jainism and Buddhism, before it could win its way to popular favour. In the great social upheaval and rehgious confusion that ensued, it was these Naya¬ nars who stood firm and led the banner of Saivism to victory. The deflection of the popular current towards Saivism was mainly due to the heroic efforts of these devotees. Their burning faith in Siva as the supreme deity was powerful enough to carry conviction even to non¬ believers. They were by no means ostentatious but were humble, pure in body and .mind alike. Their inspiring example moved even kings to embrace the gospel of 72 V TAMIL CULTURE Saivism. Thus we see the Pallava King Mahendra- VARMAN I, who was at first a Jain, becoming an ardent Saivite under the influence of Appar (Tirunavukkarasu or Vagisar Nayanar). With the zeal characteristic of a new convert, Mahendravarman caricatured Buddhists and Jains in his Sanskrit burlesque Mattavilasa-Prahasana. These Nayanars, besides being the living embodiment of devotion and sacrifice, were also great poets. Quite a volume of devotional hymns flowed from their hearts providing emotional sustenance for Saivite devotees of later ages. Tevaram which consists of the hymns of Appar, Sambandhar, and Sundarar and Manikkavachakar’s Tiruvasdkam form the basis of Saivite devotional litera¬ ture. All the four were inspired Saints who electrified the country with their songs of devotion and set in motion a wave of Bhakti, which spread throughout the land kindling the light of spiritual aspiration. Besides these four main Nayanars, Tirumular (the author of Tirumandiram), Chiruttondar, Amaraniti and others also played an important role in giving a new stimulus to Saivism. The stories of the Tamil Nayanars were obviously very popular in South India and had spread into the neigh¬ bouring Telugu and Kannada countries. In Telugu Litera¬ ture we find for the first time references to some of these Nayanars in the Sivataiwasaramu of Mallikarjunapandita who lived between 1100-1180 A.D. In Nannechoda’s Kumara Sambhaimm, the earliest Saivite classic in Telugu, we find a reference to Tirunilakanta Nayanar in Canto 5 verse 143‘. But complete biographies of the Saints are given only by Palkuriki Somanatha. the famous Telugu poet and apostle of Virasaivam (1190-1260 A.D.). In his earlier work, Basavapuranamu, Somanatha links some of the stories of the Nayanars with the main story.of Basava to prove that ‘Devotion tinged with pride is futile’ and that ‘ Bliss is conferred on the truly devoted, without any TA&m. NAYANARS IN TELUGTJ LITERATURE 73 consideration of birth or intelligence The stories of the Nayanars form the most interesting chapter of the work. Somanatha introduces the‘story of Sundaramurti Nayahar and in the course of that story narrates briefly the accounts of some other Nayanars. It is in his later great work Panditaradhyacharitra (the biography of Mallikarjuna Pandita) that Somanatha enumerates the names of all the sixty-three Nayanars, and deals with the stories of some of them in the Puratana Prakarana of that work. The story of Udya Nambi is again narrated at length in the MahiTnaprakarana. In this connection it should be noted that the names of some of the Nayanars, as given by Somanatha, differ from those found in the Periapuranam, though the themes are the same. Later Telugu poets generally followed Somanatha who first recorded, in Telugu, these stories as current in popular tradition. For instance Nandanar is referred to only as ‘ Tirumallaprova ’. It is a corruption of the Tamil word Tirunalaipovar. Similarly lyarpagai Nayanar becomes Elpagha, Kotpuli is changed into Kol- puli, Athipatta and Kalikkamba are known as Adibharta and Kaliyamba. Sambandhar is referred to as Pillai Naya¬ nar and Tirunilakanta is called Potter Gundayya (Kum- mar Gundayya). There are also changes in the minor details of the stories. Besides these two main works, we find copious refer¬ ences to the Nayanars in his other Telugu works Vrisha- dhipa Satakamu and Chaturvedasaramu. Thus the credit of introducing the themes of these famous Tamil Saints and giving them a permanent place in Telugu Literature goes to Somanatha. Sivadevayya, otherwise known as Visweswara Siva Desika, the religious preceptor and minister of Kakati Ganapati Deva (1199-1260 A.D.) refers to Sirala, Sundara and Tirunilakanta in his Sataka, Siva Devadhrimani Sata- 10 74 TAMIL CTJLTUBK kamu which is not however now available. The following verse occurs in an anthology : “ ts6csS^X ^ojjvcCoSSaoCSjSijo ^5^6c^^^S5 ?So£)'Sj «3oeiclSj7V»6 l^X-SidoMOSj XSXtS 2i^zp^oj8^S' CS&^Sjdi) sk^-iS 23:6?So l5^s>o43s»? •B^exjaS"^ S^^sS^SSbrl! * My life would have been fruitful if I had been, a Sirivala in boy-hood, Sundara in youth and Gundaya (Tirunilakanta) in old age. If a man has no faith in Siva then this birth is a burden and life is futile.’ In Sarabhankalinga’s Sataka Avritten about 1300 A.D. we find references to the Nayanars ; this work is available. Ravipati Tirpurantaka, a poet of the post-Kakatiya period, refers to incidents in the lives of the Nayanars in his work Tripurantakadahanamu. Srinadha, one of the famous Telugu poets, in his poetical work Haravilasamu deals with the story of Chirut- tonda in two aswasas. The story given here is very similar to that found in the Periapuranam excluding the military career of the saint as Paranjothi. He links tlie story of the Dravidian saint with Aryan mythology and says that Tumbura was bom on earth as Chiruttonda as the result of a curse by Durvasa reputed for his irritable temper. Srinadha gives the caste of Chiruttonda as vaisya, whereas in the Tamil work he is referred to as belonging to Mahamatyakula. Palkuriki Somanatha already refer¬ red to also styles Chiruttonda as a Vysya and calls him as Siriyala and the son as Sirala. But Srinadha never refers to the father as Siriyala, but invariably as Chiruttonda. Srinadha follows Somanadha in giving the name of Sanga- lavva to the saint’s wife, who is also referred to a Tiru- venganachi. Her name in Periapuranam is Tiruvengattu- •TAMU. KAYANARS IN TELUGU UTERATURE 75 nangai. In Telugu Literatvire, the Nayanar is stated to be from Kanchi and not Sengattangudi, as stated in the Tamil work. In the Kannada works, Siriyala Settina Ragale and Siriyala Settine Vardige, we also find the names Siriyala Setti, Sangalavva and Sirala. The stories of the Nayanars, however interesting they might be, were viewed only from a religious point of view, till Srinadha gave the story of Chiruttonda Nambi a lite¬ rary stamp and a classical touch so that his successors, Saivites as well as non-Saivites, hit upon these themes for composing separate Kavyas. Thus came into vogue, a number of works on the well-known Nayanars, the most popular among them being Chiruttonda, about whom, there is a Prabandha by Garikapati Tammayya, a Dwipada by Vanavella Gangadhara, and a Yakshagana by Valekotiah. Harikatha performances narrating the story are also in vogue even to-day. There is a classical drama in Sanskrit by Rakshanadha of Tiruvannamalai which is known as ‘ Sivabhaktananda Nataka ’. Here the proper names are Sanskritised as Dahra Bhakta and Swetavana, Arunapuri, etc. The story of Chiruttonda is popular also in the Maratha country ; a special feast is held in honour of the Saint who is termed as Siriyala Maharaja. Next comes the story of Sundaramurthi which forms the theme of the well-known Champu Kavya Odayanambi Vilasamu by Ajjarapu Perayalinga Kavi. A high class Yakshagana by Ragalinga Nimmanadha is also a work of merit. The story of Kannappa Nayanar was written by one Kanchiraju Suraya in Champu style, but the work is im- fortunately lost. It is known only by a single verse quoted in the anthology, Prabandha Ratnakaramu Jaggana, writ¬ ten about 1550 A.D. In Kalahasti-Mahatmyamu of Dhur- jati, a poet of Krishnadevaraya’s Court, the story of Kan¬ nappa Nayanar forms the main theme. This work is one 76 TAMIL CULTVBfi of the famous ptabandhas of the golden age of Telugu Literature. Pillanayanar Charitra, the story of Sambandhar, was the first of its kind written as a separate dwipada kavya by Piduparti Basavana, but the work is not available. About Tirunilakanta we have an excellent Champu Kavya by name ‘ Kummar Gundayya Charitra *. It is written by Amalapurapu Sanyasi Kavi of the last century. Curiously, the author belongs to the same caste as that of the saint. All these poets belong to the Telugu country proper extending up to Gan jam district, now a part of Orissa. Coming to the 18th century we have two outstanding works relating to Nayanars. Chie is the prose work known as Sivabhaktavilasamu by Kaluve Nanjaraja of Mysore, the well-known poet and patron of letters. He is a Saivite and a poet in Sanskrit and Kannada also. He is the author of many Telugu classical prose works ; Halasyamahat- myamu (the greatness of Halasya Kshetra—Madurai), Kasimahimardhadarpanamu, and Garalapuri Mahatmyam (the importance of Nanjangudu) are some of his prose works that have come down to us. Sivabhaktavilasamu is a voluminous work in 75 adhyayas divided into five cantos. The stories of all the Nayanars are dealt with in this work. The life of Haradatta, the famous Saivacharya, is also included. The other work is Harabhaktavilasamu by Attaluri Papa Kavi, containing nearly 5000 verses in five cantos. This work stands on a par with the Periapuranam in Tamil. Papa Kavi, the author, is known to the literary world as the author of Chenna Basavapuranamu. These two rare works are both complete and are written on cadjan leaves. TAMIL NAYAMABS IN TELUGU UTERATtrSE 77 It is explicitly stated in the Telugu works that the Nayanars belonged to Dravida desa. For instance, Gun- dayya is said to belong to the famous place of Kanaka- sabhai, which is known in the Tamil Nad as Chidambaram. Nanjaraja’s work gives an accotmt of some of the reli¬ gious customs peculiar to the Tamils, which are inter¬ woven with the stories of the Nayanars, such as the worship of Kumaraswamy. In Andhra, Subrahmanya is mostly represented as a serpent and the concept of a god with two wives is not in vogue. Further we find no temple dedicated to Subrahmanya at present though there is a reference to one such at Chebrolu in the Yuddhamalla’s inscription dated 980 A.D. Even Visakhapattinam, which was constructed by Kulottunga Chola I, is stated to have taken its name after the deity of the place—Visakha or Kumara whose temple is now submerged imder the sea. Thus, it will be seen that the lives of the Nayanars attracted the attention of Telugu writers from the 12th century tiU the present day. They reveal the influence of Tamil tradition on the neighboring Telugu and Kannada peoples. The culture of the Telugu, Kanarese and Tamil speaking peoples had undoubtedly many common features in earlier times, and studies of this nature will, one may hope, strengthen the bonds of friendship and mutual understanding between the various linguistic groups inhabiting South India. Reviews THE CEYLON HISTORICAL JOURNAL, Vol. V, 1956 (The D. S, Senanayake Memorial Number) It is not always easy to form impartial estimates of men and events in living memory. Nevertheless the D. S. Senanayake memorial number of the Ceylon Historical Journal can be deemed to have performed this difficult task admirably, for, the contributors of the various articles are mature and discerning persons who were intimately connected with Mr. D. S. Senanayake. Sir Ivor Jennings, the former Vice-Chancellor of the University of Ceylon writes on the services rendered by D. S. Senanayake in the struggle for independence as well as in the consolida¬ tion of Free Ceylon as her first Prime Minister. Mr. R. L. Brohier describes Mr. Senanayake’s contribution as the Minister of Agriculture to the development of irrigation and other facilities intended to promote the lot of the peasant. His foreign policy which aimed at iseace and co¬ operation with the Democracies of the world and with the Commonwealth countries are described by the Hon. Jaya- vardena, while his interest in University education and his contribution to the development of a residential University in the Kandi district are stressed in a brief article by Sir Charles Attygale, the Vice-Chancellor of the University of Ceylon. An insight into the circumstances which led to the appointment of the Soulbury Commission, the com¬ plexity of the problems which it had to face and the admirable role played by Mr. Senanayake in their solution are furnished by Sir Frederick Rees, member of the Ceylon Commission on Constitutional Reform, 1944, while the qualities of Mr. Senanayake, the man, are vividly portray¬ ed by Viscount Soulbury, the Governor-General of Ceylon, REVIEWS 79 who pays a glorious tribute to him when he writes that but for Senanayake the history of Ceylon would have been unfortunately different. A far-sighted statesman, Mr. Senanayake rose above petty differences and narrow pre¬ judices. The welfare of hi.s country was his sole concern. He recognized the legitimate place to which the Tamils of Ceylon were entitled and was not guilty of wilful perse¬ cution. This is clearly shown by Sir F. Rees in his article. The Journal reproduces several photographs of Mr. Senanayake and the public speeches made by him. The tributes paid to him by the outstanding public men of the world are also incorporated. K. K. PiLLAY ARCHITECTURAL AND SCULPTURAL MONUMENTS OF INDIA This map, illustrating the cultural heritage of India in the shape of the Architectural and Sculptural Monu¬ ments of old, has been prepared with care. Though not the first of its kind, it belongs to a novel series designed to interest the lay public as well as the discerning specia¬ list. It is perhaps easy to point out that certain prominent monuments like those of Tiruvannamalai, Tanjore or Suchindram should also have figured in the map, but it is well to remember the limitations of space. The map does not by any means profess to be exhaustive ; rather it is repre¬ sentative of the different parts of the huge coimtry. The design, the colour scheme, the indication of the approxi¬ mate dates of the different periods in Indian Art as well as the brief descriptions of the monuments are good. How¬ ever, some dates given are rather vague and misleading, as for example, those pertaining to the temples of Chidam¬ baram (A.D. 500 to 1700) and Rameswaram—18th century A.D. K. K. PlLLAY News and Notes Madras State becomes Unilingual State Under the State Re-organization Act, 1956, Madras State has become a Unilingual (Tamil) State. Tamil becomes the Official Language of the Madras State Following the State Re-organization the Madras Legis¬ lature passed an important piece of legislation—a bill to provide for the adoption of Teimil as a language to be used for the official purpose of the State of Madras. • * • * The Madras Assembly to-day (27-12-56) adopted imaiumously the OHicial Language Bill, making Tamil the language of administration in the State. • * * * Mr. C. Subramaniam, who was lustily cheered on rising to move the Bill for being taken into consideration at once, said that this was a significant step forward in their march towards progress. However a mere decla¬ ration of Tamil as official language would not bring about all that they wanted immediately. It had been the desire of the general public, legislators and State Government that all official business should be transact¬ ed in Tamil in this State as early as possible. * • « • “ I am immensely pleased ” concluded the Minister amidst applause, “ that in this joyous task I have the undivided and imanimous approbation of all the mem¬ bers and let this be our last act of crowning glory to our mother-ton gue. ” * •» * * The entire discussion on the Bill was in Tamil and even members who had never before attempted to speak in Tamil took to it to-day befitting the pleasant and happy atmosphere. NEWS AND NOTES 81 The Deputy Speaker made history by using Tamil to put the motions to the vote of the House at every stage of adoption of the Bill. » Later moving for the adoption of the Bill, the Minister said : “ May I on behalf of the Assembly, Government and the people of Tamil Nad dedicate this piece of legislation to Tamil Mother ? To-day I breathe the free air of Tamil and I deem it a special honour that I am privileged to pilot this Bill. The special honour has come in my way not because of my worth but because of the penance of my forefathers. Many are there who are eminently fitted to have this honour— those who had dedicated their lives to the Tamil language and Tamil cause. “ IF ONLY THE LONG LINE OF TAMIL SCHO¬ LARS WERE TO COME BACK TO LIFE AND BE HERE THEY WOULD REJOICE AND SHOWER THEIR CHOICEST BLESSINGS ON US. I CANNOT DO BETTER THAN END MY SPEECH AND CLOSE THE BUSINESS OF THE PRESENT ASSEMBLY WITH THE FOLLOWING VERSES OF POET BHARATHI : “VAZHGA SENTHAMIZH VAZHGA NATRAMI- ZHAR VAZHGA BHARATHA MANI THIRUNADU ” He then gave the call for Three Cheers to Tamil. —Indian Express. Glossary of Administrative Terms in Tamil A glossary of administrative terms in Tamil prepared by a Committee set up by the Madras Presidency Tamil Sangham and finalized by a Committee of senior Govern¬ ment Officials and non-officials with Mr. S. Venkatesan, I.C.S., as Chairman was handed over to the Chief Minister Sri K. Kamaraj on 21st December 1956 at a function held at Rajaji Hall presided over by Sri T. M. Narayanaswami Pillai, M.A., B.L., M.L.C., Vice-Chancellor of the Anna- malai University. —Madras Information. 11 82 TAMIL CtJLTUKE CZECHOSLAVAK DELEGATION’S VISIT TO MADRAS CiTY A fifteen member Czechoslavakian Delegation of eminent jjeople in the field of science, art and humanities headed by Dr. Karol Bedrna, First Deputy Minister for Education and Culture, Government of Czechoslavakia paid a five-day visit to Madras in the last week of Decem¬ ber. The delegation met at the residence of the Vice- President, Mr. A. Subbiah and had an interesting discus¬ sion. Doctor of Literature for Professor R. P. Sethu Pillai The Honorary Degree of Doctor of Literature was con¬ ferred on Professor R. P. Sethu Pillai, b.a., b.l.. Head of the Tamil Department of the University of Madras during its centenary celebrations. In presenting Professor Sethu Pillai to the Chancellor for the confernment of the Degree the Vice-Chancellor Dr. A. L. Mudaliar made the following citation : — “ Here we have a great scholar in Tamil, one whose erudition has been acknowledged by eminent authorities. Professor R. P. Sethu Pillai is the first Professor of Tamil in the University of Madras and is the author of many valuable publications. His great literary gifts received appropriate recognition by the Presidential award bes¬ towed on him. In South India, his scholarship has been greatly appreciated. We, in the University, regard him as a great savant in Tamil literature. Mr. Chancellor, I present to you Professor R. P. Sethu Pillai who has been unanimously recommended by the Syndicate and the Senate of the University as a fit and proper person, by reason of his eminent position and attain¬ ments to receive the Degree of Doctor of Literature (Honoris Causa) to which I pray that he may be admitted.” IVansliteration of Tamil Phonemes* into English VOWELS — a (as in among) a: ( »> calm) & — r ( •f sit) PF — i: ( machine) ft. — u ( >• foil) ftfti — u: ( ft rule) CT — e ( If fed) *r — e; ( ft able) S — ai ( • I aisle) 9 — o ( t« opinion) 9 — o: ( ff opium) 9" — au ( tl now) CONSONANTS Hard^ s — (Plosive) 9 — 9> — u — JD — Soft nu — (Nasal) — ««r — n — ut — nr — Medium u — (non-nasal tf — continuant) n> — OJ — tr — Auxiliary* — Hints re: articulation k (as in king, angle, alhambra) c ( „ church, angel, calcium) t: ( ,, card ?).... Retroflex - articulate with blade of tongue. th ( „ threat, this, thick)_dental. P ( .. pip«. amber) t ( „ atlas, Sunday, arrears).-Retroflex- articulate with tip of tongue, ng ( „ sing)... .velar n nj ( „ angel)-palatal n n: ( „ um?)-Retroflex n- articulate with blade of tongue, nh { „ anthem)... .dental n m ( „ mate) n ( „ enter)-Retroflex n - articulate with tip of tongue. y ( „ yard) r ( „ red) 1 ( „ leave)-Alveolar 1 - articulate V 1 - 1 : \ X with tip of tongue. ( very) ( „ ? )... .Retroflex 1 - articulate with blade of tOngue. ( „ hurl).. ..Alveolar I - articulate with blade of tongue. ( „ ahead) • The Tamil phonemes may for practical "purposes’be treated as ha"^^ single allophones only, except in the case of the hard consonants which have four allophones each, as shown in note 1 on the reverse. v * uu 84 TAMIL CULTURE 1. The Phonemes, classified as hard, have normally an unaspirated unvoiced value but acquire the following modified values if preceded by a consonant:— (a) a slightly aspirated unvoiced value, if preceded by a plosive or hard consonant. e.g., ussib - is pronounced pakkham, not pakkam (b) an unaspirated but voiced value, if preceded by a nasal or soft consonant :— e.g., uiuaii) - is pronounced pangam, not pankam U 0 »ib - „ panJam, not pancam, (c) a fricative value if preceded by a non-nasal continuant or medium consonant or by the auxiliary consonant. e.g., becomes pathalai not palkalai a:.@ „ ehhu not exku NOTE.—In most present day dialects, the plosive assumes a fricative —sometimes a voiced—value after a vowel also, except in the case of t : which retains its normal unaspirated, unvoiced value even after a vowel. 2. The value of this auxiliary phoneme, which must always be followed by a hard consonant, was variable during the time of Tholkappiam; it acquired a phonetic value identical with that of the following hard consonant, vide 1 (c) above, e.g., CT.-.o became ehhu Later its value became fixed as h, irrespective of the following consonant. Note, (i) With a view to keep down transliteration to the minimum it is suggested that, in the case of Tamil words which arc already in free use in English (e.g., Tamil r=Thamil), or where it is unnecessary to indicate the exact pronun¬ ciation, accurate transliteration need not be resorted to. In the case of proper names etc., which occur more than once in the same article, the transliteration need be shown only once in brackets side by side with a free English adaptation, the latter alone being used subse¬ quently, except of course in cases where such a procedure will lead to ambiguity, e.g., Gaiiij»uib=Veagadam (Ve: ngkat; am). (ii) Reference may be made to Tamil Culture, Vol. IV. No. I ^ (January 1955 issue) pp. 58-73 for fuller details. IHE TAMIL SCRIPT (Thii table it ^veo for tfie guid>flc» of tkotc wbo wbh to rod Taail tan wfck* often appetr in TAMIL CULTURE) Vowel &ytnboU Vowtb ailacftcd to preceding consoonm. Hard cooeonuR Soft coatontAts Mediam ooisoasaU ^ P « * I tg tj o: I (* I m a> u) the left of the comohant 0 to the iert ii * tu the right of (he cORioonTit 4 to the left & r to the right por au O to (he iertA m to right Ot^ A dot ■ oa the (op of I pnrecofv the coMoruint I aoneoii I Kott.—tH Tbe vowHs arc written u abown in (b« Aret vertical cajtuan. (>( Tbe caaMnantr art vrilttB as shewn In the horJieataL eelanuie, wiUi a smbel or aj>nbet« Indteallnf tb* vewri innedUSalr follewiag A reiuenast Eollowrd br (hvvBwei 4i ^a) has na armbol, white (be pttia ecnaecuot aiiot fhUeweti hjr a vewtl has a dot on top. (S) AllUiacleMeeavawetceaaaeaaiauBder • (k) ate showa as a futda: In ether eaari only tba irrrgutar fertna art abova, tbo real batn< naeUx tlaillar la iheci abewa undar s tk). taceaUng lat Mvlat durtraacea ia a few caact wMeh adebt aatelx balcnered. MEMBHRS OF THE COVEONING COUNCIL FOB 1956-57. Rev. S. Arulsamy. S.J, Loyola College Mr. S. Arumuga Mudaliar. Rev. P. Ceyrac, SJ., Loyola College Mr. S. Chellaswamy. Ur. A. Chidambaranatha Chcttiar, Annamalai University Isaiarasu M. M. Dandapani Desigar. Ur. V. A. Devasenapathi, University o{ Madras. Mr. K. Ganesh. „ M. M. Ghani, Divisional Inspector of Schools, Madurai. „ K. Kothandapani Pillai „ S. Maharaja Pillai Or. S. G. Manavala Ramanujam Mr. T. P. Meenakshlsundaram Pillai, Presidency College „ O. RM. M. SP. SV. M. Meyyappa Chcttiar 1 » C. A. Mohamed Ibrahim „ A. M. M. Murugappa Chettiar „ M. Ct Muthiah „ T. AI. Narayanasamy Pillai, M.L.C. Vice-Chancellor. Annamalai University. Dr. B. Natarajan Mrs. Ratna Navaratnam Mr. S. M. Palaniappa Qhettiar „ A. C. Paul Nadar Dr. K. K. Pillai, University of Madras. Mr. P. T. Rajan, M.L.A. „ A. Ramanatba Pillai, A. V. C. College, Mayuram ., K. V. AL. M. Ramanathan Chettiar „ R. Ramanathan Chettiar „ S. Ramasami Konar ^ V. Seshasayce I. T. K. Shanmugam „ V. Subhiah Pillai P. M. Sundaram, Oosmanla Uni¬ versity. „ Puthancri R. Subramanian n V. Subramaniam „ V. Sundaramurthi Mudaliar Rev. Dr. Xavier S. Than! Nayagam, University of Ceylon Mr. P. Thirugnanasambandam » N. K. Vinayakam TAMIL CULTURE Subscriptions, advertisements, and remittances should be addressed to : The Manager, Tamil Culture, 5-B Aiyavu Naidu Street, Madras-30. Subscriptions are best remitted in the form of crossed Postal orders or cheques or Bank drafts payable in India drawn in favour of Tamil Culture. Cheques not drawn on a Bank in Madras should include the Bank's collecting commission of 8 annas. V. P. P. charges are extra. Subscriptions and remittances may also be remitted to : CBYLON: Colombo Book Centre, 20, Parsons Road, Colombo. MALAYA ; Manager, Tamil Murasu, 71, Selegie Road, Singapore 7. Rates of Subschiption (effective from 1956) : India, Ceylon, Burma, Malaya U. K. U. S. A. It other countries Annnal Single Copy Rs. 7 Rs. 2 Sh. 12/6 U. S. $ 2-00 or Its equivalent Sh. 4 V. S. S 0-75. As back numbers arc usually sold out quickly, we are unable to guarantee supply of back numbers to subscribers who send their subscriptions for any year after one or more issues for that year are out. In such cases we can only supply subsequent issues of the year at single copy rates. Subscribers are therefore requested to send their subscriptions, renewal or fresh, to reach us by 31st December. Literary communications, Exchange, and Books for review should be addressed to the Chief Editor, Tamil Culture, 5- B, Aiyavu Naidu Street, Madras-30. To secure their return, if not accepted, the Mss. offered for publication should be accompanied by a stamped addressed envelope. The Elditor does not take any responsibility for Mss. that may be lost. Mss. should be typewritten and sent in duplicate to facilitate printing. The expression of individual views by contributors or reviewers does not imply editorial endorsement. Published by Dr. M. Varadarajan for Academy of Tamil Culture, 6 - B, Aiyavu Naidu Street, Madras-30 and printed by K. S. S. Ilajan at The Jupiter Press Private Ltd., 100-C, Mount Road, Madras-18. Vol. VL No. 2 APRIL, 1957 TAMIL CULTURE JOURNAL OF THE ACADEMY OF TAMIL CULTURE CONTENTS EDITORIAL 35 VERBAL NOUN IN EARLY OLD TAMIL Kamil Zvelebil 87 THE PROBLEM OF THE AGE OP KAMBAN fContinued) A. C. Paul Nadar 92 HISTORICAL IDEAS IN EARLY TAMIL UTERATURE K. K Pillay 113 -ALGUMMIM OR " ALMUGGIM ” OF THE BIBLE P. Joseph 133 KAMBA RAMAYANAM — HIRANYA-VADAI- PADALAM (Or the Slaying ol Hiranya) V. Shanmuga Mudaliar 139 NEWS AND NOTES 153 SYSTEM OF TRANSLITERATION THE TAMIL SCRIPT 157 159 All Rights Rsservsd Rs. 7 ytarly TAMIL CULTURE EDITORIAL BOARD: Oixef Editor: Riv. Dr. XAVIER S. THANI NAYAGAM. University of Coylon Members: Rrv. P. CEYRAC, S. J.. Loyola College Dr. A. C. CHETTIAR. Annamalai University Mr. M. M. GHANI, Divisional Inspector of Schools, Modiirnl. Dr. K. KANAPATHI PILLAI, University of Ceylon Dr. S. G. MANAVALA RAMANUJAM, Fornner Vice-Chancellor, Annamalai University Mr. T. P. MEENAKSHISUNDARAM PILLAI. Presidency College Dr. S. MUHAMMAD HTJSAYN NAINAR, Djakarta. (Indonesia). Dr. K. K. PIUjAI, University of Madras. Mrs. RATNA NAVARATNAM. Dist. Inspcctre-ss of School.s, Ceylon. Mr. S. RUDRAPATH7, ConlraJ College, Bangalore. Mr. M. K. SHANMUGHAM. Sir Theagaraya College, Madras. Mr. V. I. SUBRAMONIAM. University of Travancore Mr. P. M. SUNDARAM, Osmania University Mr. P. THIRUGNANASAMBANDAM. Professor of Sanskrit. Presidency College. iThe «iriic<*.i>parerft nf tUi* ArarltMiiy art- eT.^rririn mrml>«*r« of tlio r.dit«iri:«l Hniiril) ACADEMY OF TAMIL CULTURE Office-bearers for 1956-57 PresidcMt : The Hon’ble Mr. JUSTICE N. SOMASUNDARAM. Puisne Judge. High Court of Judicature. Madr.-i.s, Vice-Presicicvis: Mr. R. P. SETHU PILLAI. Mr. A. V. RAMAN University of Madra.s Mr. KARUMUTHU THIAGARAJAN ''' SUBBIAH CHETTIAR Hony, Secretaries : Dr. M. VAPiADARAJAN. Pachaiyappa’s College Mr. M. V. PANDIAN, Loyola College. Hony. Treasurers : Mb V. S. THYAGARAJA MUDALIAR Mr. C. AMRITAG.^NESAN (S«e b«ele inside coi.»r oaec lor iiom.. ol members el tl>r Oautming Council) Vol. VI. No. 2 APRIL, 1957 TAMIL CULTURE JOURNAL OF THE ACADEMY OF TAMIL CULTURE CONTENTS EDITORIAL 85 VERBAL NOUN IN EARLY OLD TAMIL Kanul Zvelebil 87 THE PROBLEM OF THE AGE OF KAMBAN (Continued) A. C. Paul Nadar 92 HISTORICAL IDEAS IN EARLY TAMIL UTERATURE K. K. PUlay 113 “ ALGUMMIM ’• OR " ALMUGGIM " OF THE BIBLE P. Joseph 133 KAMBA RAMAYANAM — HIRANYA-VADAI- PADALAM (Or the Slaying of Hiranya) V. Shanmuga Mudaliar 139 NEWS AND NOTES 153 SYSTEM OF TRANSUTERATION 157 THE TAMIL SCRIPT 159 All Rights Reserved Rs. 7 yearly OUR CONTRIBUTORS Dr. Kami] Zvelebil is the Head of the Department of Dravidology, University of Prague. He has translated many Tamil works into Czech and is an indefatigable research worker. Mr. A. C. Paul Nadar is a keen Tamil Scholar and research worker. Dr. K. K. Pillay is Professor and Head of the Department of History, University of Madras. Mr. P. Joseph has done research work under Fr. Heras in St. Xavier’s College, Bombay and has contiibuted several articles on Indian History to the Journal of Bombay University, New Review of Calcutta and other research periodicals. Mr. V. Shanmuga Mudaliar is a retired Government Official who has made Kamba Ramayanam his main study over a period of years. Commemoration Numbers This year is important being the centenary year of two outstanding events in India, which have a special signi¬ ficance for Tamilians, viz., the publication of the first Indian Comparative Grammar and the establishment of the Universities of Bombay, Calcutta and Madras. The credit for making a comprehensive study of any Indian group of languages and publishing a scholarly work on it for the first time goes to Dr. Robert Caldwell. To him also goes the credit for establishing beyond doubt that the Dravidian languages form a distinct family; at his time, to quote his own words, “ it was supposed by the Sanskrit Pandits (by whom everything with which they were acquainted was referred to a Brahmanical origin), and too hastily taken for granted by the earlier European Scholars, that the Dravidian languages, though differing in many particulars from the North Indian idioms, were equally with them derived from the Sanskrit”. Though the Science of linguistics, which was in its infancy a centtu-y ago, has made great advances during this period and though many facts unknown to Dr. Caldwell have since come to light invalidating some of his findings, his broad conclusions remain unchallenged and his work A Comparative GramTimr of the Dravidian Langiuiges is still the only one of its kind. The world of linguists in general, and Tamilians in parti¬ cular owe a deep debt to him and, in commemoration of the centenary of the publication of his classic work, the Academy of Tamil Culture has decided to publish the ensuing October issue of Tamil Culture as Dr. Caldwell’s Centenary Commemoration issue. Although Bombay and Calcutta share with Madras the centenary celebration of the establishment of the first modern universities in India, Tamilians have special cause 86 TAMIL CULTURE to rejoice in that a Tamil linguistic scholar has, for the first time, been bracketed with men of international repute who have distinguished themselves in various walks of life, both Indian and Foreign. This is undoubtedly a great personal tribute to Dr. R. P. Sethu Pillai, who was the recipient of the honorary Degree of Doctor of Literature at the Cente¬ nary Celebrations of the University of Madras but it is also a recognition by the University of the important position which Tamil is entitled to occupy in tlie sphere of Univer¬ sity education, which position was only grudgingly, if at all, conceded in the past. The Academy has decided to publish the July issue of Tamil Culture as Professor Sethu Pillai Doctorate Commemoration number. Scholars are invited to contribute articles for both these Commemoration numbers. Contributions for the July issue should reach us before 31st July and those for the October issue before 31st October. —Editor. Verbal Noun in Early Old Tamil KAMIL ZVELEBIL Says J. Bloch in his Grammatical Structure of Dravidian L>anguages, p. 59 : “ It therefore seems in the end that the flexional system of the pronominal type had developed secondarily. It follows the usage of the verbal nouns capable of pronominal subjects in the nominative.”^ Prof. Bloch himself quotes some examples of this use, found in the old Tamil poetry, e.g. lurrsir “ I shall be born ”, or ojo-foCS* “ I will come ”, «ir«OT@ “ I shall see having come ”— ibid. The possible way of development of pronominal verbal flexion from the use of verbal nouns has been shown in a short study in Archiv Orientalni, XXIII, pp. 479-81. The object of this article is to show the importance and the different syntactic functions of verbal noun.s as found in an Early Old Tamil text, the anthology ibibjBl&jsr ‘ abbreviated NT ’. I shall proceed from the clear cases to those which arc more complicated and questionable. Verbal nouns Quiuj of both tenses' are used as .subjects of action or state, ci. * Quoted according lo the English translation (ot the French original) hy R. G. Harshc, Poona, 1954. * Arc the future and past ten.scs of Early Old Tamil true tenses ? 1 am rather inclined to think that, in Old Tamil, the primary and important and maybe original division was not that of true tenses (aorist- futurc and past) but that of £tspects: the verb bad. originally, two themes: one for complete action, the other for incomplete action. The instances in Early Old Tamil texts shown clearly that the so called ‘ future tense ’ is used for every form of aoristic, incomplete, imperfectivo or non-temporal action taking place in every temporal sphere (in present, past or future), whereas the so called ‘past tense' is used for every form of complete, perfective, momentaneous action (even 11 taking'part, let us say, in the future). Due attention will be paid to this problem in a study dealing with Early Old Tamil syntax as a system. 8R TAMILCULTURE ^iD@nh ' the dark hair, hanging on the back ” (ib. 96, 5, lit. the back—the hanging—darkened . . . hair). In these instances, only the position (determinans preceding de(erminatum), or, if we want, the taxeme of order, determines the syntactic function ; in other case.s, the attributive suffix— ®ssr is employed, cf. urosaxu .. Ouxniifi asm “ the eye/determined by/the swarming . . of bees ”'( NT 55, 5-6). Still more often, we find the \'erbal nouns in the function of object, cf. (^S^iuq-t-...) “he does not know the deed” (NT 1, 10) ; there are some very interesting cases to be noted in this connection—the so- called inner object, where the noun (or, in our special case, the verbal noun) as object is actually in the role of a close determinant of the verb ; the noun may be either of the same ba.se, or of the same or very near meaning*, cf. ;S)ujfw , arresrA jLrih Qa^uj^Q^irear^ ^NT 27) ; and with this, cf. the meaning") for the basal lor most basic) fonn of a word, be it a noun nr a verb, a pronoun or an adjective ; the root is the basal form of the verb, let us say, Q^yj — " to do "; the stem is the root plus temporal or causative or any other morphemes: e.g. — is the present, 0.^(0^ the past stem of the root _ " to blunt ” is the transiUve stem of the base (or root) n>(l{)-*(gi ; iDOfiiii® — "to become blunted, to be dull" is the intransitive stem of the same root etc. 90 TAMIL CULTURE regular New Tamil negative construction like jEireir xoAtl. Now, these cases are, at first sight, clear enough. But they may still be interpreted in two different ways : 1. as nominal sentences : the verbal noun (e_il«)r (5 etc.) is not, in this case, to be analysed as predicate, but as subject; the predicate, viz. verbum existentiae, is not actually expressed ; the ‘ subject ’ (rSisiT&ar, fBTear, /Birih) is not true subject at all, but it is in attributive relation to the verbal noun -result:a nominal sentence, rendered literally (NT 53, 3) “ What, a friend, the tnother’s thought —thing ” or “ What—scil. was—the things—thought by— the mother ? ” This interpretation, however, does not much agree with the fact that this ‘ attribute ’ is, often, in the active ‘ nomi¬ native ’ case, cf. lufreor lufreu^ ? ‘ to thee—I —the having been concealed—what?” (NT 72, 4), i.e. “ What have I hidden from thee ? ” This instructive exam¬ ple supports rather the second explanation which also seems to mo to be the I'ight one, that the quoted instances are not ?iominal sentences but, that the predicate is, truly, ex¬ pressed by the verbal noun (eg. (u>«d/o^^6u), capable of pronominal (and substantiwd) subject in the nominative tactive) case, without any question of attributive relation. I’lic .symbolic structure of the last quoted example (NT 72, 4 ^ would bo O* S P O' I Indirect Object in dative—Subject in Nominativ’o—Predi¬ cate, verbal noun—Direct Object). (b) There is a much disputed verbal form in Old Tamil, namely the form with the suffix — al, appearing in they 1st p. sg. aorist-future, cf. ;§6ar ujasorSiun-il® e_OT>pt5 ud) (100, 6-7) “ (I) shall go (and) say (it) to thy wife. “ But—is there actually any real difference between the verbal noun (72, 4) and this ‘ finite ’ verbal form? I venture to suggest that the suffix — al even in these aorist- VERBAL NOUN IN EARLY OLD TAMIL 91 future formations of 1st p. sg. is nothing else than the sufTix of verbal nouns, that actually, the ‘finite’ forms ending in —al are no ‘ finite ’ forms but verbal nouns capable of subjects in nominative, verbal noun in the predicative function. And, similarly, the disputed suffix — ku in such forms as QjbitCSsit HjnrGsor (NT 26, 1) “ I have pain ”,6T6U6or Qa^iuQsir (ib. 30, 1) ‘iWhat shall I do?” These cases “are either verbal stems used predicatively, or, which is perhaps more probable, verbal nouns, capable of pronominal subjects in nominative. The suffix — @ is given by ancient gram¬ marians as one of the suffixes constitutijig the Qutui and it can be actually found as the morpheme of verbal nouns—cf. Quira:^ ‘^oing, departure’ from (oini-and, lo return to Bloch’s instance, ‘ birth ’, etc. from iJ®. The Problem of the Age of Kamban ( Continued) The Theory of the 9th Century A. C. PAUL NADAR (A) The sheet anchor of the champions of the 9th century is a stray stanza referred to in III above beginning with CTfiwrfiDofluJ ereksr^^pQroi^eaT (oldco found in all manuscripts except the one which was in the possession of Prof. Vaiyapuri Pillai. It is certainly found in all the printed editions of Kamba Ramayanam in the prefatory portion. V.V.S. Iyer, T.K.C. and others interpret the Saka year referred to in the stanza as 807 corresponding to 895 A.D. This is objected to by Prof. Vaiyapuri Pillai for the following among other grounds : — (a) This date of 885 A.D. would chronologically make Kamban earlier than Alwars such as Thirumangai Alwar and Nammalwar to whom Kambar is alleged to be indebted for idioms, expressions and incidents. (Vide Kamban Kaviyam, pp. 143). (b) The Saka era referred to in the stanza was not in vogue in the Tamilnad until about the end of the lOlh century. Hence the stanza in question must have been only a later fabrication. (Vide Kamban Kaviyam, pp. 146-147) (c) The word ‘ Arangetral ’ mentioned in this stanza was originally a technical term and applied to the first per¬ formance of a danseuse in.,the august presence of the king and his assembly. It was never applied in those days to any literary exposition. Hence the stanza must be a fabri¬ cation of a later age. (Vide Kamban Kaviyam, p. 148) THE PROBLEM OF THE AGE OF KAMBAN 93 (d) The reference to ‘ Kamba Nadan ’ in the stanza shows that the stanza must have been fabricated sometime after the first use of that word by Arasakesari, the author of Raghiivamsam in Tamil, sometime in the 16th century. (Vide pp. 148 & 149 of Kamban Kaviyam') (e) This stanza is not found in the manuscript in the possession of Prof. Vaiyapuri Pillai alleged to have been dated “ Kollam Andu ” 753 corresponding to 1578. Hence that stanza must have come into existence after that manuscript. (Vide Kamban Kaviyam, p. 143) (f) It is a well established fact that Kamban has adopted expressions, ideas and metrical forms of vritham from Jcevdka Chintam-ani of Thiruthakka Thevar belonging to the early part of the 10th century. The acceptance of the stanza will antedate Kamban to Thiruthakka Thevar. Hence it cannot be genuine. {Tamil Sudarmanigal, pp. 119—120) (g) Kamba Ramayanam is the product of the Bakthi movement initiated and inspired by the Alwars and Vaishnava Acharyas. The movement was canalised in the story of Rama in the lime of Ramanuja (1017-1137 A.D.). Hence we should look for Kamban only after Ramanuja. (Vide Tamil Sudarmanigal, pp. 114—115) The editors of Annamalai University Silver Jubilee Publication of Sundarakantam also reject the stanza on ground^ mentioned in (d) and (f) above. In addition to Jeevaka Chintamani in (f) they add Chulamani of Tholamoli Thevar to whom Kamban was according to them indebted for his rhythm. We now consider the objections in the order given above. (a) The date assigned to Kamban in the stanza namely 885 A.D. is really later than the times of Thiru- 2 94 TAMIL CULTURE mangai Alwar and Nammalwar. According to M. Srinivasa Iyengar claimed by Vaiyapuri Pillai to be his authority, Thirumangai Alwar lived in the 8th century. To be exact he must have flourished between 680 and 760 A,D. (vide his Tamil Studies-First Series, p. 320). No doubt M. Srini¬ vasa Iyengar came to the conclusion in his studies that Nanunalwar must have lived about the beginning of the 10th century. He published his Tamil Studies in 1914. Later on, in 1919 T. A. Gopinatha Rao reviewed all the authorities available upto that time including M. Srinivasa Iyengar’s work and came to the conclusion that Nammalwar must have lived in the first half of the 9th century. This has received additional support from L. D. Swamikannu Pillai who placed the birth of Nammal¬ war at 798 A.D. from the astronomical data furnished by Guruparamparai (vide Gopinatha Rao’s The Age o/ Alwars Madras University Publication p. 21). Hence no question of making Kamban chronologically earlier than Thiru¬ mangai Alwar and Nammalwar arises at all. (b) As for the use of ‘ Saka era ’ in Tamilnad, there is irrefutable evidence to show that it was in vogue at the earliest in the 5th century A.D. (1) The Jain work Loka VibJiaga was copied by one Sivanandi at Patalika (Tirupappuliyoor) and the year of making the copy is given as the Saka year 380 corresponding to 458 A.D. (vide Pandarathar’s History of Tamil Literature 250—600 A.D.) 1955 Publication of Annamalai University. (2) Reference may next be made to Gadval Plates (M.A.R. Copper Plate No. 3 of 1903-1910—The We.stern Chalukya—Vikramaditya I (655-688) mentions his conquest of Kanchi and encampment at Uragapura Tiruchirapalli). They are dated the Saka year 595 corresponding to 674 A.D. (Epi. Indica, Vol. X—page 101) (3) The Aihole inscription of Western Chalukya, King Pulikesin II (609-642) regarding his conquest of THE PROBLEM OF THE AGE OF KAMBAN 95 Kanchi makes reference to the Saka year 556 corresponding to 634 A.D. (Epi.—Indica, Vol. IV—p. 6) (4) The Aivarmalai inscription belonging to the 8th regnal year of the Pandyan Varaguna (862-880) A.D. refers to the Saka year 792 coresponding to 870 A.D. (vide Epi .— fndica, Vol. XVIII—p. 295) It may be noted that (1) is a case of literature and is found in South Arcot District, that (2) and (3) are cases of foreign rulers making reference in Tamilnad to their conquests at the time of their stay therein and that No. (4) is a case of inscription found in the heart of the Pandyan country in Madurai District using both the regnal year of the King as well as the Saka year. Prof. Vaiyapuri Pillai accepts (1) as a Colophon in Lidka Vihhaga, a Jain treatise in Prakrit without any com¬ ment. He considers (2) and (3) as not relevant. He thinks the last one is significant and relevant. He has made two comments, which are contradictory of each other. Comment on Page 83 of Kamban Kaviyam “ ff«/ru;SU> Sii ^/jj(jrjstwTi_OTu5l(pa>,<5fr6or aiijjiuaifs OjS(ri_nuJ?iF . ^ihjihissrih O&jefrsj^ Qlj(^iLijiT 0)103 e_£Sffr w)LDttj/r^6o Comment on Page 147 of the same “ From a study of these inscriptions we are com¬ pelled to hold that the Jains were the first to introduce the exotic Saka era in the South. For, they came ori¬ ginally from North India where this era was founded and spread gradually in the Soutli w'ith their great learning. The rulers of Kannada country where Jainism was predominent, adopted first 96 TAMIL CULTURE CTSorSai £. iS. 885& r(9Qj^ ^/D(2j«Mr(5 S)&i^ k'ifu) turefSfuuQ fiw ^^ihuireS^iamliJ’ this system of chronology in C. 600 A.D. About 800 A.D. the Aivarmalai inscription ivas recorded. A century must have elapsed before it found favour with the Tamil Kings, and was introduced by them in their inscriptions. Most probably it came into general vogue about the end of the 10th century A.D.” It may be noted that the first comment assumes that the inscription is a royal act, while the other assumes that it is a transaction of the people. It is sheer specula¬ tion that, whether it is a people’s transaction or royal act, it would take a century or two for the adoption of the Saka by the other. But, as a matter of fact, Aivarmalai inscription records the renewal of the images of Parsva Bhatarar and Yakshies at Aivarmalai near Palani. It is really a private transaction by the Jain community. The Jains were not only predominant in Kannada country but also in Tamilnad at least from the middle of the 3rd century. (Vide Pandarathar’s History of Tamil Literature 250-600 A.D., pages 15—28 and Samanamum—Kongu JVfldu7n by C. M. Ramachandran Chettiar). Even after their discom¬ fiture at the hands of Sambandar in the middle of the 7th century at Madurai, they seem to have been so influential as to induce subsequent Pandya rulers to lavishly endow tlieir pallis. (Vide K. A. N. Sastry’s Pandyan Kingdom, p. 95). Hence the objection regarding the Saka era fails. (c) As for the use of the word “ Arangetral ” Prof. Vaiyapuri Pillai contends that originally it was applied only to the first performance of the “Danseuse ” and that it continued to be. so restricted until the 14th century. P"e admits, however, the fact and practice of the presenta¬ tion of literary works before learned bodies from the days THE PROBLEM OF THE AGE OF KAMBAN 97 of Tholkappiyam. The reference to the presentation of the various works relied on by him are the following :— “ uireixrisf.ttj earsa>aitu^gi jBiTfiSsor )5irsirLDSo>iD QpjD^uj ^jSKX»Ainl L(rdF(r/5@ UML/flUiSfl' wiriSear er(i^0^(ipso>rD sarilu). ” —Q^ir&airutSliuii) (uiruSFib) “ t-ffnfff-ir cui^iSoV ^(t^err «».6u 9-iT^^eat CSasLl(_«n'car ” —^(OuujQsFtrio “ filornuGair (Sen^jUGsr «8R) d^Qfitp jSior^i O^0«KiTi_/r!r«in6»j Off ul/^^Gidsst ” “ G^LDtreiMr ^0LD(rco QfljQt^trfli^^ssr 6T63r@>jLD d^iTinirear ^smeuinar O^^ssoTLirir QairerruuilL- ^diQp ” —^arjruiCTsn Kaniban Kavxyuvx, p. 83 and 84. The word “ Arangelral ” is not used in the texts cited above, though the practice is vouched for. But we Icnow that the Tamil Sangam at Madurai was constituted for the submission of literary worlcs to its judgement. What¬ ever we may say about the first two Sangams, the third Sangam was a historical fact. It functioned until about the middle of the 3rd century A.D. (vide pp. 10 to 14 of Pandarathar’s History of Ta7nil literature 250-600 A.D.) Appar Swamigal refers to the existence of the Sangam in one of his Pathihams as follows : — !5eiruiriL(Bu qet:at!Q)iu^ a-iiis (SutiS jb0isaiT&i Sifi^(if)LD& s(§afl (S(^6 stsitsikt —(^©uujBfirriT-^rairi- ««) 98 TAMIL CULTURE He belongs to the middle of the 7th Century A.D. The commentary on Irainar Ahaporul which cannot be later than the 8th century speaks of “ fbSso^ assS CT'(yj6W[r LJirsmru}.iu Qijearu .@5ini_e^ «aSuj!rf^as^(OT)!r Qpajj' ufrswjn^uj Oprearu ” vide Irainar Aha¬ porul —Bhavanandar Kazhagam Edition, pp. 6 & 7). These facts are mentioned in the famous commentary of Adiarku Nallar on Chilappathikaram (p. 197 of Swaminatha Iyer’s Edition in Venil Kathai —First Edition). The words used in the stanza in question. are “ «saOTi>5ofiuj (jpeSrCSear seemed to be an echo from Chintamani. If this traditional story be correct, Kamban must have composed his poem long after the composition of Chintamani. Prof. Vaiyapuri Pillai adds that Kamban was indebted to Thiruthakka Thevar for words, phrases, senti¬ ments, ideas and metrical forms. He cited 3 parallel stanzas to show that the former borrowed from the latter. Jeevaka Chintamani. Kamba Ramayanam. 1. &)d>€uirA s3ti)e6l c^iitQa^rreS) eoreueuA «u(ri(a{SB)«u SjS/dG/ds*-. Qsudrd^ (257) Q^irAsS ap^euih tuirOwear^ O^irear^soT. ((a^u>UAir«iRnrjB!2S5) the problem of the age of kamban 103 2. ^eoru (!fi!bp>sig-^eoiTd> luiTfieSear (579) 3. eScg/B^/niSiasw Qiu/filjgQciew eSsariDirg-uaiBj 0«ir(S^^ir^ «(5ti>y«)3r/D Qai/St^^rriiaetj rjRsw OiusisrSai. (2265) (vide Tamil Chudarmanikal, ^issrqar 0;*«8f?69r«or(J/D »^(ipeirgi (aibHosu ui-ioui 69) ®&35nL;n-(5dS eoaKSeorii^jr «T(u^(r QieS) Qa^tu^iriu ^Ssaariuiridliiifl Oujesr^Offiesr <»i^!rirOajafl ui_(rir. ((y>^jbOuiririj ut-taui ISO) pp. 119 to 120). The words, phrases and sentiments cited above are however, so common that it is difficult to say that Kamban borrowed them from the other poet, even though he sang his poem later. It is possible that the historical method of enquiry would reverse the position by making Thevar indebted to Kamban. Perhaps both of them were con¬ temporaries, and had a common heritage. Both were men of genius. But Thevar had the background of declining Jainism painfully conscious of a discovery of its unpopula¬ rity as the result of its arid ascetic ideal and of the necessity for making concessions to the satisfaction of lower desires in order to gain popularity. Kambar was inspired by the creative movement of bakthi generated by the Alwars and Nayanars and enriched by a sympathetic study of Sanskrit literature. In terms of Western literature, Thevar was a classic in the long tradition of Sangam poets without their realism. Kamban was a romantic with a free spirit of adventure, though he too had a mastery of Sangam classics. Indeed, he was a happy blend of both classicism and romanticism. In the matter of architectonics, Thevar was a tyro ; his Chintamani is a string of unconnected wedding episodes and does not move by any internal law of develop¬ ment to a necessary end ; but Kamban was a supreme artist, whether you take his entire poem of Ramayanam as a whole or in parts. If the works of these two poets are studied in the above perspective, any theory as to indebtedness of the on? to the other in the matter of poetic diction, idioms and technique would seem to be puerile, if not meaningless. 104 TAMIL CULTURE As for the alleged metrical indebtedness of Kambar to Thevar, it is an established fact that Kamban was an un¬ rivalled master of Vritham metre. An old saying of a poet is erssrgvii) ^shruireStd) &ihuear. Indeed, Prof. Vaiyapuri Pillai himself in anotlier place waxes elo¬ quent in describing the metrical talent of Kamban. He says Kamban was not a blind follower of poetical tradition, he was a daring genius and iconoclast .... He made ever new experiments in metre and words and produced a harmony never achieved before. He set up in fact a new tradition which began to find followers. Thus he exercised an adverse influence against the current notions of poetry. The poets of his age looked down upon this as heresy and taunted him with his iiumble birth ’’ (p. 151, Kamban Kuviyam). If he was really an imitator or even in the line of the tradition of metrical evolution started by others, it is difiicult to see Jiow he could have been found guilty of heresy. Neither the learned Professor nor the editors of Annamalai Univer- sity Silver Jubilee Publication, who also believe that Kamban was indebted to Thevar. for metrical perfection of Vritham, explain Jiow this was so. It is worth the study of scholars to find out the part played by Thevar and Kambar in the evolution of the metre called Vritham. In the same manner, it is wortiiv.'hile 1o find out whether Kamban owed anything to Chooluniani for his rhythm. So far as the matter in hand is concerned, the objection of Prof. Vaiyapuri Pillai to the stanza beginning with oTswrfiOTfliL/ a-arr^^ih cm the ba.si.s of the chro¬ nological priority of Chintanmni to Kaviba Ramayanam . acks substantial evidence and require.- furthei' investigation from various angles. ^ (g) iSjrirtoirg^igj HJt Prof. Vaiyapuri Pillai relies on stanza No. 37 of reading as uiq ^(nrmir )ju. Qaiomrui, ^t^Qaiirow,, (3«iru5)c6!^cuiir(fluui_«>ib} Qjcabr<9sr u>irSa} sn»ufrui5l iqeasty% «u&ir^^ eS^OOTtuajir (tpeiirevir OaJswTsooff^i ^cwrui^iu^ O^Cyj/fc^ jSsoiraspanp LDOxsr^^js ^soff-iuSstsrpgiib eS(ifiiiiSA QairsArL^ eSfljSforstiffi^ usi^Ssosr OfiJcwrOcTOTiu*^ <7-6ZDi_ujf9r^69r t-fs^Quir 06uM/^ii> Li{r^^^ jS/rw 3 (ifi^&osff (m uuiou (T-tf*) ux^Q^ssr^ LD%ua)>aj uw0^ Qiut^^eSp &ij).Qfi(B0 OfiiSiu (Saipeirear sSiQsaiO^iiSiD qr^msSasreoT a^eni-iusor O«ufioir0sg9ru3l/D OLDearqrffa&tTp pTiinj^p pe6rsims>l3uir&. 4 —(iqjEjS'' Kiro^i.U} C»0unjS(«ru ui-iOib) cuiT^i^ icsu>jpn'6ir ^jrs6ls$r cusnsQtusartj QpeirSsur loei/y^QiuGar ( 2 j»^i» 6 iT)« 0 «/r 6 Wjri_ 0^rr6a>i—i£sifl lusiiirrstkrrA ^[rqiriDtirOeuGiArOGaar Sp^iij xeoj 3 ^ meatpaireaarij- O^-^Qg^tr eujffai/retr O^earfShb (tfi^CSeoiro’ uir^KEi asop^ u^Quir evaeirp upseir ajtrsu). 5 (O^ tEirauir«u ui-CDij) a.«r/B.) Slfliu&sisT ttj^LDsar qrjiiia ai{hi)ani_&jTdr ojiriijxu uq^earQojam seSctax Giujhp c9(i^ai(iyii aaifl upp eSGtntfQa-iff (Q^sS (*uj/rnys Qaio^OTOcaonuLosar <7lusor 6U£goranu> laqufSeinrq 0«tr®iju airrmjfi suiflLli_(SffliT qSsm^^trdr Qloot«£). 6 (<^ £9^ /s.'Kai) According to the first stanza, the Kamba Raviayanam was produced at Vennai Nalloor of Sadayan. . According to the second, he was a generous man, who relieved the hunger of mankind and he was a man of his word. The third stanza describes his fame, spreading like the cool moon shine of the full moon night. The fourth refers to him as the generous patron of Tamil poets and Sanskrit Vedic scholars. The last one mentions that his clan had the right to present the crown to kings at the time of their coronation. There is, however, no specific act or deed of an historic nature indicating his age. 108 TAMIL CULTURE V. V. S. Iyer points out two inscriptions of the Vishnu Temple of Ukkal somewhere between Kancheepuram and Wandiwash in Chingleput District (vide Inscriptions Nos. 5 & 8 of Vol. Ill of S.I.I.l to indicate his age. The English translation of No. 5 reads as follows. Hail prosperity ! In the fifteenth year of the reign of Kambavarman : The writing of us. the assembly of Ukkal, we hav'e received one thou.sand kadi of paddy from Sadayan. We the assembly shall clo.se ('sluices of) the tank to collect water for irrigation and shall cause five hundred kadi of paddy to be supplied every year as interest on those one thousand kadi of paddy. Wc declare that those who disobey this shall incur all the sins committed between the Ganga & Kumari. The great men elected for the year shall cau.se fthc paddy) to be supplied. No. 8 reads as follows : Hail prosperity ! in the tenth year of the reign of Kambavarman. Sadayan gave four hundred kadi of paddy to the assembly. From the interest on this paddy which amounts to one hundred kadi of paddy per year, we the assembly of Ukkal shall feed two Brahmins daily as long as the earih and sun exist.. If we fail in the feeding of guests, we the assembly shall incur all the sins commiitted within seven hundred kadams between the Ganga and Kumari. The.se two inscriptions evidence an agreement between one Sadayan and the Mahasabha at Ukkal for keeping the vnllage tank in repair and for feeding two Brahmins. They do not however indicate either the place of Sadayan’s resi¬ dence or his status. He was perhaps so great or so well known that his address was not thought necessary. The generosity of the donor in the inscription bears out the tribute paid by Kamban in the above said stanzas. Still the difficulty arises whether this Sadayan was the patron THE PROBLEM OF THE ACE OF KAMBAN 109 of Kamban for want of specific evidence. From the tradi¬ tional account mentioned in Chola Mandala Sathakam and Tamil Navalar Sarithai on the one hand and inscriptions at Muvaloor (M.A.R. No. 29 of 1925) and of Thirukkodika (M.A.R. No. 58 of 1930) on the other, we hear of other Sadayans. Sadayan of Ukkal inscription is certainly the earliest; for, the other inscriptions through undated, are said to be later than or about the twelfth century. Ukkal inscriptions belong to the tenth and fifteenth year of Kambavarman who is said to be the younger son of Nandi- varman III of Nandikalamhakarn fame and brother of Aparajithan (882-890 A.D.) and seems to have ruled over a small portion of Northern Thondai Mandalam after the conquest of Pallava Kingdom by the Chola King Aditya I. As many as twenty inscriptions are found in the Chingleput and North Arcot Districts referring to Kambavarman’s rule. Sadayan of Ukkal inscriptions is therefore a man of the last quarter of the 9th century and hence a contemporary of Kamban, visualised in the stray stanza. It is inexplicable that Prof. Vaiyapuri Pillai and others of his way of thinking have nothing to say about Ukkal inscriptions which they simply ignore. (c) The champions of the ninth century rely on the first line of the first stanza of Serr^^uui—eoiL reading as (^soQp^eisiiear vo^eSISsjjrujrrir ^rSluJir^irir as a distinct reference to the Chola King Aditya I (871-907). He was the conqueror of the Pallava kingdom roughly about 890 A.D. But the settlement of the newly conquered territory must have taken years and may have involved fresh campaigns. It is highly doubtful whether Kamban who had the aran- getram of his poem in 885 A.D. specially referred to the future conqueror of the Pallava territory. The context makes it clear that the name of Aditya refers to the Solar race of Ayodhya rulers. It is significant that Kamba Ramayanam makes no reference to any ruler of Tamilnad by his natural or his proper name Qa^eSraifl (Sutrixieceir in iS«u 4 110 TAMIL CULTURE jgii}(S ui_«>Lb-35 is too general to identify it with any Chela ruler. Oa^sorsofl is a family name of all Chola rulers. Amalan (^uxogot') occurs in Kulothunga Cholanula line 157 along with cSfeoriXSDr and ^^leoear and does not seem to apply to any one Chola king in particular (vide Tamil Chudarmani- kal, pp. 126—7). As for the identification of <^u>a>5orwith Uttama Chola by the Editors of Annamalai University Silver Jubilee Publication Snndarakandam, we will deal with it later. The only other reference is to sffjrOT ^tuirx sSK5(OT),«sor of which we have already dealt with. From these the champions of the 9th century argue that there was no eminent ruler in the time of Kamban and hence he did not mention any. The opposite school of thought however contend iliat this circumstance shows that Kamban was treated in a hostile manner by the contemporary Chola king and several stories were invented to show the nature of the quarrel between them. Our .suggestion is that if in the light of the stray stanza in question, Kamban belongs to the period of interregnum between the fall of the Pallavas and the rise of the later Cholas, the absence of any reference to any one particular ruler is quite natural. tdi V. V. S. Tycr relied on another circumstance namely the ab.sence of any reference to Tanjore. Gangai- konda-Cholapuram, Madurai, Puhar, Uranthai and Palay- arai in Kamba Ramayanam. It is full of the colour and at¬ mosphere of the land of the Cauvery, the poet’s home country and it is significant that he did not mention or even echo any thing about the mighty towns and palaces raised by the later Cholas. The poet is not conscious of their great achievements in building an empire and extending it overseas. V. V. S. Iyer therefore thought that Kamban must have lived earlier than the empire of the later Cholas. This also, would confirm the genuineness of the stanza in question. (Vide his edition of Balakandam —int.roduction). We now take up the case of the champions of the 10th century. Their reasons are 1. The identification of ‘Amalan’ ^uxurfr with Uttama Cholan (970-85). 2, The THE PROBLEM OF THE AQS OF KAMBAN 111 staiua beginning with Q«ir605i_»-^«ff'P' SirO relied on by the champions of the 12th century with a different interpretation. Taie first reason is untenable. The stanza reads : qeSL/^ifi Qff^ssrsof) Gu/riDwtir (S^irsrrL^^ sgSIiSsot fiiiLD&arQiusar tseartss prrrfiiLiih »aS)u^ 60 >i-^ ^oiOiLioT iturSsuiLiLb cMsSliflsaiipA ^u^uujLb ^GTTsSsu 'suir^^. —iStsoSnigg uusoib 35 If Kamban really wanted to do honour to the ruling Cholas, it is difficult to see that he would have chosen to do it in such an obscure place such as tSaijgfw® ui_6uii and that too in the form of a comparison. We are unable to understand how ‘ Amalan ’ and Utlaman are one and the same term. The one is negative, meaning faultlessness ; the other is positive, connoting active virtue. As already stated ‘ Amalan ’ is a term used in a general sense, which is appli¬ cable to all Chola rulers, at any rate in the view of Court poets. Apart from the assertion that the terms mean same things, they do not give reasons for their identification. As for the second reason, the learned editors stand on a stronger ground. As already stated the expression literally means a thousand deducting one hundred ; that answers to Saka year 900 corresponding to 978 A.D. Tiiis date certainly falls within the reign of Uttama Cholan (970-985), But the problem about this stanza is as already stated that no one knows when and by whom this stanza was composed, besides the very many difficulties pointed out supra in accepting this. In any case it requires other corroborative evidence in support of this date 978 A.D. We have seen the conclusion of various schools. The earliest date assigned for Arangetram of KambaRamayanam is 885 A.D. and the latest 1185 A.D. There is a gap of nearly 300 years. These years saw the foundation, growth and decline of the empire of the later Cholas. The most 112 TAMIL CULTURE glorious epoch of Tamil history falls within this period. Under Rajaraja I f985-1013) the Chola kingdom grew to be an empire, and under his son and grandsons (1025-1069) it reached its height, and under them it spread overseas over the Indian ocean in South East Asia including a*great portion of Indonesia. The earliest date assigned by V. V. S. Iyer and others places Kamban in the period of the rise of Cholas before the foundation of the empire, while the latest date assigned by Vaiyapuri Pillai and others places him at its decline and the date assigned by the Annamalai University Silver Jubilee Publication places him at an advanced stage of its growth before it became an Empire. Now, the question arises whether Kamban lived before or after the rise of the later Chola Empire or when that empire was at its zenith. CTo be continued) Historical Writing on the Peoples of Asia South Asia Seminar Historical Ideas in Early Tamil Literature K. K. PILLAY Introduction : It is indisputable that professedly historical works are conspicuous by their absence in early India. Several writers, commencing with Alberuni, the discerning scholar who visited the country in the 11th century A.D., have observed that Indians of the past, despite their high intellec¬ tual attainments, lacked the historic spirit. This feature is as much true of the Tamils as of the rest of the Indians. However, the Sangam classics, comprising the extant literary works of the early Tamils, contain extraordinarily abimdant data of historical value. They throw a flood of light on the political, and still more on the social and religious conditions of the early Tamils. But the deter¬ mination of the chronology of the Sangam age on the one hand, and the sifting of the historical data from the vast mass of miscellaneous material on the other, is by no mesms easy. The origin of the Sangam, the celebrated literary Academy, is itself enshrouded in mystery. The S'angam The earliest account of the S'angam appears in the Commentary on the Iraiyanar Ahapporul (Grammar 9 ! Tamil Poetry)^ which is not assignable to a date earlier 1 See Id r. S. K. Aiyangar: Begitinings 0 / Soutli Indian H^torv (1918) pp. 249-56 lor an account ol the legend and P. T. Srinivasa Iyengar: History of the Ta7nils (1929), pp. 226-30 lor a critical examination ol the legend. 114 TAMIL CULTURE than 8th century .A.D. Moreover, it is coloured by the belief in the supernatural agency. It speaks of three successive S'ahgams which lasted altogether for 9,990 years and had in the aggregate 8,598 poets, who included certain gods as well ! On the face of it this account is incredible. Nevertheless, the entire tradition concerning the Academy does not seem to have been a fiction, for in the first place, traditions do not arise normally without any basis. Secondly, certain kings and poets figure in more than one classic of the S'aiigam age. Apparently, fact and fiction seem to have become mixed up in the account recorded in the Commentary on the Iraiyanur Ahapporu], While it is quite probable that an academy of poets flourished under the patronage of the Pandyan kings, as mentioned in the Vchukktidi grant,^ many of the details concerning the S'aiigam are clearly figments of the myth- maker's imagination. It is not possible to deteimine whether there existed tliree S'ahgams or only one. The legend that the Pandyan kings changed their capital^-twice before they settled in the present Madurai, is supported partly by the leference in the Mahabharala and by the evidence of Pliny.^ The fact of the three capitals was perhaps responsible for the legend of the three S'ahgams. Tradition is, however, per¬ sistent that the two earlier S'ahgams had pj'oduced nume- I'ous literary wojks, most of which have perished and that the extant classics are mainly the products of the third S'ahgam. It must be admitted that it is impossible to arrive at a finality in respect of this question. Chronological basis : Nor do the extant S'ahgam works provide a firm chronological foothold for the history 2 Madras Epigraphisfs Report for 1908, That there STii^hed a S'ancam is evident from the statement alleged to have been made by Nedunjelian, the victor of the battle of Talayalanganam, that if he were to be defeated, the extent of his kingdom should not be sung by poets of world-wide renown, the chief of whom was Mangudi Mnrudan of eminence (Puram^ J72). ® H- Warmington: The Commerce between the Roman Empire and India, (1928) p. 167. HISTORICAL IDEAS IN EARLY TAMIL LITERATURE 115 of the early Tamils. The determination of the age of the S'ahgam has proved a vexed problem, for speculation on it has ranged from 500 B.C. to A.D. 500 not to speak of the extreme views on its upper and lower limits.* Doubtless, the Academy flourished prior to the 7th century A.d! because of the S'aiva hymnists, Sambandar and Appar, who were the contemporaries of Pallava Narasimhavarman I of 7th century A.D. refer to the S'angam.® Besides it is obvious that several centuries must have intervened before the rather archaic style of the S'ahgam works attained the simple pattern of the devotional hymns of the 7th century A.D. Then again, it is unlikely that between the 4th and 6 th centuries A.D., when Tamilaham was under the chaos caused by the Kalabhra eruption, the S'ahgam would have flourished under the patronage of the Pandyan kings. In fact, the generally accepted view which assigns the S'ahgam to the early centuries of the Christian era seems to be based on valid grounds.® Besides the Gajahahu Senguttuvan synchroni.sm. the so-called sheet-anchor of South Indian history, which ascribes the events embodied in the S'ilappadikaram to the .7nd century A.D.. the remark¬ able coincidence of the Tamil literary references with the data furnished by the Greek geographers of the 1st and 2nd centuries A.D.. reinforced by the discovery of the Roman coins of that period in South India lends support to this view. However, this conclusion has recently been challenged on the ground that the South Indian Brahmi inscriptions of the 3rd and 2nd centuries B.C., reveal Tamil of a crude form and that the well-developed language of the S aiigam cla.s.sics could not have appeared prior to Yn 91 ” ’i. Tamil Literature and Historjt, nflPi nn' ® Alyar: Cera fcinjjs of the Sanpam period 093.) pp. 97-12.! ror an enumeration of the different thcorie.s. * Tiruttcunr Tevaram, II, 10 and Tirupputtur Tiruttagam, II, 1,2. Sastri ; A HUiory of South India, (1955) pp. 113-13. Sangam was derived from the J.ains or IK ^ ^ that the Tamil Sangam was csta- Vajra Nandi s Jain Sangha of A.D. 470 at Madurai, seems to be little more than a piece of guess work. (Op. cit. p.247). 116 TAMIL CULTUBE A.D. SOO’ But this challenge is based on a doubtful hypo¬ thesis. The language of these inscriptions represents a hybrid of Prakrit and Tamil and not the real Tamil of the age.* The extant S'ahgam literature comprises the eight anthologies called Et^uttogai of short lyrics and the Ten Idylls known as Pattuppat%u? These poems are broadly classifiable into two groups, viz., those called ‘ Puram ’ works which deal with external matters like war and patronage of king and ‘ Aham ’ works which concern themselves with love.*® The anthologies and Idylls were no doubt compiled several centuries after the S'angam age. Further, all the works in each of these categories were not composed at the same lime either. Even verses in the Piirandnnru belong to different periods of time within the S'angam age. Kalittogai and Paripddal seem to be later than Ahandnilru, while Tirumurugdrruppadai among the Ten Idylls was unquestionably a late composition, posterior to the 3rd century A.D. According to tradition the Eighteen Minor loorJcs called Patinenkilkanakku, as well as the two great epics, Manimekhalai and S'ilappadikdram, are classed among the S'ahgam classics. But the language as well as the ideas contained in most of them indicate a later date for them. However, all the ‘ 18 didactic poems ’, as they are described, do not belong to the same time, though they were grouped together because of the ‘ venba ’ metre in which all these t Dr. N. P. Chakravarti: Presidential address to the 17th session of the Indian History Congress. December. 1954. s K. K. Pillay: ‘ The South Indian Brahmi Inscriptions and the Sangam Age Tamil Culture, April. 1958. * See V. R. R. Dikshitar: op. cit. pp. 24-45 for a brief account of the extant works of the Sangam literature. to Among the EttuUogai anthologies, Purananuru, and Padir-nippattu deal with Puram, and Narrinoi, Kurundopai, Ainpurunuru, Kalittopal and Ahananuru with Aham, while Paripadal partakes of the characteristics of both. Among the Ten Idylls, Porunararruppartot. Sirupanarruppadai. Perunipanamippadai. Tirumuruparrupoodol. and Malaipadukadam are laudatory poems on patrons, and MulloiTTpattu, Neduiialuatlai, KuTinjip- pattu and Pottinoppalai are love poems, while Moduraikkanchi is a bene¬ dictory poem. HISTORICAL IDEAS IN EARLY TAMIL LITERATURE IIT poems were composed. Tradition which assigns the cele¬ brated Kural to the S'ahgam age might well be true to fact.** That Kural speaks of love marriages typical of the S'angam age as contrasted with those of the S'ilappadikd- ram epoch is a pointer in this direction. Kural (verse 475) mentions the example of the cart loaded with the feathers of peacocks ; it is suggestive of the cart loads of feathers sent abroad during the 1st and 2nd centuries A.D. Again. Kalavali, another of the 18 minor works, was not far removed from the date of one verse in PurcinSnfirti (v^ 74). But Tirukadugam and S"mLpancamtdarti are the latest in the series and were composed in the 9th century A.D. The references to Perti. Muttaraiyar in N&ladiydr indicate con- temporaniety of the work with these chieftains of the 9th century. The twin epics are anterior to many of the 18 didactic works, although the tradition which assigns them to the S'ahgam age seems unacceptable. The themes of the epics belong in all probability to the 2nd century A.D. The political background of the stories, and in particular the Gajahdhu SevnutUivan synchronism, indicate this. The su¬ pernatural element in the epics apart, the principal events mentioned in S'ilappadikdram could well have occurred in the 2nd century A.D. Tlie omission of the Pallavas in the political picture confirms it. Some time after popular imagi¬ nation had spun stories out of the events, talented poets would have shaped them into epic form. Besides the larger proportion of Sanslcrit words than in the early Tamil litera¬ ture, the improved forms of the language, the appearance of the northern pattern of marriage ceremonies and the pro¬ minent role assigned to the festival of Indra in S'ilappadi- karam, all indicate a later date for the epics than for the ** Coniro. K. A. Nllakanta Sastri, op. cit. p. 350. The reference to the author of Kural os the true poet (Poyyil pulavan) in Maninickholal 22. 11.60-1) suggests an established reputation and an early dote for him. Besides. Iho extant Tirupallueamalai, an anthology of panegyric ver.ses sung by {he Sangam poets, prove.s the early appreciation of his splendid work. 5 118 TAMIL CULTURE S'angam works.** It is interesting to find that a recent writer proceeding on astronomical data furnished by S'ilappadikdram and its famous commentator, Adiyarku- nallar, suggests A.D. 465 as the date for the composition of the epic.** Manim.ekh.alai is totally Buddhist in its setting and though it is not indisputably established that Dinnaga’s Nydyapravesa had influenced the epic, the Buddhistic philasophy of the .3rd and 4th centuries A.D. is clearly discernible in it.'^ Manimekhalai reveals that Xaiici had become a centre of Buddhist learning. It may be recalled that Buddhist and Jain devotees had found their way into South India as early a.s the .3rd and 2nd centuries B.C. On the whole there i.s little ju.stification for assigning the epics to a period later than the 5th century A.D. ; in all proba¬ bility they belong to the 4th or 5th century A.D.** HTSTORTCAL VAI.UE OF THE LITERATURE Against the chronological background outlined above, the historical value of the different classes of early Tamil literature may be assessed. Among the S'angam classics, Pnrannnurv. Pnttuppnttu and PadirruppalUi are the most important works for the recon.struction of the people’s history. Though the Aham poems which deal with love. 12 Ir.cJra Vila {fpstivall i.s hardly mentioned in the Sangam cla.<%ic!;. A faint reference In the temple of Indra occurs in Puram (241). On the other hand, by the age of the ep>cs the Indra festival had become .so important that Puhar is stated to have been dc.stroyed b.v Heavenly wrath e.aiised by the failure to celebrate it regularly. 12 M. Raiarao : ‘ The chronology of events in the SilappadUcarom * The Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society —Culture and Heritage Num¬ ber. Ifl.'iS. It See S Kuppuswami Sastri : Journal of Oriental Research, Madras. Vol. I. op. 191-291. Contra Dr. S. Krishnaswamy Ai.vanpar: Manimekhalai in its Historical Setting, (1928) pp. xxiv ft. Dr. Aiyangar thinks that the views of Dinnaga must have been independently anticipated by the author of Manimekhalai which might have been composed a century earlier than Dinnaga, whose date, it may be added, is still a matter of speculation IS Paranar, a Saitgara poet has sung on Scran Senguttuvan who fltnires also In Silaiyr>adikaram. Either Senguttuvan of Paranar was a dinTerent king, or more probably Paranar was a contemporary poet ot author of the Silappadikararrt was of a later HISTORICAL IDEAS IN EARLY TAMIL LITERATURE 11& occasionally advert to historical events and social customs, they are not as full and vivid in these respects as the Puram works in general. The short lyrics of Euuttogai furnish a clue to the date, authorship of the poems and the occasion for their composition by means of a colophon appended to each poem. The Idylls also provide similar epilogues, padigams, as they are called, but generally they are far too brief and little more than the authors’ names are available from them. Among the Et^.uttogai collections themselves the historical value of the colophons is not uniformly of the same character. The padigams of the Padirruppattu appear to have been appended long after the poems were composed, for they mention important facts which are not found in the poems. For instance, S'ehgut^van’s northern expedition, the most important achievement ascribed to him by S ilappadihdratn, is found mentioned in the padi- gam of the 5th Decad and not in the poem itself. Far different is the case of the colophons in Purand- nuru, since they seem to have appeared contemporaneously with the poems themselves.’® Besides, there is no valid reason for disputing the claim registered in the colophons of PurandnuTu that the poems were contemporary com¬ positions dealing with particular situations to which the poets themselves were eye witnesses. If this claim is true, the historical value of the work is great. A remarkable feature about the Puram poems is that they deal with the situations in an objective and realistic manner. There is little of the conventional pattern either in their themes or in their treatment of the subject as we find in later poems. It is important to observe that the S'angam poets were not petty minded supplicants who praised their patrons indiscriminately. There are a num¬ ber of courageous outbursts of poets expressing their con- l« Madras Epigraphist’s Report. 1907. p. 52 and K. A. N. Sastri: £tudier in Coin HUtary and Adminittration, pp. 14-18. 120 TAMIL culture tempt of those rulers who failed to treat them in the befitting manner." Thus the poets maintained their self-respect, despite their poverty. Their poems were generally true to their convictions, though extravagant praises of generous patrons have occasionally found their way into the poems. A principal drawback of the data provided by the S'angam works is that a continuou.s political history of the dynastie.s of the age cannot be reconstructed, for it is difficult to determine the genealogy or chronological rela¬ tionship of the kings who figure in the classics. The Pandya, Cola and Cera dynasties dominate Tamijakam in their respective divisions, while in between their territories, there ruled several minor chieftains. But the achieve¬ ments of prominent rulers and incidentally the character of monarchy are about the only data of political history which can be gathered from the poems. The l^ANDYAs : References to several Paijdyan kings are found in the S angam poems. MadiLraikkdhci, for instance, speaks of tv^o kings. Nediy0ti'° and Pahjdgasalai MiidMkudmiti.'’‘ but unquestionably the hero of the poem is Nedimjifliyuu who won the famous ^’icIory at Talayd- Juiigdnain against a combination of the contemporary Cera and Cola kings and five minor chiefs. Unfortunately it is not po.ssiblc to determine the distance of time which inter¬ vened between this Nedunjeliyan and the king of the same name Aryappadaikademda Nedunjeliyan, figurine in S'Uu- ppadikdravi. *lhe victor ol Talaijuluhgamini is praised also in nume¬ rous poems m Puranayiurm^Ahandnv.ru.^'Kuriintogai^ and nia.v bo iiiontioncd ^i'n"iirfo]a?”saOaHarill-treatment fU,ira„ar (Piiram 207 and T 551. 165, 205); Perun- «« Maduradkancl 1 61 h/w 206). % “''■'otmov. N^ccinoDUnlyat ?■ »■ — 18. 18, 23-6. 76-9. 371-3. ::38. uneny called A horn, verses 36, 116, 17S. 253, 268 and ** Kurunioyai, 393 . HISTORICAL IDEAS IN EARLY TAMIL LITERATURE 12l Aji ambitious warrior, a generous patron of poets, amd a staunch Hindu who performed a Vedic sacri¬ fice, Ne^unje\vyan was one of the outstanding PfiijcJyan kings, celebrated in the S'ahgam classics. Among the successors of Ne^unjeliyan known to Tamil literature there appeal's Ugraperuvaluti, a valiant warrior who subdued his opponent, the chief of Kanapper.^* A poet of eminence, he himself, is believed to have caused the anthology of Ahanciniiru to be made. Another Panalai, 11. 283-4. Puram 7, 224; Porunararruppadai 11. 141-8, 187-8; ManimekhaliU, Canto 1. S. 39. Silappadilcaram, Canto V. 11. 90-104: Canto VI, 11. 159-80. K. A. NUaknnfn Sn.stri: Studies tn Cola History and Administra¬ tion. (1932) pp. 19 38. S3 Puram, 74. 34 Incidentally it indicates that Kalavali belongs to the Sangam age. HISTORICAL IDEAS IN EARLY TAMIL LITERATURE 123 \ the achievements of the Cfira kings. Of the original collec¬ tion, unfortunately the first and last Decads have been lost. Each of the remaining Decads deals with the achieve¬ ment of a particular Cera monarch. Padir ruppattu fur¬ nishes a d 5 mastic list of the Cera kings and the duration of each reign. K. G. Sesha Aiyar has made a commend¬ able attempt at constructing a chronological framework. But he encounters certain difficulties, which he tries to overcome by means of certain hypotheses, some of which are clearly untenable.** A serious obstacle to the framing of a succession list of the kings is that there were two lines of Ceras, one ruling at Vanci and the other at Tondi, simultaneously for the most part. The exact relationship of the members of the collateral branch with those of the main line is not ascertainable in every case ; nor is the capital of every ruler specifically mentioned. Moreover, the date of the Cera rule in terms of known chronology is not easily determinable, for Padirrvppattu does not provide its ac¬ count in terms of any era. Sesha Aiyar’s basic date, viz., A.D. 125. the opening year of S'enguttuvan’s reign is based on the Gajabahu Senguttuvan synchronism. 4 Of the eight Cera kings whose achievements are described in Padirruppnttu, clearly S'cnguttuvan is the most outstanding personality. The famous poet, Paranar, has devoted the 5th Decad to this sovereign, while many of his achievements are echoed in S'ilappadikdram. S'en- gutfuv'an’s northern conquests, his defeat of Nannan, the Velir chieftain, his overthrow of a confederacy of nine Colas at Nerivayil and his triumph over the Kongar are all mentioned in the epic.*® S'cnguttuvan was a devout Hindu who performed the Vedic sacrifices and worshipped both S'iva and Visnu.**. S'enguttuvan was, in all proba¬ bility a kin.sman of Karikala. From the references to these afK. O. Sesha Aiyar: ‘Cera fcinps of the Sangam Period'. 0037) pp. 125-9. s« Canto XXVnr 11. lM-22. T7 Jhld. Canto XXVI 11. 54-«. 124 TAMIL CULTURB monarchs in Padirruppattu and S'ilappadikdram it seems that Karikala was the maternal great-grand-father of S'ehguttuvan. Puntdnuru speaks of nine more C€ra kings besides those mentioned in Padirruppattu. The reason for the omission of these names remains a mystery. Perhaps the 1st and la.st Decads mention some or all of the rest; or more probably several of the Ceras mentioned in Purand- ntlru were subordinate chiefs. However, it is significant that a few of the names found in Piirana-nuru occur in Ahandniini as well.*® Since the padigam of the 2nd Decad states that Udiyam Ceral y/as the father of Tmayavaramban Nedumceralntan who is the hero of that Decad. it is likely that Udiyam Ceral was the hero of the first Decad. Thus while the hi.storical data regarding the Ceras is more adequate than in re.spect of the other two dynasties there remain insoluble problems which make even the history of the Cdras far from complete or satisfactory. Minor CmF.FTAiNS : Several minor chieftains who ruled in various parts of the Tamil country are mentioned in the classics. The mo.st prominent among them are Ay Andiran and Pari, both renowned for heroi.sm and patronage of poets. Though we come across the names of five other chieftains who. along with Anqliran and Pari. con.stituted the seven ‘Va]lals’ (paragons of generosity 1. it is not possible to construct the genealogical line of these chieftains or determine their relationship with the rulers of the principal dynasties. Thus, evaluating the literary source for the political history, it is found that though details are known about the achievcjnents of several monarchs in each dynasty, the material is not adequate enough to help a systematic reconstruction of history. The knowledge of the Ceras is more full and continuous than that of the rest, but even here the lacunae are not inconsiderable. Noi’ can all the 3* See Purarn 2 : Aham 65 and 168. HXSTORICAJL IDEAS IN SABLY TAMIL LITEBATUBB 125 details furnished about the kings be considered historical. While the references to kings are realistic and sober In comparison with the data in later literature, it must be admitted that all poetic accounts have inherent limitations as a source of history. For one thing the focus of attention on the part of the poet would not have been the same as that of a chronicler or historian.** Doubtless the inferences deducible from the literature about the general character of monarchy and the ideals and aspirations which guided the rulers are interesting. Kings were generally war-minded and wars were frequent. Heroism in war was held up as a great virtue. Death in the field of battle, valiantly fighting to the last, was con¬ sidered a meritorious end for a ruler. The Cera king Atan II who was wounded on the back on the battlefield committed suicide on that account. Details concerning the army corps of the early Tamil kings, the different stages of an expedition, the pattern of military training and the ethics of warfare are all available from the early litera¬ ture.*® There was a lofty conception of royal duties. The maintenance of impartial justice, protection of the poor and the helpless, the promotion of the economic well-being of the subjects** and the performance of religious rites for the sake of the people’s welfare** were considered their legitimate duties. The Kural provides a systematic ex¬ position of the responsibilities of an ideal king.**. It would seem that kings were remarkably enlightened. Invariably all kings were patrons of the learned. Even 3» K. A. N. Sastri /seems to overestimate the value of Purananuru when he says; ‘ The data furnished by these poems for historical recon¬ structions will not be the less valuable on account of their being drawn from casual literary pieces rather than from chronicles or other works of a professedly historical nature Studies in Colo Hutor]/ and Admi¬ nistration, D. 1. <0 See V. R. R. Dikshitar: Studies in Tamil Literature and Historv, tl938) pp. 229-S4. et i^ram, 35. Padirruppattu, 13. 42 PuTam, 26. « Kural. sec for example Nos. 448. 543, 545. 555, 564, 636 and 872. 6 126 TAMIL CULTUB* more interesting is the fact that many kings themselves were poets. Many of the early PamJyan monarchs and those of some other dynasties too, were gifted poets. The kings were intimately associated with poets, some of whom acted as advisers or messengers of the monarchs. The royal custom of according a warm reception to the wan¬ dering minstrels, Papar as they were called, contributed to the lively maintenance of the arts of poetry and dance. The impression which the poems give is that the monarch wa.s an autocrat. But in reality, with the res¬ training influence of the poets and ministers and with a growing reverence for custom, the king was an ideal ruler suited to the times. Whether the groups of advisers called ‘ aimperuhgulu ’ and ‘ enperayam ’ denoted councils of re¬ presentatives or merely attendants on the king, there is little doubt that the ruler was guided and influenced by .several competent persons. References to ‘ manram ’, ‘ podiyil ’ and ‘ aval' in the classics suggest that there were frequent gatherings of the people. It is not possible to a.scertain what role they played in the political life of the land. But it is presumable that they constituted a type of folk gathering where the people indicated their wishes. It cannot but be regretted that the light thrown on the political life of the common people is not adequate. Social Life : It is concerning social life that an amazing wealth of material is provided by literature. True, the matter is available but indirectly. Incidental to the description of personalities or events there appear details of social habits, customs, religious institutions and practices and developments of arts and education. Nor¬ mally, the more casual and indirect the data, the more true and faithful is the picture obtained. In comparison with professional history it suffers in one respect; it lacks a sense of proportion. Those details which are of great interest to the historian might or might not receive atten¬ tion at the hands of the poets. HISTORICAL IDEAS IN EARLY TAMIL LITERATXHUC 127 It is important to remember that for the most part, the S'ahgam poems were not produced by persons who pursued poetry for its own sake. Many of the poems came from the ‘ P5nar the professional class of minstrels, who were the roving bards of the time. Some of them were poets of real merit, while others were musicians, who along with their womenfolk went about visiting kings and chief- tauis, delighting them with their songs and dances. They praised the liberal patrons while they condemned boldly those who were not warm or generous to them. As a source of social history the early poems have their shortcomings. They do not touch upon all aspects of social life, i Nor do they afford a connected picture of the past, throwing light on the changes which occurred from time to time. Historical averaging, which inevitably contains inaccuracies may be the result; it may provide an unreal appearance of flat uniformity and absence of change. In order to avoid this danger, it is necessary to limit our observations to the time indicated by the specific sources of information, except in such cases where there is definite evidence of the continuance of an institution or practice once established. For instance, meat and liquor were quite commonly used in the S'ahgam age ; in the period of the epics they were condemned by moralists. Again, it is doubtful whether all the intricate patterns of dance described in S'ilappadikdram were known to the S'ahgam age.*^ Here it is not pos.sible to give a full picture of the social habits and customs gleaned from the early Tamil litera¬ ture. The general character of the data available from the literary works, illustrated by a few examples, is all that can be indicated. Among the S'ahgam works un¬ questionably Purandnuru and Pattuppattu afford the most abundant data for the social historian, though the other classics, too, are occasionally • helpful. ^ As an example of such unwarranted generalisation sec V. R. Dikshitar s treatment of Indra's festival. Op. cit. pp. 305-07. R. 126 TAMIL CULTURE The houses of the people in different strata of society, as well as the palaces of kings, are found described.*® Food and clothing find numerous references." Meat and liquor were commonly used in the S'angam age,*'* but by the time of the epics a tendency to prohibit their use is clearly in evidence.** Men and women dressed their hair with oil.** Kurinjippd^tu mentions the custom of women arranging their hair in five braids.®* References to the habit of wear¬ ing sandals as footwear are found.®* The habit of eating betel leaves with lime and arecanut, prevalent in the S'ahgam age, continued in the period of the epics®* and still later. Descriptions of the agriculture and trade of the Tamils appear in numberless places in the classics.®® While the life of the people belonging to the five natural divisions of the land is described in many of the S'angam works, the habits and customs of the Paradavar, the fishermen in Neydal, are vividly portrayed in Maduraikkdfici and PaUinappdlai.^* Occupation was the basis of division into castes among the early Tamils. But, even as early as the age of Purand- niiru it is seen that the Aryan four-fold classification had found its way into the Tamil country. The result was that from about the S'angam age onwards there commenced the fusion of the indigenous and imported systems.®® Pura- Puram, 196; Perumpanamippadai, 405; Pattinappalai, 11. 117-20. 4C Puram, 160, 390, 398; Mullaippattu, 60; Kuruntogai, 167, 210. <1 Puram. 56. 150; Malaipadukadam, 11. 153, 155, 168, 175-8, etc. Pat- tiiiappalai. 108. 4* Silappadikaram. Canto XXX, 1. 189. <9 Puram, 279. 50 Kuriujipnltu. 1. 139. 51 Puram. 257 : Perumpanamippadai, 69; Maduraikkanci, 63. 52 Puram. 62; Silappadikaram , Canto XVI. 1. 55; Manimekhalai. Cnnio XXVIll. lines 240-3 Contra. K A. N. Sastri: A History of South India, p. 130. *3 Puram, 230, 289, 368; Narrinai, 93 ; Pattinappalai. 11. 5-28; Poru- uararrupadai. 11. 245-6. P. T. S. Iyengar gives a diffuse description about the foreign trade in his ' History of the Tamils ', Ch. XVIII. The most .systematic account is still that of Warminglon: ‘ The Commerce between the Reman Empire and India', pp. 274 ff. 54 Maduraifcfcanci, 11. 139-44; Potfinoppalai, 11. 59-117. 55 Puram, 183, Tolkappiyam, Poruladhikarani. 20 and 632. HISTORICAL IDEAS IN EARLY TAMIL LITERATURE 129 ndnuxu, while mentioning the pre-Aryan castes also refers to the brahmins -and their high social position.®® By the time of the epics the amalgam of the two systems of caste had taken firm root, and what is more, the multiplication of subcastes had proceeded to an inordinate extent.®'' Two forms of marriage, (marriage in secrecy and marriage in the open) were in vogue among the Tamils from early times. But beginning perhaps from the S'angam age these undergo a change and by the time of the epics the forms of Aryan marriage, together with fire rites seem to have become established in the Tamil country.®" But the original customs persisted in certain respects and it is important to observe that some of them were adopted by the brahmins as well. For example, the ancient usage of the bride-groom tying tdli (marriage symbol) around the neck of the bride,®" as well as Sati and the tonsure of widow.s®® were continued side by side with the Aryan rituals and ceremonies. There is little doubt that in pfie S'angam age woman was held in high esteem ; she was considered the luminary of the home. Pattuppatfu reveals that women enjoyed freedom and that they moved about in public without affecting prudery. ^ Perumpdndrruppadai', in particular throws much light on this question.®' It describes, for instance, how girls in the brahmin villages sported in ponds, women mingled freely in the village festivals and how rich ladies participated in certain pastimes and amusements of their own. Of course, all through the ages, unstinting devotion to the husband was the high ideal of virtue held up for women. This is admirably emphasised in the celebrated Kurul, though several earlier works also touch upon it. Puram. .14. 122, 166, 224. SI Silappddikaram. Canto V, 11, 24-58. ®" 45-58. See ToUcappiyam ‘Karpiyal’ stitra 4 and I orul sutras 104-6 regarding the original two form.i of marriage. s» A ham, 7. 60 Puram. 246 and 247, •i Kurol, see for example. Nos. 51, 55. 56. 130 TAMIL CULTURE Side by side with the high ideals for women who led the household life there existed harlots or public women, who enticed rich young men for the sake of their money. The S'ahgam works themselves speak of the harlots and the low social position they occupied. It is needless to add that by the time of the epics the institution had taken a firm root in the country. The amusements and pa.stime.s of the people reveal at once their ru.stic .simplicity and robust outlook on life. While boys and girls had numerous kinds of interesting games.®^ adults enjoyed manly sports and physical contests, besides the training for warfare, which was provided in certain village organisations. Cock-fights and ram-fights were common amusements which attracted vast crowds of enthusiastic spectators. Festivals were common. For example, during .>^iimmer there appeared the Kdniavel festi¬ val, in honour of Kama, the god of Love. By the days of S'ilappudilidrar.i the pastimes and festivals had increased in their number and variety.®^ Festivals in honour of gods like Muruga, Kurravai and Vi.snu. not to speak of the grand festival of Inch'd, all as.sume a great importance. It was a common practice even in the S'ahgam age for monarchs and the rich to enjoj’ their leisure by listening to songs and poems of minstrels and poets, while sitting in pavilions in front of their mansions. Minstrels were jirovided with food and robes as well as presents of gold. Dancers also vied with each other in the display of their .•>rts in these gatherings.** The progres.s made by the early Tamils in the arts of dancing, music a.nd poetry was remarkable. The ubiqui¬ tous Pdnar and VimUyar. the roving bards, played a great part in the development of these arts. Many of the early classics furnish A’ivid descriptions of these arts as they Puram, 85, Pnaiunp) nial, 11. 23-6. .. Silappatiikaram. Cantos V and VI. *< Puram, 33. mentions in particular the popular dance. Alliyakfcuttu. HISTORICAL IDEAS IN EARLY TAMIL LITERATURE 131 flourished in the country. Tradition has it that several ancient Tamil classics on music have perished. However, there is little doubt that all these fine arts attained a high degree of perfection in the age of the epics. Very graphic descriptions of the patterns of dance, the systematic train¬ ing provided, the forms of music, vocal and instrumental, the wide variety of instruments are all described in S'ila- ppadikdram.^^ The Pdnar and Virnlhjar do not appear in the epic period as during the S'angam age. Apparently the artists had given up their roving missions and had settled down in towns. It is also noticeable that by the epoch of S'ilappadi- kdTam the fine arts of music and dance*® became associated with temples besides palaces and village parkis. Temples existed no doubt in the S'aiigam period itself but they became more numerous and popular in the_ later epoch. The early religious beliefs and observances are found reflected in the classic.s, including Tolkappiyam, the work on grammar, which tradition places among the earliest productions of the S'angam. There i.s no invocation in Tolkappiyam to any God as we find in later works. It is clear that the people of the age believed in a Supreme God and in a three-fold Trinity. But it is remarkable that their Trinity was not identical with that of the Aryans. The early Tamils had belief in several minor gods, too. Refer¬ ences to Daivam, Ddvar and Imaiyar, all signifying ‘ god ’, indicate this and provide testimony to the Aryan influence. Muruga and Korravai appear to have been the most pro¬ minent deities of the early Tamils. Temples for Muruga were erected on top of hills a.s well as on the river side. The appearance of Aryan ideas, noticeable in Tolkappiyam and Purandnuru , becomes increasingly prominent. In Tirumurugdrruppudai, which was chronologically the last of the Pattuppdttu and which was composed in honour of Muruga, the god is identified with Kdrtigesa, the Aryan «5 Canto.. «« The dance which constituted the worship of Korravai, the goddess of victory, is vividly described in Sila 7 >p wood, that grows in a natural state along the western coast of India. From the time of Celsius those who have propoimded an Indian locale for Ophir have tried to derive algum etymologically from a word of an Indian language meaning .sandalwood. La.s.sen and MaxMulier’ derive algum from the Sanscrit Valguka which is itself a derivative of Valg meaning beauty. Valguka. therefore, primarily means beauty and secondarily .sandalwood. Tho.sc who sponsor the above derivation say that Valg has been borrowed by the Tamil language that has added its common termination urn and got valgum. When the Jews took up the word they dropped the initial consonant and thus got algum and by metathesis, which is a very common process when words are borrowed from one language into another, they turned it into almug. Those who stand for a pure Tamil dei'ivation* of the word algum have derived it from alagu meaning primarily beauty and secondarily sandalwood. According to them the Sanscrit word valguka is derived from alagu. a purely Tamil word. Objections have been raised to the above identification. Traditionally the algum wood, although not specified botanically, yet has been interpreted to mean some kind of not merely odorous but also resinous wood. The sandal¬ wood, although odorous is not resinous. Again Celsius seems to have overlooked the uses to which the algum wood has been put by Solomon. The sacred writer says that it was used for staircases with bannisters in the temple and the king’s palace, and for musical instruments like guitars > Lassen, iTidCsche Alterthumscunde, 1, pp. 631-652; Max Muller. Leetureg on the Science of Language, I, p. 234. * Caldwell. A Comparative Grammar of OrovidCan Languaget. ' ALQUMMIM ” OR “ AIJMUGatM ” OF THE BIBLE 135 and harps for the temple singers'. The sandalwood is not generally used for these purposes*, because it is rather brittle and is not amenable to polish, which would to a great extent be required if a wood is to be put to the uses that have been noted. Some have propounded the case of Aquilaria Agallocha, which is both odorous and resinous*. It is a very valuable wood and costlier than even the sandalwood. In addition to the fact that it answers the traditional interpretation of the algum it had the special claim of being imported into Judaea in later times and was the lignum aloes of the scriptures. As for the etymological explanation of algum in this identification there are two slightly different opinions. Some derive it from tlie Sanscrit aguru or agaru while others from the Tamil agil. The Sanscrit word is said to come from a + guru ; a — privative,, and guT~u —heavy. Hence aguru would moan a light wood. Another derivation too is given. Lctglni or Lauhu, a San.scrit and Pali synonym meaning light is given as the root of agaru. The Tamil word agil is derived from ahk + il, — ahk — having a pungent odour from the idea of being close or stuffy^. The Tamil derivation seems to be more reasonable in view of the odorous nature of the material. As the tree concerned is an Indian tree, it would easily appear that the Aryans got the word agaru from agil, when they came to India. The derivatives in the various languages make really an interesting study. Malayalam has akil ; Tulu agel, agela ; Sinhalese agil, agajnu ; Pali agalu ; Sanscrit agaru, aguru; Hebrew ahalim ; Greek agallochon ; Portuguese aguila, from w^ch the Latin botanical name aquilaria, and the English \ Dictionarv of the /iidian niand*. p. 310. acr. Watt, The Commercial Products of India, pp. 72-74: Gamble A Manual of Indian Timbers, p. 316.' .. Gnanaprakasar, An Etymological and Comparative Lexicon of the Tamil Language, I, Pt. 1. s.v. Akil. 136 TAMIL CULTURE eagle-wood, (Aquila — eagle in Latin)'. It is clear, there¬ fore, that the two parts of the botanical name of this tree, viz. Aquilaria agallocha, are derived from the same root. The most serious objection to the above identification is that although the Aquilaria agallocha might answer the traditional interpretation of algum, i.e., an odorous and resinous v/ood, yet it could not be put to the uses to which the algum was put by Solomon. The eaglewood is very porous and hence soft because it is very highly resinous. The resin collects itself at the heart of the wood and this portion can be used only for burning and medicinal purposes and not for staircases with bannisters, harps and guitars. The very origin in Sanscrit denotes this nature of the wood, namely its lightness. Yet another reason why the Ophir expedition could not have got this wood is that it grows only in Bhutan, Assam, Eastern Bengal, Burma and Malay Peninsula and Archipelago*. It is not found in the western coast of India, where alone we can reasonably suppose Solomon’s men to have gone. Hence another wood will liave to be found. This should answer the following conditions: It should be resinous and odorous according to the traditional interpreta¬ tion, mentioned in the Bible, and should grow on the western coast of India. A word must be said about the traditional interpreta¬ tion of the algum wood, for that only can give us a cluie to the real nature of the wood that is here intended. The Septuagint version of the Book of Kings (III Kings, X, 12) translates algum wood as Zila (wood) peleketa or apeleketa. This gives no information at all as to the nature of the I \ulc-BumeU. Hob. Watt. op. cif., p. 2S4. * Gamble, op. cif., p. 7#. Kamba Ramayanam Hiranya-Vadai-Padalam or the Slaying of Hiranya V. SHANMUGA MUDALIAR By his penance, rare and hard, Hiranya, the Asura king, This immunity got: — “ He will not die— Either by male or female, or that which is neither ; Or by anything in the womb living; Or by things or beings, seen by the eye or conceived by the mind ; Nor can his death on Earth or in the air befall I St. 14 “ H^ will not die— Either by any of the gods or the wandering Yekkas ; Or by the Murthis whom all can conceive and contemplate ; Or by man ’ Nor can he, fighting them. His strength lose ! St. 15 “ He will not die— Either in water or by fire, storm, or other force on Earth ! And the curses of the discerning gods. The sages and others. Him cannot touch. But on the cursers recoil! St. 10 “ He will not die— Either indoor or in the open ; Or by the weapons of the gods ; 140 TAMIL CULTURE Or in the night or in the day ! Nor can Yama, the God of Death, his death claim ! Oh ! Who’s there who can his life take ? St. 17 “ He will not die— Either by anything The five elements produce Or the Vedas proclaim ! Or even by his own hand If self-killing he sought! ” Such was Hiranya, The Ruler Of all Universe ! St. 18 To such august ruler There was a dear son, Wiser than the wise, And purer than all those For purity known ; Nay, purer than the Vedas even ! One who was a Master, A Philosopher, unique. And of Dharma, the Lord ! One who Vi^ith a mother’s love All living beings loved ! St. 19 Hiranya wishes to put his son to school and for this purpose asks a very learned, wise Brahmin to instruct him in the ' Vedas ’. The Brahmin teacher, In due solemnity. His father’s name Bids him invoke ! At this blasphemy The son with his fingers Plugs his ears ; And, instead, utters “ Om Name Narayana ”, The name of the true God. The summit of the Vedas ! St. 22 & 23 KAMBA RAMAYANAM 141 Trembling the Tutor cries : “ Oh, Miserable sinner ! Thou hast ruined me And thyself too ! Leaving that name, The fittest to invoke Even for the gods, Why didst thou The other name utter ? How did it thy head enter ? ” St. 24 “ What’s wrong ? Tell me ”, Says the boy, “ By uttering the great name Proclaimed by the hoary Vedas I have but saved me. My father and thee. And all the world too ! ” St. 25 The Brahmin replies : “ Thy father is greater Than the foremost Among the gods and the Murthis ! And I’m the Brahmin To chant his holy name Authorised. Dost thou know Better than I ? Ruin me not, I beg thee. Uttering that other name ? ” St. 26 Hearing this the boy says : “ I know no name Other than that Of that our being, The primal Lord of Creation ! To learn else I have no need. For there’s nothing That my understanding Hath not me taught! ” St. 27 And he proceeds : “ He who the limit sets To the Great Entity The four Vedas proclaim— 8 142 TAMIL CULT UlfX He hath my heart Entered and filled! Such great possession There can be none other ! If thou knowest any. That I do not know, Teach me. Truth and Justice Not violating. St. 28 “ He whose name the Brahmins In Vedas versed chant ; He whose name the Upanishads, The .sages and the gods Loudly proclaim ; Is there any name Other than this That can be uttered ? St. 29 “ He is my Ivord, And the Lxird of Brahma, And of the highest of all. And of all other objects. Moving and standing, In creation ! Than tliis to thee also There’s nothing That's of greater good ! ” St. 33 The Brahmin is clumb-founded. He goes and tells Hiranya of all that has happened. Hiranya asks him what is that forbidden name which his son dared to utter. The Brahmin is scared out of his wits and exclaims : “ Sire, were I to utter That sinful name, I would to hell go. And my tongue, burnt. Would fall out ! ” 37 Hiranya sends his men to fetch his son. When he comes, he asks him to tell him the word by uttering which he gave such offence to the teacher. Prahalada, the son replies;— KAMBA RAMAYANAM 143 “ He who all one’s desires grants ; He who the liberated leads to Heaven ; He who accepts the sacrifices ' At the red-flamed fire offered ; It is that great one’s name That I uttered. It is, ‘ OM NAMO NARAYANA.’ ” St. 42 Hiranya thunders at him : “ There’s my sovereign decree That from that day till I live The mouth that utters And the mind that dwells On that name, will be burnt ! Who told thee this name ? And from whom didst thou learn it ? Tell me quickly.” gt. 47 “ The sages, gods and others That the three worlds inhabit— All these my feet contemplate. And my name praise and chant! They dare not teach thee this. From whom, then, didst thou learn it ? St. 48 “ The elders and others Of our clan. Countless far than the sands of the sea. By his killing their number hath dwindled. Doth thy wi^om tell thee, boy, That by invoking the serpent’s name The rat will great good attain ? St. 50 “ Assuming the guise of the Boar, With his tusk he killed my brother— A hero of such wondrous might That the fourteen worlds He could in his belly keep ! Is it for chanting the killer’s name That I thee begat ? St. 51 “ Oh, foolish boy ! Dost thou not know The Vedic truth is None other than this : 144 TAMIL CULTURE That it is by doing And not by reasoning That one becomes supreme— The Lord of all And of everything And of the Universe, Worthy to perform the three-fold function Of creating, sustaining and destroying ? “ In this great world There’s nothing of beginning And end but this : Those that good deeds do Will become great. And those that evil do Will low become ! That’s the Law the Vedas teach ! “ By their great penance Brahma, Vishnu and Siva Had their position attained ; But this they have now lost ; And I have by penance The rulership of the world Assumed ! Who can dare Enter my domain and say That my rule decline will suffer ? “ F'oolish child ! Thy error I forgive thee. But cease talking Such things again ; Else I will be angry. Now go, and whatever Thou art taught. Taking it as good. Learn.” Thus admonished Prahalada addresses his solemnly thus : ” He that hath in his mind All the worlds conceived ; He in whom the worlds exist ; St. 52 St. 53 St. 54 St. 56 father kamba ramayanam 145 He that indwells in the worlds ; He that hath none before Nor none after him ; He that is supreme ; He that is changeless ;— Oh ! Who can His ancient state know ? “ As the three worlds ; As the three qualities ; As anything and everything ;— Of such infinite variety Is His being ! Can even the sages and gods His doings understand ? “ Can an action Its result escape ? Having created the two Karmas— The good and the bad— They the intended results. And none other, show ! Of His grace and mercy What better evidence is needed ? “ He’s greater than the Earth, The Air and the other three elements ; He is beyond Thought and Count ! And from the naked eye He is hidden ! But if sought truthfully And with all one’s feeling Himself He will reveal! “ Of Desire, Anger and other passions. Hard and evil. He rids us ; And His name all mishap averts Even as it great good brings ! Oh ! How can others Of His Grace speak ? “ He is Time, Cause and Place ; He K the result that from action flows ; He is the agent who the results implements ; He is Virtue and the great good it brings ; He is the seed and the big tree out of it comes ! St. 59 St. 62 St. 67 St. 71 St. 73 St. 74 146 TAMIL CULTURE “ Such is the Great One Whose name I invoked ! And I but did so Lest thy great wealth and fame, Won thro’ much self-abasement, And thy life, thou lose ! ” St. 78 Hiranya is in a mighty rage, and says : “ Other enemy I need none. Thanks to my Fate ! He that hath out of my blood come. Loving allegiance to my limitless enemy Hath not hinted, but svveareth ! Kill me this miscreant,” And those in killing Yama excel. Catch and bind Prahalada ! St. 80 The executioners ply their swords on his body but Prahalada, fixing his mind on the Lord and chanting his holy name, goes unhurt. The executioners go and report thi.s extraordinary phenomenon to Hiranya, who then orders that he be burnt alive. A huge fire fed by huge pails of oil is made, and Prahalada is thrust into it. Here again, invoking the Lord’s name. Prahalada does not feel the effects of fire and is untouched. He is next ordered to be thrown into a snake pit—to be bitten by the eight deadly serpents of the world. They come, hiss a)id bite, but he is unhurt. Next he is taken to a mad elephant, to be trampled and killed by it. Prahalada remains as before serenely calm, invoking the Lord’s name thus ; — •• When of old the Elephant. In dread of the crocodle killing him. Cried out to * Audhi Mulam ’— The origin and source of all— He who both a father and mother is, To his rescue came ! The same doth in my mind dwell! ” St. 93 Hardly has thi.s been uttered, before the elephant bows before Prahalada and departs peacefully. This exasperates Hiranya who orders the erring elephant to be killed. It is KAMBA RAMAYANAM 147 chased and harried by a host of hunters, but it turns against them, killing several and wounding many others. Foiled in this, Hiranya finally orders that Prahalada be thrown into the deep sea securely tied to a heavy stone, but he is not drowned. Prahalada is taken to Hiranya. whom he addresses thus : — “ Father ’ My life to take If thou thihkest. Know it isn’t possible. My life only He can take. Who all the world Hath created 1 ” St. 118 Hiranya bursts out; “ Who is it, boy. That this world gave ? If it isn’t the three Murthis Who chanting my name live. Or the sages, or the wholly beaten gods. Who is it. tell me ? ” St. 119 To which Prahalada replies : “ My Lord, the Supreme God, If thou canst see with my eyes Thou wilt see Him everywhere ! But thou dost not feel That to banish love from thy heart Is deadly sin. Is it easy, then. With thy eyes to see Him ? St. 120 “ Three are His qualities ; Three His action and form ; Three are His eyes And the flame of His spirit; And three are His worlds ! And He is the witness Of all existence. At the beginning, middle and end ! This the conclusion The Vedas arrive. And it is the Truth ’’ St. 122 148 TAMIL CULTUKS Hearing this Hiranya bursts into a loud laugh, exposing his huge teeth, and says :— “ Thou sayest Thy supreme one In all things indwells. I’ll with him deal When I see him. Doth He, this thief. In this pillar dwell ? If so prove it.” “ Yes, Father,” saye he, “ He is in the span. Nay, in the hundredth part Of the atom too ! He is in the high Meru And He is in this pillar here ! Yea, in the word just uttered He is there too ! His universal presence Thou wilt presently .see ! " Hiranya cries out, in a rage; “ Him whom the gods And thou see spread All over the world. In this pillar show ! If thou showest him not, Like the lion killing the elephant. I’ll kill thee, and drinking Thy red blood, thy flesh I’ll eat too ! " To which Prahalada replies : “ My life it i.sn’l easy For thee to kill. But if the One I've spoken of Doth not appear At any and ev’ery spot Thou louchesl. my life I’ll myself take ! To wish to live after that Would be to own myself As no loving seiwant of His ! ” St. 124 St. 125 St. 126 KAMBA RAMAYANAM 149 Hiranya, his anger mounting, Exclaims laughing: “ This is good, very good ! ” And raising his mighty arm. For victory famed. At the pillar smote he ! And lo ! at that very moment. Tearing open the Universe, Wildly laughed the Red-eyed Lion ! St. 127 When the wise Prahalada— He who of God’s existence Proof promised— When he saw Him, Whom even the Brahma, Daily searching, Could not see. He danced, he wept, He sang and cried aloud, And raising his hands o’er his head, He prayed, and in his ecstacy He jumped and stamped all over the Universe ! St. 128 Hiranya addresses the Lion : “ Thou who art laughing ! Who art thou ? ' Art thou the Hari This boy hath mention^ ? Was not the sea Thou hadst cunningly entered Sufficient that this tall pillar Thou shouldst seek ? Fight if thou wouldst; I’m ready, come; Come soon ! ” St. 129 The pillar biurst, And out came the Lion ! And his size grew and grew Until the eight corners And all the rest of the Universe He measured! 9 15C TAMIL CULtUR* Oh ! Who can know and describe What afterwards he did ? The Universe was torn, At top and bottom, both ! St. 130 The Lion, in his fierce mood, kills all the Asuras, and finally stands ready to fight Hiranya. The latter drawing his sword is poised for attack. Seeing this Prahalada approaches his father and says :— “ Thou hast seen All that hath happened.. Yet in thy heart Thou feelest nothing ! Go and worship The mighty Lord of the Sea ! Thy evil deeds He will forgive ! " St. 145 To which Hiranya replies : “ Hear me ”, says he, with bitter laugh, “ Cutting off the Lion’s arms and feet In thy presence and then Cutting thee to pieces, ril my sword worship ! Can other worship be For .such as me Even when on pacifying Our sweethearts We are bent ? ” St. 146 Then ensues a terrific fight which lasts until dusk. Then, At dusk. At the door of the golden palace. Holding Hiranya firm on his thighs. The great Vishnu in Lion’s guise. With his sharp claws. His iron heart ripped open ! And rid the gods of their misery ! St. 153 KAMBA BAMAYANAM 151 Then Prahalada burst into a paean of Lord Supreme thus : — praise for the “ That Thou hast Thyself created The great Avatar Thou hast now taken Doth proudly show ! Altho’ thou art Thy own creator, Doth it disprove That Thou— the Giver of Life— Hast me created ? St. 157 “ Oh Lord, My Father 1 In Thee Thou hast me installed. Without Thee, All things and beings I’ve in me created ! I’ve none before Nor none after me ! I’m like the gold vessel That hath out of gold come ! ! St. 160 The Lion-God, greatly pleased, suppressing his anger, bids the gods not to be afraid. They invoke the Goddess Lakshmi, who comes to the Lord. All is now peace and grace, and the liord, turning to Prahalada, says : “ Thy race we will Nevermore kill. Even tho’ boundless wrongs They do ! I’m thy friend ! If there’s anything Thou wishest me to do. Without reserve ask." SI. 168 To which Prahalada replies : " Endless are the boons I’ve already got! Can there be any I may hereafter get ? TAMIL CULTURE 152 But if more I’m to receive, This great boon let me have : ‘ Even were I, My Lord, To be a humble worm Without backbone born, Thy love let me have for ever ! ’ ” St. 169 The Lord is immensely pleased, and blesses Prahalada thus : “ Even if the Elements, The first in Creation, Were to die. Thou wilt never ! And like Me Thou wilt ever be ! St. 170 • * • • “ The benefits the world reaps Worshipping and praising Me, Let it all these have Worshipping.,and praising thee ! St. 171 * • • • “ Dharma, good and pmre, Truth and the Vedas four ; Compassion and Grace ; Wisdom boundless ; Wealth of all kinds ; _ The ancient god of the eight-fold quality ; Let all these Thy command await! And as my own Self, May thou grow Into a shining image Of the Almighty ! ” St. 173 News and Notes LONDON TAMIL SANGHAM Dr. Sekhar elected President London, April 18. The London Tamil Sangam this week elected Dr. B. C. Sekhar, who has been resident here for several years, as its president. ^ It also elected office-bearers and an Executive Com¬ mittee on which are members from Ceylon, Nyasaland, South Africa, Burma and India. Mrs. Gnanam Swami- nathan, wife of Mr. T. Swaminathan, Minister at the Indian High Commission, was elected Vice-President. The report of the Secretary, presented at the annual meeting, said that notwithstanding difficulties, the Sangam was fairly active in 195G in organising almost every month “ social and cultural functions ”. Building fund The report referred to a proposal that the Sangh^ sliould have its own building in London. Certain donations had been paid for the building fund, and the report said: “ It is up to the new Executive Committee to carry out this • long-felt desire of the Sangham." The report urged that it was necessary to enlarge the membership of the Sangham. Following the annual meeting, the Sangham celebrated Tamil New Year Day with a feast, and a programme of l54 TAMIL CULTURE music, bharata natyam by Mrs. Leila Raman, and the presentation of a Tamil play by members from Ceylon. The London Tamil Sangham was formed in 1954. —The Mail, April 18, 1957. ANNAMALAI UNIVERSITY A SPECIAL CHAIR IN TAMIL INSTITUTED EXPERT COMMITTEE TO ADVISE NEW DEPARTMENT Annamalainagar, April 8. The Annamalai University has instituted a special Chair in Tamil. Important schemes relating to Tamil language, literature and generally Tamil culture in all its aspects are to be worked out. The immediate programme now undertaken includes research in comparative philology, and preparation of an etymological dictionary and an English-Tamil dictionary. The Syndicate of the University has appointed a com¬ mittee of distinguished experts in linguistics and philology to advise, guide and direct the work in this new department, with Dr. Suniti Kumar Chatterji, Chairman, West Bengal Legislative Council and Professor Emeritus of Comparative Philology in the University of Calcutta, as its Chairman. Members The members of the committee are Dr. S. M. Katre, Director, Deccan College Post-Graduate and Research Institute, Poona; Mr. A. Subbiah Pillai, Vice-President, Academy of Tamil Culture, Nimgambakkam; Dr. R. P. Sethu Pillai, Professor of Tamil, Madras University ; Mr. L. P. Kr. Ramanathan Chettiar, Professor of Tamil (Oriental), Annamalai University ; Dr. A. Chidambaranatha Chettiar, Professor of Tamil (Arts), Annamalai University ; Mr. G. Subramania Pillai, Professor of Tamil Research, Annamalai University; Mr. T. P. Meenakshisundaram NEWS AND NOTES 195 Pillai, Chief Professor of Tamil, Presidency College, Madras; Mr. T. N. Srikantiah, Professor of Kannada, Karnataka University, Dharwar ; Mr. Korada Ramakrishna Aiyah, Madras; Mr. M. P. Narayana Menon, Retired Chief Inspector of Certified Schools, Madras ; Dr. M. Varadarajan, Professor of Tamil, Pachaiyappa’s College, Madras ; Dr. M. Rajamanikkam Pillai, Professor of Tanail, Thiagarajar College, Madurai ; and Mr. P. Thirugnanasambandam. Professor of Sanskrit, Presidency College, Madras. Mr. G. Devaneya Pavanar, Reader in Comparative Philology will be Secretary of this Committee. Programme to be drawn up The inaugural meeting of the committee is to be held today at Annamalai University. The committee is expected to continue its sittings on April f) and 10 also. Several distinguished scholars in Tamil and in other Dravidian and classical languages have been invited from Madras and other States to attend the meeting. The committee, guided as it is by an outstanding authority on philology in the country and composed of distinguished experts in linguistics and scholars in Tamil and other languages of the Dravidian family and Sanskrit, is expected to consider important problems of philology and linguistics, and draw up a programme of work which may be pursued in the’ Department of Philology of Annamalai University. —The Mail, April 8, 1957. TOUR OF TAMIL DRAMATIC TEAM IN MALAYA Madras, April 7. Mr. T. K. Shanmugham and the members of his troupe who are shortly leaving for. Malaya to stage a series of dramas were entertained at a party last evening at Wood¬ lands Hotel, Mylapore, by the members of the South Indian 186 TAMIL CULTURE Artistes* Sangam and Nataka Kazhagam and Nageswaram •Vidwans’ Association. Mr. K. Subramanyam, President of the Nagaswara Vidwans’ Association and Mr. N. S. Krishnan, President of the South Indian Artistes’ Sangam and Nataka Kazhagam, referred to the services rendered by Mr. Shanmugham in the cause of Tamil drama and wished him success in his tour of Malaya. Mr. S. A. Ayyaswami Chetti, Chief Presidency Magis¬ trate, Egmore, said Mr. Shanmugham and his brother were the ambassadors of Tamil drama and culture. Mr. C. Subramaniam, Finance Minister, who presided, said the glory of reviving Tamil drama to its high position was largely due to Mr. Shanmugheun’s vmtiring and devoted work. Dramas should always be of high order, capable of spreading lofty ideals among the people. He was sure the people and the Government in this part of the country would give encouragement to good dramas. Messrs. P. Ramamurthy and Natesan then spoke. Mr. Shanmugham replied suitably. Mr. Krishnan proposed a vote of thanks. —The Hindti, April 7, 1957. Penang, April 20. The members of the T.KS. Brothers dramatic troupe were warmly received by several hundred fans to-day as they arrived in Penang on the “ State of Madras ”. The boat had scarcely berthed alongside Swettenham pier, when autograph hunters rushed for the gangway. As they came down representatives from Penang Indian clubs and associations were among the big crowd which waited at the pier. —The Hindu, April 22, 1957. Transliteration of Tamil Phonemes* into English VOWELS — a (as in among) — a: < » calm) — i ( „/ sit) w — i; ( „ machine) •- — u ( » full) met — u: ( „ rule) ST — c ( „ fed) tf — c: ( » able) S — ai ( aisle) 9 — o ( „ opinion) 9 — o; ( „ opium) Qtn — au ( .> now) CONSONANTS Hints re; articulation Hard^ « — k (as in ; king, angle, albambra) (Plosive) 9 — c ( »• church, angel, calcium) U ' t: ( • » card ?).... Retroflex - articulate with blade of tongue. — th ( 9t threat, this, thick)... .dental. u — p ( ts pipe, amber) Soft p “ t ( S* atlas, Sunday, arrears). .Retroflex- articulate with tip of tongue. lii — ng ( SI singl... .velar n (Nasal) o — nj ( t» angel)... .palatal n mr. n: ( um ?J-Retroflexnki^ iTri iculate with'tiladc of tongue. 19 — nh ( «• anthem)... .denial n ID — m ( <» mate) Medium n ( • » enter)... .Retroflex n - articulate with tip of tongue. tu .- y ( yard) (non-nasal tr — r ( red) continuant) a 1 ( »» leave)... .Alveolar 1 - articulate with tip of tongue. fii — V ( very) iP ““ 1- ( II ? )-Retroflex 1 . articulate with blade of tongue. (TT 1; ( »> hurl)-Alveolar 1 . articulate with blade of tongue. Auxiliary* •• X ( II ahead) • The Tamil phonemes may for practical purposes be-treated as having single allopbones only, except in the case of the hard consonants which have four allophones each, as shown In note 1 on the reverse. 158 TAMIL CULTURE I, The Phonemes, classified as hard, have normally an unaspirated unvoiced value but acquire the following modified values if preceded by a consonant;— (a) a slightly aspirated unvoiced value, if preceded by a plosive or hard consonant. e g., LiiT.iiiiL - is pronounced pakkham, not pakkam (b) an unaspiraled but voiced value, if preceded by a nasal or soft consonant :— e.g., (j.-uauR - is pronounced pangam, not pankam iiQatii - „ panJam, not pancam, (c) a fricative value if preceded by a non-nasal continuant or medium consonant or by the auxiliary consonant. e.g., uaia.^ becomes palfaalai not palkalai 6T.'.B. Aiyavu Naidu Street, Madras-30 and printed by K. S. B. Rajan at The Jupiter Press Private Ltd.. 109-C, Mount Road. Madras-18. Vol. VI. N6. 3 JULY, lft57 \i\. Ji/ TAMIL CULTURE JOURNAL OF THE ACADEMY OF TAMIL CULTURE Professor Sethu Pillai Doctorate Commemoration Number CONTENTS THE WESTERN INFLUENCE ON TAMIL PROSE FROM WISDOM'S ANTIQUE HOME DRAVIDIAN PHILOLOGY 'K. K., Pillay 1 John Spiers Suniti Kumar Chatterji EMPHASIS IN EARLY OLD TAMIL Kamil Zvelebil A SEAUNAL PERIOD OF INDIAN THOUGHT Xavier S. Thani Nayagam Ofl A SPECIAL LOCUTION IN SOUTHERN KANNADA S. M. Katre DR. R. P. SETHU PILLAI — An appreciation S. M, L. LAsljmanan Chettiar farviEws NEWS & NOTES SYSTEM OF TRANSLITERATION THE TAMIL SCRIPT 159 176 195 226 235 246 248 250 262 285 267 AH RSfhtt Btstrved R$. 7 yearly TAMIL CULTURE EDITORIAL BOARD : Chief Editor: Rev. Dr. XAVIER S. THANI NAYAGAM. University ot Ceylon Members; Rev. P. CBYRAC, S. J.. Loyola College Da. A. C. CHETTriAR, Annamalai University Mr. M. M. GHANI, Divisional Inspector ot Schools, Madurai. Dr. K. KANAPATUl PILI.AI, University ot Ceylon Dr. S. G. MANAVALA KAMANUJAM, Former Vice-Chancellor, Annamalai University Mr. T. P. MEENAKSHTSUNDARAM PILLAI. Presidency College Dr. S. MUHAMMAD.HUSAYN NAINAR, DjakarU, (Indonesia). Dr. K. K. PILLAI, University of Madras. Mrs. RATNA JIAVARATNAM, Dist. Inspectress of Schools, Ceylon. Mr. S. RUDRAPATHl, Central College, Bangalore. Mr. M. K. SlIANMUGHAM, Sir ‘Dicagaraya College, Madras. Mb. V. 1. SUBRAMONIAM, University of Travancore Mb. P. M. SUNDARAM, Osmania University Mr. P. THIRUGNANASAMBANDAM. Professor of Sanskrit, Presidency College. (The uflicc-hrarcr* oi ilii* Aratirmv iirr vx.4»fficio mrniltrrf ol the Eflitoriul lltiord) ACADEMY OF TAMIL CULTURE Office-bearers for 1956-57 President; The Hon'ble Mr. JUSTICE N. SOMASUNDARAM, Puisne Judge, High Court of Judicature, Madras. Vice-Presidents; Mr. R. P. SETHU PILLAL Mr. A. V. RAMAN University of Madras Mr. KARUMUTHU tiiiagarajan SUBBIAH CIIETTIAR itony. Secretaries: Dr. M. VARADARAJAN, Pachaiyappa's College Mr. M. V. PANDIAN. Loyola College. Bony. Tretuurers: Mr. V. S. THYAGARAJA MUDAUAR Mb. C. AMRITAGANESAN back Intlda caver page for names of members sf.tha CeearmlRg Ceanctl) Owing to the laic receipt'of contributions for the Professor Sethu PilLii Docioratc Commemoration number and the Caldwell Ccniciiary Commemoration number, the July and October numbers have been unavoidably delayed, for which the Editor craves the indulgence of the subscribers. Vol. VI. No. 3 JULY. 1957 TAMIL CULTURE JOURNAL OF THE ACADEMY OF TAMIL CULTURE Professor Sethu Pillai Doctorate Commemoration Number CONTENTS THE WESTERN INFLUENCE ON TAMIL PROSE K. K. Pillay 159 FROM WISDOM’S ANTIQUE HOME John Spiers 176 DRAVIDIAN PHILOLOGY Suniti Kumar Chatter] i 195 EMPHASIS IN EARLY OLD TAMIL Kamil Zvelebil 22G A SEMINAL PERIOD OF INDIAN THOUGHT Xavier S. Thani Nayagam 235 ON A SPECIAL LOCUTION IN SOUTHERN KANNADA S. M. Katre 246 DR. R. P. SETHU PILLAI — An appreciation S. M. L. Lakshmanan Chettiar 248 REVIEWS 250 NEWS & NOTES 262 SYSTEM OF TRANSLITERATION 265 THE TAMIL SCRIPT 267 All Rights Reserved Rs. 7 yearly OUR CONTRIBUTORS Dr. K. K. Pillay is Professor and Head of the Departnjent of History, University of Madras. Mr. John Spiers is Editor, Values. Dr. Suniti Kumar Chatterji is an Emeritus Professor of Comparative Philology in the University of Calcutta, the Presi¬ dent of the Asiatic Society, Calcutta and the Chairman of the West Bengal Legislative Council. Dr. Kamil Zvclebil is the Head of the Department of Dravidology, University of Prague. He has translated many Tamil works into Czech and is an indefatigable research worker. Rf'v. Dr. Xavier S. Thani Nayagam i.s founder and Chief Editor of this Journal. He i.s a member of the Department of Education, University of Ceylon. Mr. S. M. Katre is Director and Editor, Deccan College Sanskrit Dictionary Department, Poona. Mr. S. M. L. Lakshmanan Chettiar is a journalist and author, and has written a number of books of travel in Tamil. He is Public Relations Officer, Annamalai University. The Western Influence on Tamil Prose K. K PILLAY I It is a matter of pride and joy for all lovers of Tamil that the University of Madras has conferred the much- esteemed Degree of Doctor of Letters on ‘ Chollin Chelvar \ Professor R. P. Sethu Pillai. An ardent scholar and an assiduous worker in the cause of Tamil, Dr. Sethu Pillai has played a worthy role in the field of higher education and research in Tamil for well over three decades. He adorned at first the Tamil Department of the Annamalai University and has been adorning for the last two decades that of the Madras University. A brilliant and inspiring speaker, he has acquired great reputation through his lectures to students as well as to the wider public outside. It is accepted on all hands that Dr. R. P. Sethu Pillai is the master of a simple and charming style. If Tamil means sweetness, Dr. Pillai exemplifies it in an abundant mea.sure through his enchanting power of expounding ideas. His choice diction has an unfailing musical effect. His phrases are invariably rhythmical and arc always pleasing to the ear. Immensely resourceful and elegantly humorous, he has kept vast multitudes of listeners spell-bound through his skilful elucidation of themes of Tamil literature, draw¬ ing effortlessly from his perennial fountain of knowledge. TiruhkuTa.\y Ch.ila.ppadiknTnTn and KaTnhararndyancLTTi are perhaps his favourite classics, but he is equally at home with other works and themes of Tamil literature as well. A brilliant and entertaining conversationalist, he spices his conversations, no less than his .speeches and writings with appropriate illustrations and anecdotes from the boundless body of Tamil literature. Simple and affable, courteous 160 TAMIL CULTUBE and cheerful, but always dignified and elegant, he is the embodiment of all that is best in the ripe old Tamil culture. Many and varied are the subjects concerning Tamil language and literature on which he has. conducted inten¬ sive researches. Words and their Significance, Tami\aham —Orum Perum, Tiriivalluvar-Nulnayam and Chilappadi- kdra-Nulnayam, as well as works which examine the distinctive features of* Tamil and of the Tamilians like Tami\ar Viram, Tamil Inham, Tamil Virundu and those which .seek to as.sc.ss the coniributions of the Western savants to the development of Tamil are some of the numerous (hemes on which he has furnished valuable additions to knowledge. The modern school of Tamil scholars, of whom Dr. R. P. Setln.i Pillai is an outstanding representative, ha.s brought to bear the knowledge of Englisli thought and literary forms on the investigations into T'amil literatiu'e. It would not perhaps be inappropriate on this occasion of rejoicing on the conferment of the D.Ijilt. Degree on Professor Sethu Pillai that an attempt is made to estimate the influence of Western contact on the development of Tamil Prose. II Time was. and that, not too long ago, when it was con.'si^Jered a mortal .sin against patriotism to speak of the beneflls of (he Western, and particularly of the English influence on Indian life and culture. Fortunately after Indi.a ha.s secured her independence, the attitude has con¬ siderably changed for the better, and an impartial approach to quesijon.s of this kind is norv possible. But another obstacle still persists. There is a vociferous school of thought wh'ch discredits and deplores all ideas of external infli’.ence on Tamil language and literature. Obviously this altitude is the outcome of a mistaken sense of prestige and a im.sdirected lingui.stic chauvinism. Immunity from external contact in the development of a language is by no means a virtue in itself. Assimilation of new ideas and THE WESTERN INFLUENCE ON TAMIL PROSE 161 literary patterns is normally a healthy tendency which contributes to the virility and growth of a language and its literature. Isolation and Imperviousness to external contact have led to the stagnation and decadence of many a social institution. Those who have developed an exagge¬ rated and sentimental pride in their own culture and who have sedulously shut their eyes to the rest of the world have rarely escaped the force of degeneracy. It is worth¬ while recalling that centui'ies ago, the acute scholar, Alberuni, obscx’vcd that the Hindus of his time had too lofty an estimate of their own institutions. This seK-compla- cency has been hardly conducive to their progress. To realize the need for contact witlx others outside is by no means to suggest that tlxe individuality of any parti¬ cular language or institution should be allowed to be stifled by extraneous influence. It is perfectly u.nderstandable that the utmost vigilance should be exercised lest the external elements smother the distinctive merits of a lan¬ guage. It cannot be maintained that such a menace threatens Tamil now. In fact, the great merit of Tcunil has been its Ccipacity to absoi'b and assimilate the foreign elements and yet preserve its mxuked individuality. That reveals clearly the intrinsic I'csilionce of Tamil, wliich is one of the woi'ld’s earliest languages. The genius of a language is not coinpi'i.sed in its vocabulai*y, which might absorb a few words from others on account of intimate association with them. Tlierefore, neither false notions of prestige nor mistaken apprehensions of the future need handicap the attempt to assess the nature and effects of the Western impact on Tamil. Though the European contact with South India began about the 16!h century, it was only in the 18th and more particularly in the 19th centui'y that the V/estern influence was felt in the different forms of literary production in Tamil. This feature Ava."; by no means peculiar to Tamil, for almost every Indian language felt the impact of the West¬ ern ideas and literary forms. The Christian missionaries 162 TAMIL CULTURE played the principal role in this matter. Therefore, it is not surprising that the influence of the West on Tamil was remarkably great, for the activities of the Christian missionaries were much more enormous in the extreme south than in any other part of India. Several distin¬ guished missionaries like Roberi de Nobili, Beschi, Cald¬ well and G. U. Pope devoted themselves first to the study of Tamil and later to the production of works in Tamil. Naturally their proficiency in one or the other of the Western languages influenced their literary activity in Tamil. The introduction ol the printing press was one of their priceless gifts to the cormtry, and it proved to be an effec¬ tive agency in increasing and popularizing literature. No doubt, the immediate objective of the missionaries was to provide a wide circulation of the Christian literatures, but in course of time, advantage was taken of this new facility to increeise Vcistly the volume of literai'y production. Many missionaries took enthusiastically to the study of Tamil classics primarily in order to win the esteem of the local people. Thanks to their assiduous application, they suc¬ ceeded not only in mastering the glorious treasures of Tamil literature, but, what is more important, they began making certain valuable contributions to knowledge through the Tamil medium. Beginning from the latter part of the 19th century English education was making a marked progress among the intelligentsia of the country. The recipients of this new education read with enthusiasm the works of pro¬ minent English poets, novelists and other prose writers. The ideas contained in their works, as well as the literary patterns adopted by them inevitably influenced the Indian readers, particularly the most advanced among them. Before long it created a notable cliange in the world of literature. The West kindled on the Indian horizon lights that had not existed before. New forms of literary produc¬ tion appeared like the lyric, tragedy, comic opera and one THE WESTERN INFLUENCE ON TAMIL PROSE 163 act play, on the one hand, and the novel, short story, essay, biography and diary on the other. m Indeed, prose received the most marked development during the modern age, and it is no exaggeration to state that the modern Tamil prose is essentially a product of the Western influence. In the early ages of Tamil literature, prose had hardly assumed a distinct stature of its own. Introduction, gloss, explanation and interpretations of poems were all that constituted prose in the Sangam age. It has been rightly said that anything that was not poetry passed for prose.* Certain prose passages are found inter¬ spersed with poetry in such works as IJango’s Chilappadi- kdram and Perundevanar’s BMratam.^ From about the 8th century a.d. and more particularly after the 10th century a.d. Tamil prose assumed a notable prominence when several commentaries were written on the early classics. Among the most outstanding of these commentaries may be counted the works of Nakkirar, IJampuranar, Cenavarayar, Nachinarkiniyar, Adiyarku- nallar and Parimelalakar. Though these, and later com- meritaries are products of great skill and profound learning, they are highly • ornate and pedantic. At places they are more terse than the originals ; lucidity and readability are conspicuously lacking in the prose of these commentators. A prose work approaching the modern type in certain respects appeared so late as the 18th centui-y in the shape * Tolkappiyar has prescribed the essential chractciistics of good prose. But very few productions conforming to his prescriptions have come down to us. * It is a moot question whether this pattern of prose, found interspersed with poetry (Urai-idai-itta pattudaic cheyyul), was of indigenous origin or was an imitation of the Sanskrit Champu. The theory that Sanskrit and other languages borrowed the Champu from Kannada, as held by R. S. Mugali in “The Heritage of Karnataka” (1946) pp. 188-90, docs not seem con¬ vincing. For one thing, ChUappadikaram is anterior to Kavirajamarga which- refers to Cadyakatha, perhaps allied to the Champu. The earliest Champu works in Kannada available now are the Pampabharata and Adipurana, both of the 10th century a.d. 164 TAMIL CULTUBE of a semi-historical composition. This is Anandarahgan Piljai’s Diary which is written in a plain simple style. But little attention seems to have been paid to the quality of the composition; colloqualisms and local mannerisms appear far too frequently in this work of the so-called the ‘ Pepys of India as well as in the continuation of the Diary furnished by Tiruvengac^lam PUlai, the nephew of Ananda- rahgam Pijjai. Impelled by their objective of captui'ing the imagina¬ tion of the masses, the Christian missionaries took freely to writing in prose from about the 18th century. Treatises, pamphlets and exhortations appeared, which were all devoted to the expaiiation of their religious doctrines. Simultaneous with this, certain missionaries undertook ti-anslations of the celebrated literary works of the West. For instance, there appeared in the 18th century Fr. .Schultz’s translations of the Garden of Paradise and True Knowledge wliich were rendered into what were called respectively as Paradhi Toffom and Jndna Kannd^i. Ziegenbalg of the Danish Mission at Tranquebar produced early in the 18th century not only a Tamil grammar but also a Tamil translation of the Bible. However, these early attempts at translation did not prove to be natural or read¬ able. The style of the Tamil language adopted in the translations, too, left much to be desired. Despite these shortcomings, these initial efforts marked the commence¬ ment of a new epoch in literary progress. Among the early prose writers who produced original works in Tamil the prominent leader was the Rev. Robert de Nobili, the founder of the Madm-ai Jesuit Mission. For about half a century (1606-56) he laboured hard in his missionary activities, in the midst of which he devoted his aitontion with characteristic zeal to the study and subse¬ quently to the enrichment of Tamil literature. He com¬ piled a Tamil Portuguese Dictionary and wrote several prose works like the Atma Nirnayam, Kadavul Niriuiyam, Anitya-Nitya-Vityasam and TaUuvakkar^nd^i. No doubt. THE WESTERN INFLUENCE ON TAMU. PROSE 165 the themes treated in these works pertained exclusively to Christian theology and metaphysics, but they led the way to the later development of secular writings in prose. It must be admitted, however, that Robert de Nobili’s style was ornate and artificial, it was interspersed with too many Sanskrit words and idioms. But it is well to remem¬ ber that this feature was in conformity with the literary convention of his time. Unquestionably the greatest among the early mission¬ aries who contributed to the development of Tamil litera¬ ture was the celebrated Fr. Beschi, commonly known as Virama Mnnivar. Applying himself with indomitable 7.eal between 1710 and 1742 to the learning and subsequently to the production of works in Tamil, he proved himself to be a prolific and powerful writer. There was no branch of Tamil literature which he did not enrich. Prose received particular attention at his hands and though it is an exag¬ geration to hold that he is the father of modem Tamil prose, as has been suggested, there is little doubt that he made a substantial contribution towards the development of the prose style through his untiring efforts. True, the bulk of his prose works was of a polemical character, primarily intended to ridicule the protestant doctrines which were being popularized by the Danish mi.ssionaries at Tranquebar. His Vcdq'Vilak/cam (Explanation of the Sacred faith), Vedicir Olukkam (The code of the conduct of the priests), Pedaqavzuniarttal (Rebuttal of Dissent) and' Luterinattiyalhu (The Nature of the Lutheran sect) are some of his prominent books in Tamil prose. Though the theological and didactical features dominated these works they were all written in a distinctly improved Tamil style. Force and directness were admirably combined with accu¬ racy and persuasiveness in his mode of expression. Besides, he imported elegant sarcasm into his writings. This is seen at its best in his Pedacjamunarttal which contains his shrewed and pungent observations on the tertets of the Protestants. Equally interesting is his Paramdrtha Guru- 166 TAMIL CULTURE katai, a humorous satire on the preposterous pretensions of certain contemporary Matadhipathis. His language is at its best in this small book and many of his characteristic expressions found in it have become widely popular in later prose. There is little doubt that Fr. Beschi’s prose is decidedly simpler and clearer than that of Rev. Robert de Nobili. The inspiring lead given by Fr. Beschi was followed up by several other missionaries, the chief of whom was C. T. E. Rhenius. He wrote amidst other prose works, a small book known as the Veda Uddrana TiraHu, which expounds the Christian theology in a lucid and persuasive style. V/hilo the missionaries thus contributed to the growth of Tamil prose, they circumscribed the range of writing because their works were confined to the domain of religion and theology. Fortunately the efforts of the Tamilian scholars turned to wider spheres of thought, though they, too, derived their inspiration from Western writers. : ! ;'jv;r[ri Arumuka Navalar of Ceylon was one of the early prose writers who turned to secular subjects besides writing on religious themes. Having translated the Bible and render¬ ed the Periya Purdnam, Kanda Purdnam and Tiruvi\a- yddal Purdnam into prose he produced a series of text books on a variety of topics for the use of school children. He was also the author of Saiva Vind Vidai which is a catechism on Hindu religious tenets composed on the Christian model. He adopted a lucid and readable style, although he was frequently obliged to employ Sanskrit words. This feature was, again, in keeping with the trends of his time. Regarding the subjects written upon, Arumuka Nava- lar’s literary activity marks a period of transition. He still clung to the medieval tendency of devoting great attention to religious themes. But he began to deal with secular subjects in his text books for schools. After his the western influence on TAMIL PROSE 167 time the transition to the modem line of approach has become marked. The modem period of Tamil prose, beginning from the last quarter of the 19th centiu^r, is a clear break-away from that of the medieval world with its mythological and theological domination. The range of literary effort became widened, and in thus broadening the vision and creating a new sense of values, the Western influence had no small part to play. As a result of this healthy change, a virile literature and new patterns of literary activity began to appear. The Tamil novel which arose in the 19th century was one of the prominent new forms. rv To begin with, there appeared translations and adapta¬ tions of Western ^ovels. Even when attempts were made at producing original novels, for quite a long time, the inspiration was derived from the W^eslern models. Among the earliest Tamilians who tried their hand at fiction, the foremost was Mayavaram Vedanayakam Pillai, the famous author of Pratdpa Mudalidr Charitram. It purports to be the autobiography of a man of affluent circumstances, faced- with a variety of strange situations in domestic and social life. This novel has enjoyed a great popularity by virtue of its rollicking wit and realistic pen pictures, inter.spersed with appropriate proverbs and old .saws. His style is simple and direct ; his narrative is lucid and vivacious. Vedanayakam Pillai is justly given a high place among those who contributed to the development of Tamil prose in its initial stage, in the 19th century. He was also the author of less known works like his Sv,guna Sundari and Penmati Malai, but it is significant that his celebrated Pratdpa Mudalidr Charitram as well as the others are all clearly modelled on the simple Addisonian prose of English literature. Next in order of time came the novels of V. G. Surya- narayana Sastri, a profound Tamil scholar. But, while the 2 168 TAMIL CULTURE development of the plot shows his originality, as revealed particularly in his Mati Vdnan, the style he adopted was rather stilted and pompous. Saravana Pillai wrote the novel, Mohandngi which proved to be typical of the increasingly popular type of realistic fiction. It is perti¬ nent to observe that the story of Mohandngi was shaped on the pattern of Charles Kingsley’s Hypatia. Other realistic novels of the period included Srinivasa Aiyangar’s Pdri Tulai (The Tiller’s Daughter) and Rajavelu Chetti- yar’s Anbdnandam, but it is well to remember that the plots of these respective novels were derived from con¬ temporary English novels. In the sphere of realistic fiction woven around the social life of the Tamils, the most outstanding success was achieved by the Kamaldmhal Charitram of B. R. Rajam Aiyar, written in the last decade of the 19th century. The author himself states that he took Goldsmith’s The Vicar of Wakefield as his model. But it is well to note that the Kamaldmbdl Charitram proved to be something more than a parrot-like imitation of the original. It was admi¬ rably attuned to the Tamilian environment, and even today, this novel has not lost its popularity. The style employed by B. R. Rajam Aiyar has also contributed to its success. He has written it in vigorous prose, though occasionally it tended to become ornate. He has revealed his marvellous power of narrating incidents in quick suc¬ cession with a tempo and poise that serve to sustain the continued interest of the reader. About the same time there appeared Madhavaiah’s Padmdvati Charitram, which, as a piece of literary art is superior to Kamaldmbdl Chari¬ tram. Madhavaiah wrote his novels with a purpose. He wanted to employ fiction as an agency of social reform, on the model of Charles Dickens. The style was often more vigorous than that of Rajam Aiyar, and it maintained a higher level of elegance. The impetus given by these writers to Tamil fiction has been followed by ntunerous others since the beginning THE WESTERN INFLUENCE ON TAMIL PROSE 169 of this century. Alongside with many original novels, there have continued to appear translations and adapta¬ tions of foreign works. It is interesting to observe that besides Western novels like those of Tolstoy and Hardy, Scott and Dickens, novels which had appeared in Bengali and other Indian languages, too, have been adapted into Tamil. Natesa Sastri adapted English novels like The Massacre of Glencoe and Mrs. Candle’s Curtain Lectures. His own independent novel, Dinadayd\u, woven around the typical joint family, is realistic and interesting. His style, however, is ponderous and overladen with pedantic expressions. A simpler and more lucid type of prose was adopted by Ponnuswamy Pillai, Arni Kuppuswami Muda- liar, Vaduvur DoraiswamL Aiyangar and others who either adapted or closely imitated the works of the well-known English novelist, G. W. M. Reynolds. Tamil fiction became popular at their hands. Though they seem to have cared more for the plot than for the style, on the whole, they, too, have contributed to the growth of Tamil prose. In very recent times historical novels like the S'iwa- kdmiyin S'apadam and Partipan Kanavu have been written by Kalki based on local setting against the background of the Pallava and Chola empires of old. The historical novel provides ample scope for narration and thus for the deve¬ lopment of prose. Kalki adopted a simple and lucid style in a humanistic vein, but never sacrificing elegance and equipoise. Besides the historical novels he has written other novels like Tydgabhiimi, Alai Os’ai, and he was also a Tamil journalist of a high order. Though he has followed Western writers in respect of the plot, he has woven the stories in his own way. His style of writing has inspired several of his younger contemporaries and thus he hsis contributed to the development of Tamil prose in no small measure. Now there appear quite a large number of realistic novels and several promising writers have risen in the field. The increasing popularity of the novel has its direct infllu- 170 TAMIL CULTURE ence on the growth of the prose. However, it is not always that a high standard of elegance is maintained either in respect of the plot or of the style. The fantastic taste of the Talkie fans and the imitation of certain low types of Western novels have adversely affected the patterns of the novels and short stories as well as their prose style. Occa¬ sionally the attempt at employing pure Tamil is noticeable. While this by itself is a welcome feature, more often than not, the style is wasted on unworthy themes, and hence it becomes an artificial and stilted misfit. V The short story is essentially a product of modern times, and it owes its inspiration almost exclusively to the West. Though the Tolkdppiyam speaks of a pattern of prose suited to story writing and though stories occasionally occur in certain classics, the short story as such is a feature of recent development. In this sphere, too, Fr. Beschi led the way, but it has proved immensely popular at the hands of the Tamil writers of this century. Sporadic attempts made by V. V. S. Aiyar and Marai Malai Adikal have been ably followed up by writers like ‘ Kalki ‘ Pudumai Pittan ’, Rajagopalan and a host of others. Now the writers of short stories are a legion. The didactic feature of many of the earlier stories was far too obtrusive. But, more recejilly ihe writers employ realistic themes, based on situations of every day life, particularly of the middle class society. The despicable lot of the widow, ihe overbearing tyranny of the mother-in-lav/, the pitiable position of the unemployed among the educated, the consequences of the disintegration of the traditional joint family system—these and similar features have provided endless themes at the hands of imaginative writers. This tendency has received its reinforcement from the ^Vestern models. Several stories found in Western languages have been either translated or adapted. Pudumai Pittan’s translations of stories have appeared in two volumes, while his independent stories reveal, not infrequently the influence of Kipling, Tolstoy 171 THE WESTEHN INFLUENCE ON TAMIL PROSE and other foreign writers. K. P. Rajagopalan, too, has produced several realistic stories of his own, in the midst of which, he has translated into elegant Tamil the famous story of Dr, Jekyll and Mr. Hyde. It is important to observe that the serious type of story, not necessarily didactical in aim, but elegant and edifying in itself is not much in favour now. In the West though even the vulgar type of story has frequently appeared, there have continued to eirise ennobling stories of a high order, in resjiect of the plot, delienation of character and the style of narration. Perhaps it is not impertinent to suggest in this connection that the novel and still more, the short story demand a distinct elevation to a high and elegant standard. That would not only ennoble the prose style of I'amil but also the social outlook of the Tamilians. VI Even more than the novel and the short story, the essay of the modern type owes its origin to the Western model. The essay, as ‘ a loose sally of the mind ’ and yet appearing ‘as a skilful piece of art, had attained a high standard of proficiency in English and several other Euro¬ pean languages even by the 18th century, and has been, since then, develop>ed enormously. In Tamilnad, as else¬ where, the most prominent agency for the popularisation of the essay as well as the short story is journalism, particular¬ ly through periodicals like the Quarterlies, Monthlies and Weeklies. In this direction, too, the original lead in Tamil Nad, was given by the Christian missionaries. The earhest pieriodical journal, the Taviil Patrika was begun in 1831 through Missionary effort. This journal provided pre¬ eminently essays on religion and theology, though articles of secular interest, too appeared occasionally. About the middle of the 19th century there arose several monthly magazines, established by the missionaries in the extreme south of Tamil Nad. The S'uvis'e^a Prabala VUdkkam of Nagercoil, the Narpotakam, Jndna Snehan, and Dina 172 TAMIL CULTURE Vartamdni of Palayarokottai and Des'opofcdri of Neyyoor were some of the most prominent among them. The primary object of these journals was religious propaganda. Nevertheless, _ they helped the growth of the essay as a literary production. They were pre-eminently intended for the common masses and, therefore, they were written in an easy and intelligible style. This initial impulse given to the essay provided the impetus for Tamil scholarsbf the land to turn to the writing of essays on secular themes. In 1865 certain Hindu scholars started the journal called the Viveka Vilakkam with the object of drawing the attention of jjeople to the glaring superstitions which permeated the Hindu .rt-bout the same time there appeared the Amrita Vachani, and still later the Viveka Chintdmani which were all intended to provide an up-to-date knowledge on current affairs and to improve the position of women in particular. Soon the S'en Tamil of the Madurai Tamil S'ahgam appeared as a high class literary journal, while the Siddhdnta Dipikai arose as a periodical devoted to the S'aiva Siddhanta philosophy. Now there are myriads of Monthlies and Weeklies, devoted to essays and short stories. But, more often than not, the story seems to hustle out the essay. This tendency deserves to be altered. Much more than the short story or the novel, it is the essay that calls for a judicious and balanced exposition of ideas. Cogent marshalling of facts, persuasive reasoning, lucid presentation and accurate expression are essential requisites of a good essay. In fact, the standard of prose aftMned in any language is judged largely by the proficiency shown in producing clear, well reasoned and coherent essays, presenting idea’s lucidly without sacrificing accuracy. Neither rhythm nor allitera¬ tion in prose should be achieved at the expense of accuracy. A certain measure of commendable progress has been reached by writers like Chelvakkesavaraya Mudaliar, THE WESTERN INFLUENCE ON TAMIL PROSE 173 Dr. Swaminatha Aiyar, Marai Malai Adikal, T. V. Kalyana- sundara Mudaliar, Pandithamani Kadiresan Chettiar, N. M. Venkataswami Nattar, Dr. R. P. Sethu Pillai, K. V. Jagannathan, T. P. Minakshisundaranar, Dr. A. C. Chettiar and Dr. M. Varadarajan. They have devoted careful attention to the subject-matter as well as to the style. Some of them, particularly like T. V. Kalyanasundara Mudaliar, attained a high level of excellence even in the matter of presenting the most abstruse concepts in simple and readable style. But, on the whole, the essay as a lite¬ rary form deserves much greater attention than has yet been devoted to it. True, the essay is promoted by the needs of schools and colleges ; periodicals are on the increase and several promising aspirants are in the field. But essays of the scholarly type, dealing with the higher realms of thought, have to be attempted much more systematically than has been done as yet. The higher range of thought in Philosophy, History, Literary and Art criticism, not to speak of the Physical and Natural Sciences has still to be handled by competent writers. vn In respect of the need for developing the art of express¬ ing up-to-date scientific knowledge, much remains to be achieved. In this sphere, too, the/heginnings made by Western scholars almost a century ago deserve to be emulated on a much larger scale than ever before. As early as 1830 a history of the world was written in Tamil by Dr. Schmidt. Dr. Carrol wrote in 1855 the earliest Tamil book of Algebra, while David Solomon published the Ksetraganitam, the earliest Tamil book on Geometry. S. P. Green produced books on Chemistry, Pharmacopoeia, Physiology and Astronomy, all based on Western works. Rhenius wrote on Nature and Geography, while Arnold produced a treatise on the history of the World. A remark¬ ably interesting work prepared by Charles Xavier in 1857 was the Jati VHakkam, which provides an anthropological and sociological study of the castes and tribes of Tamil 174 TAMIL CULTUHB Nad. Although the style adopted in these early works left much scope for improvranent, the bold beginnings under¬ taken by the foreigners were indeed inspiring. But even a hundred years after these pioneering efforts, although niunerous school books have appeared on the Sciences, still the progress achieved in the sphere of advanced scientific studies is by no means adequate. This is a situation which calls for immediate and careful atten¬ tion. Regarding the pattern of technical terms to be adopted, expert committees have been appointed and they have done some useful work. But, still the fundamental question as to the desirability or otherwise of foreign technical terms has led to protracted controversies with the result that vexatious confusion has ensued. It is time that a final decision on a uniform terminology was taken and adopted. Perhaps, in the present situation, it would be easier and more appropriate to employ the English techni¬ cal terms wherever necessary rather than hastily invent cumbrous equivalents for them in Tamil. This step would facilitate advanced study and specialisation in the Sciences. Equally imperative is the need for settling the parti¬ cular pattern of prose that has to be systematically culti¬ vated. An unduly prolonged controversy has continued as to whether extraneous words are to be eschewed or absorbed. On this question feelings have run high and considerations of political implications have delayed a final settlement. Whether the written language should closely correspond to the spoken tongue or whether a pure and unmixed pattern is to be sedulously cultivated are ques¬ tions which have produced acrimonious differences of views. On this matter, loo, a prompt decision is impera¬ tive. Otherwise, an artificial caste distinction may arise in respect of literary works which will handicap the unity and advancement of Tamil prose. Total purism in style is as unreasonable as the wholesale adoption of hybrid coUoqualisms marring the individualistic traits of Tamil. Perhaps a spirit of accommodation can be counselled. THK WESTERN INFLUENCE ON TAMIL PROSE 175 Wherever suitable Tamil words have been in vogue, by all means, they alone should be employed. At the same time non-Tamil words which have been used for a long time and for which easy Tamil equivalents are not avail¬ able may well be continued. If the new enthusiasm for the regional language is to be turned to good account and if the volume as well as the quality of prose literature on all subjects is to improve, these controversies have to be settled, and settled soon. From Wisdom’s Antique Home JOHN SPIERS By the use of the tenn Wisdom of South India we hasten to say we have no intention of fostering any political, regional or other rivalry. But, as G. T. Garrat has said about New Delhi architecture, there is a damnosa hereditas, a heritage of ruin, entrenched in North India. The spirit of the North has been flattened by a succession of over¬ lapping, devastating invasions. The result is a psychic anaemia. As in the mechanized countries of Europe and America, or wherever the process called progress thrusts its fungoid growth of packing-case buildings, concrete highways and its glittering array of gimmicks. North India has suffered for millennia from they same desolation of spirit. It may not be long before this same disease of the soul of man insidiously attacks the quiet corners of South India too, but there is at least still time to sound a warning note before we lose sight altogether of that most antique but precious commonsense which we mean when we use the word Wisdom. Social and Spiritual Values The mechanical measurement of values results in a distorted appraisal of what is worth-while for humanity. Last month we referred to hub and rim cultures. We said that in the coolie could be found the secret ingredients for the emergence of the Yogi. Outside, in mechanical esti¬ mation, the coolie is a nobody, mere robot hands, limbs and strong back to clear away muck, to be employed like an animal to push a cartload. But he has certain rich vertical characteristics which redeem him in spiritual content, giving him a status far beyond his deplorable social condition. 177 from WISDOM'S ANTIQUE HOME * This indeed is partly true of the dispossessed of society everywhere, but poverty’s brutalizing effects have been less noticeable in the Indian coolie for the reason that he is the living heir of an ancient legacy which has inwardly nourished him with a spiritual dignity, in spite of a cruel pariah fate. The pariah-coolie can be easily transformed into a res¬ pectable civilized man. A little learning, hair-dressing, tailoring and the assimilation of the superficial tricks of etiquette, with some of the accessories of modern life, such as the Parker pen and the Swiss watch, and he will be indistinguishable from the standard type who at present feels modern and in the forefront of the world today. Pro- bably also our Pygmalion-coolie could make a tolerable standard speech at any club or university dinner. Western social values are noL so hard to acquire. But when we think of transforming his dialectical counterpart, the gimmick-educated product of the rim- culture into the contemplalive-motivated human being, the task is well-nigh impossible. We have to deal with an interior soil which is usually blighted and sterile. That is why, and not for pliysiological reasons, it is so very hard for the “ modern ” man to become a Yogi. Interior values go counter to the external. Values dei>ending upon mastering a skill can be somehow acquired. Values arising from human understanding cannot be attained at all through action and skill. Stillness, silence, reason, contemplation and insight are necessary concomit¬ ants, and also a certain indiffere’nce to what is happening in the world, and an outward kind of lazy relaxation, an attitude quite counter-balanced however, by the steady, bright awareness within. This is the Yogi-character, and this is implicit in the South Indian coolie, and it is from this kind of nature that the Wisdom-Teacher or Guru is born. 178 TAMIL CULTURE Why Gurus are Unpopular When the notion of the Guru is presented, there is always an uncomfortable tension aroused, even in India. Why is this ? We are familiar with the biblical story of Martha and Mary ; the one was the busy bee full of homely and home-making virtues, ever active and serviceable ; the other, apparently a lazy, good-for-nothing was neverthe¬ less praised against all conventions, by a Wise Man, because she took time off at an inopportune moment to sit at His feet just to absorb His words. Why did she do so ? Both these questions are rooted in a Guru-situation which demands some analysis as it is basic to the under¬ standing of the Wisdom of South India. We can dismiss the modern resentment at anything savouring of piety and the goody-goody. The Gurus have all been fairly hetero¬ dox in matters of religious behaviour. For them the Sabbath was made for man and not vice-versa. They have always been regarded as disturbing elements in society and religion. No, the chief reason for the dislike of the Guru is really a form of intense spiritual envy or jealousy. The special name for this in Sanskrit is asuya. All the pretenders to Wisdom invariably recognize the wise man, He arouses their immediate opposition. They feel in terrible danger of exposure. Comfortable face-values can no longer be maintained in the presence of a Guru. The folly and absur¬ dity, passed-off as spirituality, gets a death-blow. All forms of caste harshness, brahminical and patriotic, and conceits due to ancestry, wealth, position and academic pretension are quickly disposed of by a few penetrating remarks. Nobody likes this sort of thing. The Guru cannot help being a revaluator of fixed notions. Even if he would like to, he cannot hide his wis¬ dom. Truth is as much a habit with him as hypocrisy is a FROM wisdom's ANTIQUE HOME 179 habit with the majority of respectable conformists. So his presence is naturally a source of deeply-rooted antagonism to the social ego. He is therefore smeared with all kinds of charges — of being a corrupter of youth (like Socrates), a danger to the state and to religion (like Jesus) an icono¬ clastic rationalist or Buddhist in disguise (like Sankara) — or just impossible or mad. It is not surprising, therefore, to find the Guru rousing the spiritual envy of those whose secure ways of life are exposed as basically false. The man who knows what he is talking about is just an intolera¬ ble nuisance. Wisdom as a Ruling Science The Wisdom Teachers are not opposed to the social advantages of mechanics and invention. Everything sup¬ porting the genius and intelligence of humanity is welcome. But the two sides of human nature, the material and the spiritual, must be neatly adjusted and not be, as at present, all lopsided because of the emphasis on superficial achieve¬ ments. Material values have lo be delicately and unitively related to Wisdom values. Values emerging from the world of physics such as the usefulness of atomic energy have to be subordinated to higher values coming from more important biological facts, such as the single human species. “ A common energy for the common man’s welfare " would be the formula here. To realize this all the time in all human affairs requires a more imperative or commanding science to crown the rest. This science is the speciality of the man of unitive vision, the Yogi, and its name is Dialec¬ tics. This Greek term means uniting {yukta, yoking) both sides of a given situation together in the interests of the universal. It is this science of Dialectics or Yoga which is the mark of Wisdom in the world. In this the Guru is the qualified expert. Some day the history of' contemplative man will be written. June divided human beings into two types, the 180 TAMIL CULTURfi introvert and the extrovert. There is the nuin who looks and lives within and the man whose life is tvimed outwards to action and physical pleasure. But it would be more correct to say that both types of human character are present in every human being. The one usually dominates over the other because of several factors, mainly of an environmental nature. The environmental factor has enabled Wisdom to survive in out-of-the-way places like South India. That is why it is a cause for alarm when the environment suffers a change, as when this long-sheltered region is imperilled by both unsympathetic extroverts and by an internal indifference to the present danger. South Indians are indeed disturbed by the alien flood steadily rising around their cultural doors, but they are generally inclined to see its superficial aspects and to think of it merely in terms of political action. This is highly coloured by a new kind of local linguistic patriotism which itself is foreign to their ancient culture and best interests. The surge of the world flood can be met best by a world approach, outside the merely comparatively trivial Indian or Asiatic situation ; and such a world approach accords too more easily with South Indian’s deepest cultural roots since in prehistoric times South India was part of a civilization which was global in character. So it is to that antique background that we now turn for a glimpse of part of the history of contemplative man. The Aryan Myth The figures reproduced in Values cover this month form the starting-point of such a history. Central is the earliest known representation of the Yogi. It is both pre¬ historic and pre-Aryan. It is the enlarged drawing of the impression of a steatite (soapstone) seal found in the north¬ west region of the Indian sub-continent, at a village called Mohenjo-Daro, on the banks of the Indus, in what is now part of Pakistan. 181 FROM wisdom’s ANTIQTJE HOME The first Indus Valley discoveries were made by acci¬ dent in the winter of 1923 by a staff member of the Depart¬ ment of Archaeology, Mr. R. D. BaTnerji. Later excavations have yielded overwhelming evidence of a revolutionary order which turns completely upside down all the theories connected hitherto with the ancient history, of India. A new history and a new prehistory has yet to be written. As for its relation to the history of Indian philosophy, the full import of these discoveries is hardly recognized. Prior to this discovery of a civilization akin to that of modern South India and extinct Sumeria of 4000 B.C.. the belief was almost universally held that the Aryans came to India as a superior people who civilized the great mass of India s inhabitants. It was taught that everything that was worthwhile, from civic life to the common crafts, from the arts of life to the institutions of government, up to religion and philosophy in India, was entirely due to the “ noble ” or “ Aryan ” newcomers. This of course was their own account. It was foisted upon the pages of history and it was accepted even by scholars and historians. No other record was of course available — the Aryans had seen to that. They also propa¬ gated the legend of having come to India very many thousands of years b.c. “ Indra Stands Accused ” Well, the truth in time comes out even out of the grave, as it were, of the great cities the Aryans destroyed. The eloquent records revealed by the diligence of excavators and from other sources that we now know to look for has utterly shattered the whole of this self-propagated myth. We are now able to see that the very reverse of the Aryan picture of Indian history is true. The Aryans are seen to be just like any other group of pillaging destructive invaders. They had the advantage of a new weapon of 182 TAMIL CULTURE war, the fast spoke-wheeled horse-chariot. Their date of entry is more or less agreed upon by reliable scholars to have been about 1700 to 1500 b.c. The chariot-using horde not only advanced into India, burning the cities and destroying all records ; they also advanced into Sumeria in South Mesopotamia and further West into Palestine, into Asia Minor and as far as Greece. Each locality gave them a new name, but the common features everywhere are too weighty to be overlooked. In distant Greece the coming of the Achseans and the later wave of Dorians, who brought the Olympic deities (who ousted slowly the prehistoric Dionysian religion), and of course the horse-chariot, are all points in common with what happened elsewhere. In Asia Minor they were the Mitanni who specialized in horse-training with chariots and exported them to Egypt, the date here being well esta¬ blished, for Amenhotep I of Egypt got his chariots about 1550 B.c. A particularly ferocious group of Aryans were a terror even to their own kin in India and became the Asuras or Assyrians “ who came down like a wolf on the fold ”, again with the war-chariot. All over the Fertile Crescent, from the Mediterranean to the Persian Gulf, the overlords spoke a language recognized as “ Aryan ” by philologists and distinct from the agglutinative speech of the people which had affinities with the language-group now spoken only in South India and a few odd corners of the rest of India as living fossil elements, and known collectively as Dravidian. From the philosophic point of view we see that the Aryans, wherever they went, were of the mainly extro¬ verted type common to all aggressors. Their deities give them away, since their gods were their hypostatized values. As Prof. Stuart Piggott remarks in Prehistoric India to 100 B.c. (Pelican, 1950, p. 260) ; FROM wisdom's ANTIQUE HOME 183 Indra, (in the Rig Veda ).. ,is the apotheosis of the Aryan battle-leader; strong-armed, colossal, tawny-bearded, and i>ot-bellied from drinking, he wields the thunderbolt in his more god-like mo¬ ments, but fights like a hero with bow and arrows from his chariot. ‘He is strong, yoimg, immortal and ancient,’ as Keith puts it; his appetite is enor¬ mous and he devours prodigious quantities of beef, porridge and cakes, swUling them down with the intoxicating soma or with mead, and both his drunkenness euid its after-effects are described with convincing fidelity. (It is) artless barbarism... so cvuiously transmitted in the sophisticated Sanskrit verse. In the Rig Veda (I, 53), Indra is praised for “over¬ throwing twice ten kings of men ” and “ destroying castle after castle ’’ of the non-Aryans, who are said to be nose¬ less (anasa), dark-skinned, and speaking an unintelligible speech. But they had vast stores of gold which the Aryans grabbed. These forts and castles were formerly thought to be mythological, for they were somewhat out of accord with the Aryan picture of a mass of primitive uncivilized people. But now, as Prof. Wheeler says in Ancient India (No. 3, 1947, p. 88) : The recent excavation of Harappa may be thought to have changed the picture. Here we have a highly evolved civilization of essentially non- Aryan type, now known to have employed massive fortifications, and known also to have dominated the river-system of north-western India at a time not distant from the likely period of the earlier Aryan invasions of that region... On circum¬ stantial evidence, Indra stands accused. We can certainly look in vain for anything of the con¬ templative life or the yogic disposition in this ancient Aryan 184 TAMIL CULTURE society or in its early literature such as the Rig Veda. As far as concerns the life of Wisdom, the Aryan contribution has just been another damnosa hereditas referred to earlier. Historians and Guesswork The pre-Aryan people of Mesopotamia referred to the Aryans as the Amurru, “ people who had never known a city,” The word ur for city, common to the whole region from Palestine to Cape Comorin, inclusive of that Ur where Abraham was born, still survives in the languages of South India, where thousands of place-names have this suffix. The place-names on the prehistoric map of Sumeria and of modem South India are so similar that you might think you were in rapport with one consolidated territory. The Bangalore where this is written is really the anglicization of Bangal-ur, for example. Step by step, from site to site, from the Indus Valley to Minoan Crete in the Mediterranean, When one gathers together the findings of various experts in archaeology, anthropology, mythology, linguistics, geography and even ancient hydrology, and when one looks at it all from the viewpoint of Southern Asia rather than from that of Wes¬ tern Europe, a new image of the past slowly swims into the imaginative eye. Of course it is guesswork based on much diffuse and scattered fact. But all prehistory and much of what passes for recorded history is mostly the guesswork of experts who, provided they have enough university degrees and good publicity, get away with almost anything. It is a kind of academic browbeating. This need not trouble us here where the facts, evidence and affinities are so over¬ whelmingly plentiful. In this respect Piggott for instance, is better qualified than his contemporary Woolley because he is capable of seeing the Eastern historical scene with Oriental awareness. Piggott, for instance, is quick to note rnoM wisdom's antique home 186 the televance of the pipal tree (ficus religiosa), that ancdent sacred fig under which the Buddha like the prehistoric first Ypgi, Siva, sat in contemplation. But when Woolley finds a chain of golden pipal leaves at 6000-year old Ur of the Chaldees, he is mentally still dreaming of dear old Bnglish woodlands and calls them “ beech leaves ”—as if the beech tree ever grew in the tropics of Asia ! Ecstatic Religion In surveying all these ancient civilizations we find a common religious attitude which is ecstatic and virile. The bull and the hngam or phallus, the leafy glade, the sacred tree and the wild animals all belong together, with the high place for worship, the use of oil for anointing, and the temple pool for the ritual bath or baptism, while the wor¬ shipper is alternately in a frenzied abandon of terrible dancing joy and at other times simk in deep mystical union with the moon-crowned or horned God. It is there on the frescoes of the Palace of Minos in Crete, or in the wall- paintings of the mysterious Etruscans in North Italy. We find it referred to (naturally in horrified terms) in the Bible, in the worship of the Golden Bull or Calf (a “ retro¬ gression ” which shocked Moses), and we can trace its symbols on pottery right across Eastern Asia from the shores of India to the shores of the Mediterranean. In the Bacchae of Euripides too, where one of the curious legends concerning Dionysos is dramatized, we are told that the God came from Asia. He intoxicates everyone with his divine madness and like a Pied Piper of the Absolute goes off with the women of the court into the mountain-forest. Dr. Jane Harrison, writing of Dionysos in The Myths of Greece and Rome (Benn. 1928, pp. 75-77) provides us with some comment which might well apply to the type of religion we are discussing as common throughout the whole of this East-West, region.. l86 tAMII. CULTURB The worship of Dionysos has one characteristic that distinguishes him from the other gods, and is of special interest in helping us to understand the making of a god. Dionysos is always accom¬ panied by a worshipping band, a thiasos... Dionysos is the god of ecstasy... By becoming one with the god he had projected, the worshipper of Dionysos attained immortality. That is the doctrine of each and every mystery religion. No one sought to become Zeus, or Athene, or Apollo. That would have seemed folly and insolence. And she quotes the following from Euripides : Invocation to Dionysos Appear, appear, whatso thy shape or name, O Mountain Bull, Snake of the Hundred Heads, Lion of the Burning Flame ! O God, Beast, Mystery, come ! And then comments : The mystery gods represent the supreme golden moment of Greek m 3 rthology. They are,caught, fettered for an instant in lovely human shapes; but they are life-spirits barely held ; they shift and change. Dionysos is a human youth, lovely with curled hair, but in a moment he is a wild bull and a burning flame. The beauty and the thrill of it! Barely held — yes — because they were quickly ousted by the Aryan family of gods, by Zeus Pater (Sanskrit Dyaus Pitar), Ouranos (Varuna), Hulios (Surya), etc. But the tree and the dance left their old traces, and we have the Christmas Tree and the Maypole and other peasant relics of the old Dionysiac religion. The sacred stones and circles have all their silent message for the modem Dionysian. HftOM wisdom’s antxqxts home 187 This prehistoric religion is still the dominant religion of India. It is not a religion much distinguished by sacred books. It is linked with that natural pantheism or hylo- zoism which recognizes deity in stone, river, tree and animal, as well as in man. The messages of its graven images are profovmder and more affective to the naturally contemplative coolie-pariah masses than the mere repetition of fixed creeds. Frenzy is still possible and can be indulged in unashamedly. The individual man or woman worship¬ per can enjoy the luminous or divine shivering to find peace of mind. Indeed, a pinch or even a good dose of this genuine ecstasy infused into the hard sin-soaked core of modem Christianity would go a long way in making many people healthy and sane, particularly if they could throw off the heavy weight of guilt, shame and sin. The Siva religion is one of joy. The very name of the Deity means Auspici¬ ous One. As the greatest breakers of the natural law of human kindliness themselves and with a guilt conscience, the Aryans hated this God of the people, and emphasized the darker aspects of His nature. The Aryan spirit is far too much in evidence in the world at large, A revised look at history, bearing in mind what is already self-evident in South India, gives us warning of what breaks up human solidarity, so that we can be on our guard. India’s Cultural Roots A religion of happiness and joyous abandon encourages the arts of peace and culture. Whatever is best in Indian cxilture derives its origin, either directly or by adoption from the over-nm pre-Aryan peoples. Graecia capta ferum victorem cepit, et artes intulit agresii Latio. “ Con¬ quered Greece took her savage conqueror captive, and introduced the arts into rustic Latixun." While the whirl- 183 TAMIL CULTURE wind destruction was furiously raging, a centripetal trans¬ formation was slowly going on and, imwittingly, the cul¬ tured vanquished had the task of civilizing the conquering invaders, those, “ who had never known a city.” The entire plan of the cities and the very style of the houses, as we now know, from the evidence of the npns, and by comparison with their faithful existing patterns still enduring in the Tamil South, with their pillared inner courts, exact replicas of the houses reconstructed at Ur of the Chaldees and at Mohenjo-Daro, were adopted by the Aryans when at last they had to settle down. They took the credit to themselves, and only these latter-day dis¬ coveries have given the show-down, after 3500 years of lies. And so too with the arts and industries—the cultiva¬ tion of cotton, of wheat and barley and most probably rice, brickmaking, drainage, ox-transport and shipping, the domestication of bull and buffallo, goat, sheep and pigs, the ass, horse and elephant, and sculpture and writing, games and measurement. India has this year gone over to the decimal system of coinage. The Indian rupee has been divided till now into sixteen annas. This curious measure, we now know, is a further proof of the dependence of the Aryans on the civili¬ zation they found in the Indus Valley. For the counting there, as proved by the innumerable weights found, ran in the ratio of 1, 2, 4, 8, 16, 32, 64, etc. (see Piggott, p. 181). The early Indian and non-Aryan culture survived in the South due to a set of fortunate circumstances. Nature’s own defences of great forests, mountains and deep seas, provided a safe cultural “ island ”. There were also the defences of Dravidian Andhras and later that brave people, now known as Marathas, at one time spread across India from coast to coast, a people speaking an Aryan language, it is true, one which had been forced upon them by circum- 189 FROM wisdom’s ANTIQUE HOME stances, but who were and still are, apparented to the an¬ cestors of their Dravidian cousins. A very large percentage of the peoples of North India are of the same prehistoric and pre-Aryan stock as the Marathas and the Dravidians. But, unlike the South, they have been living unhappily in a region wide open to land invasions. The exposed plains of the North have been the open battlefield of period ic external aggressors — Greeks, Sakas, Scythians, Kushans, Huns, Gujaras and Mughals, followed in recent times by Europeans. All this has dis¬ rupted the continuity of life, preventing that development of deep cultural roots which long-established security ensures. After a period lasting perhaps 1500 years, the early “noble” barbarians managed to build up in North India a society which developed a hierarchical caste system, and invented a literary Esperanto called Sanskrit, out of the tribal dialects of their ancestors, and about the fifth century a.d. reached a cultural peak during the reign of the Guplas. It was the age of Kalidasa. He was a devotee of Siva and it is an irony of fate that the greatest period of Aryan glory elevated to the supreme height of literature the God of the people they had originally despised. Two-Way Traffic in Sanskrit While the brahmins were more and more consolidating their theocratic position through Sanskrit, we have to note a counter-movement going on inside Sanskrit itself due to the subtle skill of the Gurus. We can illustrate this by the way we are ourselves using the English language in Values to give expression to ideas which are entirely novel to British or ‘ American ” thought. Skilled theologians like the late Dean Inge were quick to recognize what they deplored as the “ Orientalization ” of Europe through European languages. In the same way, through the sub¬ lime poetry of Wisdom-poets like Kalidasa, and even more so by outright Guru-philosophers like Sankara, Madhva 190 TAMIL CVLTUBK and Ramanuja—all from the South but recognized as the greatest philosophic trio of India — the Aryan thought- citadel was itself invaded from within. Ideas stemming from the relativistic Vedas were revalued and given a subtle contemplative character. The ideological result was that while the Sanskrit framework remained, its living “ Aryan ” body was in¬ habited by a “ Dravidian ” soul. It only remained for later Gurus such as Narayana Guru (1854-1928) to complete the reformulation of Indian thought by bringing all this re¬ valuation of spirituality into the open. Thus the language of a dominant priesthood has been reformed by the poets into a language of literary beauty and by the Gurus into a model for the finest philosophic thought. Its cultivation now need no longer be felt to be obstructive to the resurgence of the age-old open values belonging to the true pre-Sanskrit or pre-Aryan spirituality or culture of India. Historical. Clarification The survival in South India of a culture of ancestral affinity with the stable trading civilizations of 6000 years ago, and the many links disclosed by the evidences from the Indus Valley and by further review of the pre-Aryan world from the Mediterranean to the Coromandel, clears up much that is baffling. We^ have to remember too that “ geologi¬ cally, the present desert exreas of the Sahara and Arabia, Mesopotamia, etc., were fertile grasslands up to 1000 B.C.” as Woolley informs us (Digging Up the Past, Benn, 1933). Sayce was astonished in discovering, 70 years ago, that logs of Malabar teakwood were used in the temple of the Moon at Mugheir and in the palace of Nebuchadnezzar, the King of Babylon. A kind of checkers game found at Ur is still in use by the peasantry of South India, 5000 years later. The same Babylonian names for deities (long dead and FROM WISDOM'S ANTIQUE HOME 191 gone) are used by the Todas of the Nilgiris in their sacred chants (kwarshms) — names like Ishtar, Enlil, Sin, Ninlil, Anu or On, and Ninurtha — a neat piece of linguistic archaeology discovered by Prince Peter of Greece (see his Monograph, Madras Govt. Museum, 1951). The saddle type of grinding-stone used for grinding spices (and not, as most Western archaeologists suppose, for corn) found almo.'^t universally in Ihe pre-Aryan world, in the Mediterranean and Egypt etc., is still indispensable in South India — but not, oddly enough, in North India, where alien influences as elsev.'here, have long obliterated its use. Even when shifted to totally new and modern environments such as Singapore, in kitchens of the latest design, with electric stoves and refrigeration etc., the women of South India retain this prehistoric grinding stone, and I have even known Indian families to take it with them to Europe. ' We can now understand too why there was a literary blackout up to the time of the Buddha, altho\igh the Indus Valley seals contain hxindrcds of distinctive ideographic characters, and although the oldest Tamil records speak of former lost works. The Aryans were thorough in their destruction of ihe records. We can also make a fairly accurate guess as to why the Tamil Guru Tirm'alluvar, 2000 years ago, had to remind the Tamil people of the low value of meat-eating. He was probably dealing with a new custom introduced from out¬ side. This accounts also for the emphasis on ahimsa by both the Jain Guru Mahavira and by the Buddha. The appeal of all these Gurus was direct to the people, and not to the Vedic texts. As Nataraja Guru once told me during a discussion on this subject, vegetarianism comes natural to the South Indian, and that among no other people is this virtue so greatly established. 5 192 TAMIL CULTURE The Romans complained that the South Indians refused to eat the wheat they brought. What then did they eat ? We can only suppose it was rice. It amazes the meat and wheat eaters th^'the coolie is able to work hard “ on a bowl of rice.” Nutrition experts are puzzled, and yet all their pro¬ paganda in ” Scientific ” or “ Statistical ” defence of the kind of food they have been accustomed to, makes no im¬ pression on the South Indian—nor, for that matter, on any of the rice-eaters, whether in Spain, Italy, Greece and the whole of South-East Asia or in South China and distant Japan. And yet rice is distinctly a puzzle for the palaeo- botanist. Nobody Icnows its origins, nor when it was first cultivated. Of all crops to raise it means the hardest labour, with more processes to get it in suitable palatable form than any other grain. But the rice-eaters refuse to exchange it for .anything else. One reason is perhaps that it dige.sts so well, particularly in a hot climate. It suits the contemplative personality also which is a point worth men¬ tioning here. That the Gurus of India took some heed of character diagnosis from the types of food consumed, is seen from Vyasa’s verses in the Bhagavad Gita, XVII, 8-10. Ex Ohiente Lux ‘‘ Out of the East, Light " was the ancient Roman pro¬ verb, still used as poliiical capital by the modern spokesmen of Indian nationali.sm. But it had and still has a meaning. The Romans brought their gold to South India (rich finds have been found from Malabar right across South India to the Madras coast), and the Periplus tells us they even brought their temples, even as the British brought their churches. But religious movements were not one-sided. An ivory statue of Lakshmi has been found amid the ruins of Pompeii near Naples, vdiich gives a date at least prior to the first century. Eusebius reports the visit of an Indian philosopher to Socrates. Rawlinson the historian says “ India was nearer to Europe in the first century A.D. than at any time up to the middle of the nineteenth ” (Legacy of India, p. 16). FROM wisdom’s ANTIQUE HOME 193 “Ivory, apes and peacocks ” were carried to the courts of kings like Solomon, millions of dollars worth of pepper went to the barns of ancient Rome : but also wisdom. The old cities of the Mediterranean were all familiar with the Indian traders. These were not the Aryans. They hated the sea and put a religious taboo upon sea-travel. But such taboos did not affect the South Indians. They went on with their pre-Aryan knowledge of ship-building,, colonized Indonesia, and went as far as Siam and Indo-China. And wise men also travelled. The distinctive Zen form of Bud¬ dhism was taken to China in the sixth centiiry by the South Indian known as Bodhidharma. Meanwhile all the out¬ casts of other lands found a safe persecution-free asylum in the South. At Cochin the Jews have one of the oldest synagogues in the world, and there is the legend strongly held of St. Thomas landing at Muziris (now Cranganore) and going across countr^to be martyred at a little hilltop near Madras. Buddhists, Jains and even Brahmins, hunted from North India, came South for refuge. The consciousness of the South Indian is soaked in numinous legend and philosopliy. Long dynasties of Guru and saints have found it a place for tranquil life with a tolerant and understanding audience. Not only is the South Indian non-aggressive (an attitude which is not to be con¬ fused with cowardice, for lie is as brave eis anyone else), but ho is almost indifferent to his own unique heritage of Wisdom. Perhaps he takes it as normal and feels asto¬ nished that his common-sense attitude is not general in the World. To parody what Pater said of Mona Lisa, the South Indian is “ old as the rocks among which he sits ’’ in medi¬ tation. For he loves to sit for hours, maybe under a pipal tree, even like the ancient Siva of Mohenjo-Daro. He is never out of sight of some holy temple of Siva or Parvati with white steps mounting up past pillared shrines from base to summit, vital living acropolai, where the prehistoric chank shell is blown with its thrilling spine-tingling sound of otherness. 194 TAMIL CULTURE He is right. His world is timeless, and all the long record of history we have delved into here is, contempla¬ tively-speaking, after all, a small matter. But the analyti¬ cal mind of the modem man needs this material as a via media, because his mind is conditioned that way. So- called fact has to be met with so-called counter fact, so that the neutral truth can be reached, and mere “fact” forgotten. Today, South India is near — part of the world net¬ work of air transport. And yet there is the psychological or spiritual gulf still to be crossed, for which a revalued history may be one of the means, so that the thought¬ mode of the man of action may come closer to that of the contemplative. The Wisdom of South India is also huma¬ nity’s, centred in this negative region of the world, but still capable of replaying its perennial role for the better¬ ment of all. The South Indian by his nature rarely speaks of himself. It is therefore our privilege to present, even in a rather haphazard way, a little of his largely unsus¬ pected antique treasure of culture and Wisdom. We have plea,sure in reprinting the above article which appeared in •Values’, Vol. II. No. 10, July 1937 (Editor). Dravidian Philology SUNITI KUMAR CHATTERJI 1. Two Aspects of Dravidian Studies ; (a) DRAVinjAm IN ITSELF AND (b) JDrAVIDIAN AND ArVAN vis-a-vis EACH OTHER The study of Dravidian has its own special place within the range of Humanities in India. Dravidian Linguistics has had already a hundred years of history, and the main lines of this history have been traced by a Dravidianist from Czechoslovakia, Dr. Kamil Zvelebil, in the recent Number of the “ Archiv Orientalni ”, the Journal of the Oriental Institute of Prague. Ever since the foundations of Dravidian Linguistics were laid by Bishop Robert Caldwell in his epoch-making work ‘ The Comparative Philology of the Dravidian Lan¬ guages of South India ” published from London in the year 1856, the two-fold aspect of Dravidian Linguistics has been recognised. One is the study of Dravidian in se that is, its study as a speech-group with its own origin and lines of development, with a view to form a correct appraisement of the internal history of the language. But at the same time, the other aspect of Dravidian Linguistics was envisaged by the founder of the Science — it was of Dravidian Linguistics and Philology — vis-a-vis the Linguistics and Philology of the other great family of speech in India, namely, the Indo-Aryan. The handling of Dravidian from a linguistic point of view by recognised masters of the linguistics science in Europe and in America has established beyond doubt that genetically Dravidian represents a speech-family which is quite distinct from the Indo-European to which the Aryan of India belongs. Nevertheless, scholastic speculators mostly with a theological bias have not been wanting in India, after 196 TAMIL CULTURE Dravidian studies became fully established in the country, who fondly hoped to link up Dravidian with Indo-Aryan, looking upon the Dravidian languages in their essence as derived ultimately through some kind of Prakrit or kliddle Indo-Aryan from the Old Indo-Aryan or Sanskrit, the language of the Gods and the Rishis. Those attempts have displayed a considerable amount of ingenuity in maintain¬ ing the thesis of the Sanskrit origin of the Dravidian languages, but they can safely be relegated to the lunbo of forgetfulness. It may be that ultimately in some very distant prehistoric time, families of speech which have shown separate histories right up to their oldest periods, of which we have evidence, might have been ultimately related to each other or derived from a common source. Scholars in Europe have similarly attempted to show a connexion betv/een the Indo-European and the Semito- Hamitic families, and similarly between Indo-European and the Ural-Altaic families and even between Finno-Ugrian Languages of Europe and the Munda or Kol languages of India. But we are not concerned with speculations relating to this remote past with which we have no direct connexion, or for which there is no real evidence. The two aspects of Diavidian linguistic studies are however closely connected with each other, and there is a very deep and underlying connexion between them. It is gradually becoming evident that from very early times, ever since Aryans and Dravidians came face to face with each other on the soil of India (and in all likelihood even outside the soil of India) in areas where Aryan and Dravi¬ dian appear to have been current side by side, there has been a profound interleavening of the one by the other. With his vision of the man of genius, this matter was also touched by Caldwell when he began his investigation into the nature of Dravidian. While he established a case for a pure Dravidian background for the culture of the Dra¬ vidian speaking peoples from a study of the native elemertt in Tamil and other Dravidian languages, the profound DRAVIDIAN PHILOLOGY 197 influence exerted by Indo-Aryan on Dravidian did not escape his notice. Similarly also the idea of a Dravidian substratum and a later and a conscious borrowing from Dravidian by Aryan was also not precluded by him. From the early stages of the relation between these two languages (during what may be described as the prehistoric age of Indian civilisation, when the two peoples with their distant and independent “ language-cultures ”, before racial, lin¬ guistic and cultural fusion became sufficiently advanced), the Aryan speech started to influence Dravidian ; and Dravidian also began at the same time to modify Aryan. This was not a one-way traffic. There was considerable give-and-take, and tViis changcid the nature of the two languages and made them approximate towards each other. The fusion of races which started to rniscegenate Aryan and the Dravidian speakers even before both of them found themselves in India, together with the fusion of other ele¬ ments in the Indian population on the soil of India with both Aryan and Dravidian (like the Nishadas of the dark- skinned Austrics and the Kiratas or the yellow-hiied Mongo¬ loids!, gave rise to the birth of the Indian Man during the close of the Vedic period, as the late Dr. F. W. Thomas of Oxford has given his opinion, in con.sidcring this very fundamental point in the evolution of the Indian people and Indian culture. Already in the Vedic speech we And plentiful evidence of the influence of Dravidian as much as of Austria in phonology, in some aspects of morphology and also of syntax, and, of course, in vocabulary and idiom. In this way the Dravidian speech which became restricted and suppressed and gradually ousted in Northern India (its speakers through what has been aptly described as “ the compulsion of events ” accepting the language of the Aryans), left its impress upon the Aryan speech in the form of a substratum. The importance of this substratum increased as the centuries passed. So, too from the earliest age of the Tamil and other cultivated Dravidian languages, in the Deccan and in South India, we find considerable amount of influence from the Aryan language. The study 198 TAMIL CULTURE of this give-and-take between the two speech families in India has its own important place in the exclusively specia¬ lised study of both Indo-Aryan and Dravidian ; and the history of Dravidian as well as of Indo-Aryan therefore cannot be described as capable of being all-inclusive with¬ out a reference to the influences exerted by the other family. 2. The Back-ground of a Universal Humanity in the Study of Language and Culture of any people : the THEORY of “ HeRRONVOLK ” OR “ ChOSEN PeOPLE Latterly, when I used to begin my classes with my students, I would ask them to free their minds from certain pre-conccived notions and generally accepted views, which were both unscientific in approach and erroneous in facts ; and it was necessary (o eradicate this from their minds before they could profitably do any scientific work in their study and investigation. There is an easily understandable weakness which is almost universal, viz., that each people looks upon itself as representing the high water-mark of perfection. If it is an ancient people with a history and a civilization of its own, it generally has the idea that it is the most ancient people in the world and the most civilised, and it has explicitly or implicitly the divinely ordained task entrusted to it by the Divinity or Destiny to improve and save humanity and incidentally, to dominate humanity — politically or culturally. Many modern peoples who have made phenomenal advance in the various sciences and arts during recent centuries also share in this superiority complex, though in a different way. India is no exception to this, and ordinarily an uncritical Indian — a Hindu who takes certain things for granted, has no doubt that his people are the most ancient people in the world, his religion in the form of Hinduism (as he sees it or he finds it described in the ancient Sanskrit texts) to be the most ancient and the most natural religion in human history, and the Sanskrit language is for him the veritable Language of the Gods which was created as a perfect speech and which goes back DRAVIDIAN PHILOLOGY 199 to untold millennia and is the source of all the languages of the world. With such a person, Hindu history as dimly perceived from the ancient and medieval legends as in the Vedic literature, the Epics and the Puranas can be traced back to thousands of years from now in an unbroken record ; and the history of no other ancient people is com¬ parable to the history of the Hindus in antiquity. With him the most enlightened mother-nation of antiquity who gave civilisation to all the nations of the world and who anticipated most of the modern discoveries even in science and crafts was of course the Hindus. The literature of Sanskrit is looked upon as being the repository not only of the highest kind of spiritual wisdom and philosophi¬ cal thought, which cannot be approached by any other kind of spiritual wisdom or thought but also of the most inclusive scientific thought and scientific achievement, and we should try to resuscitate all these unknown or misunderstood mass of wisdom and knowledge and achievement for the rehabili¬ tation of modern man in his physical, mental and spiritual planes. This is of a piece with the ardent faith which many modern Christian sects evince in the spiritual infallibility and the all-inclusiveness of not only the spiritual but also the mass of material knowledge presented by the Bible as the veritable Word of God. This attitude cannot be per¬ mitted in any one who is seriously thinking of making an objective study of human history and culture and is keen on investigating a human science like that of linguistics. So I used to exhort my pupils to get rid of these three basic superstitions;—which I would call three uncritical assump¬ tions—they were generally in the habit of making and which I would seek to dispose of in the following way : (1) (a) India is not the most ancient nation in the world : there were after all a composite people bom when the human race as a whole had advanced considerably down the high¬ way of history. Hindus after their formation as a people with Sanskrit as the main vehicle of their culture brought their own special contributions for enriching the sum total of human civilization, and there were other nations also 6 200 TAMIL CULTURE who in their specialised domains made at least equally great contributions, e.g., the ancient Mesopotamians, Egyptians, Greeks and Chinese. (b) Sanskrit is not the most ancient mother of all languages; neither it is the most perfect of all lan¬ guages. It has its own greatness, and, like all human achievements, its own limitations. As a means of expres¬ sion, naturally one has to admit that English as a modern language is miles ahead of Sanskrit, possessing, in addition to its ever increasing vocabulary in all the sciences and in all departments of life and thought, a vocabulary undreamt of in Sanskrit, this great advantage over Sanskrit that it can borrow expressive Sanskrit words for its own needs in the raw, so to say, and without the least difficulty. Sanskrit is basically Indo-European in its structure and in its Sprachgut. or speech commodity of roots, affixes and words. But it is also quite a composite language with its own historical development, and it has borrowed plentifully from other sources to enrich itself. (cl It is silly to think that with the holy land of India as their home and Sanskrit as their background, the ancient Hindu people were the salt of the earth and were specially favoured of God Almighty, as much as the Jews thought that they were the “ Chosen People of the Lord ”, and as most Christians and Muslims think that they also are God’s elect because of their belonging to a certain religion which is believed to be God-ordained — a kind of arguing in a circle. (d) I also tried to bring it home to them that the history of India is a part of world history, and therefore it is to be studied against this background. ’iVhen the evidence from other countries show that the Aryan or Indo-Aryan speakers entered the threshold of history not earlier than the second half of the third millennium before Christ (say, after 2,500 B.c.) it would be highly unhistorical to take Indian anti- DRAVIOIAN PHII.OLOCY 201 quity with the Aryans as an important factor in the set¬ up to any period like 3,000 or 4,000, and even 5,000 B.c. and it would, of course, be absurd to relegate the Aryans to an age of geological antiquity, like the Miocene or the Pleistocene period. This international background we frequently lose sight of when we are anxious in a spirit of self-exaltation to take our national moorings back to remote antiquity ; and this is a feeling shared by us with many other nations. 3. A COMMON Pan-Indian Civilization and Culture There is another matter which I would like to bring very much to the serious consideration of all workers on the Human Sciences in India. Despite certain differences which are connected with the area and the age, the cultural milieu which we find in the existing specimens of Indian literature, embracing such diversified worlds as those of the Vedic on the one hand and of Sangam Tamil on the other, the highly cultivated literature of the medimvel North Indian Aryan speeches on the one hand and the oral litera¬ ture of the various Adivasi or Aboriginal and backward peoples of India on the other — oral literatures which have been collected only during the last 100 years and even much less — there is a common Indian atmosphere about it all. This is particularly noticeable in the cultivated and- sophisticated literatures in the various Indian languages. In spite of this diversity which is easily noticeable, there is a common Indian background, a common Indian character in all the literary output of India, as much as in most other aspects of Indian civilization and culture, from the Hima¬ layas to Cape Comorin, which have been conceded even by a very objective, and at times, to some extent, unsympa¬ thetic student and critic of the Indian social and cultural background, like Sir Herbert Risley. As a matter of fact, when I first studied through English translation specimens of the oldest literature of 202 TAMIL COLTUBE Tamil, viz., the Sangam Literature, I was struck with wonder by the novelty presented by it vis-a-vis that of Sanskrit and other Indian literature which belong frankly to the atmosphere or orbit of Sanskrit. It was the Tamil social atmosphere in the oldest period which seemed to present some points of contrast with that presented for example by the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, and the Puranas and Classical Sanskrit literature, and by mediaeval literatures which are found in the South Indian Dravidian languages as much as in the North Indian Aryan languages. The approach to life in Tamil literature — its romantic atmosphere — presented something unique in the domain of Indian literatui'e. Thus the Old Tamil division of love into two broad categories or classes, viz., Kalavu and Karpu (the former indicating a kind of free love between grown up young people which we find as a natural thing in most primitive society where the relations between adolescents or young men and women are not highly conventionalised as in a more advanced society, and the latter indicating regular orthodox love after legal marriage which is given the precedence in the relations between the two sexes) appeared to me as something going against the rigidly ortho¬ dox spirit of Sanskrit or so-called Aryan literature. Then, again, the treatment of love as it was elaborated in the earliest Tamil writers, on which the prescriptions given in the Tholkappiam were based, seemed to me to present something quite novel and something independent of the Pan-Indian Sanskrit background. Thus the elaborate inter¬ relation between the various types of topography — Kurinchi, Mullai, Neytal, Marutam and Palai with the various aspects of life and economic and cultural back¬ ground as well as the sentiment and practice of love, seemed to me what they certainly are, viz., something quite original for the Old Tamil literature. The artistry as well as the novelty of all this filled me with enthusiasm, and there was a desire in me to accept the position that in this matter we have something which distinguishes Tamilakam from the other areas of India 2,000 to 1,500 years ago. It was DRAVIOIAM PHILOLOGY 203 also very definitely stated by enthiisiasts of Old Tamil that the percentage of Sanskrit words was exceedingly small, and similarly the proportion of what may be des¬ cribed as Sanskrit ideas was also very limited; and both these facts seemed to establish the absolute independence of the Tamil tradition in literature (as in the Sangam Classics) from that of Sanskrit. This certainly became a very positive source of inspiration in creating an easily understandable sense of legitimate pride in the originality and comparative antiquity of Tamil literature and Tamil culture ; and it therefore contributed very largely to the feelings of exclusiveness which has at the present day received the support of certain other factors, some social, some political, others religious, appear to impress an observer from outside. And yet, as I found almost immediately by a closer study of the Sangam tests (of course through English trans¬ lation), I was not at all in a strange land. In spite of some pleasing and very definitely original features, the atmos¬ phere of these oldest specimen of Tamil literature was very much the same as that of say, the Mahabharata and the Ramayana and of the Puranas, in the essential or basic things. The language (wherever I turned to the original) appeared strange indeed, when one thought of the pure tatsamas or unmodified Sanskrit words which are found in such large numbers in most Indian languages. But after going through (at a much later time, of course) the masterly monograph of Anavarata Vinayakam Pillai on the behaviour of Sanskrit and the other Aryan words when they were admitted into Tamil and became naturalised there, much that was strange and unintelligible became clear and familiar, and known faces began to show them¬ selves, so to say, from behind the new. It gave me a thrill to discover that Sanskrit Sabha became aval in Old Tamil and similarly hundreds of words like sandhi, sahasra, Aja, Ptirvdfddha, S'rdvana, kdvya, dharma, Gopdla, Kanyakd, sthuiid, strl, tulasi, loka, brdhmana, drdnl, sneha, d€sa etc. 204 TAMIl. CULTUKB etc., became equally transformed, and disguised in their (transformation, into forms like anti, dyiram, Ayan, Purd- pim, Avani, kdppiyam, tarumam, Kovdlan, Kanndki, tunam, ti, tuldi, ulaku, pdrppan, toni, neem, deem, etc. etc. Yd deva-ndmdny akhildni dhatte : it is the Supreme Divinity which is known by all the differing names of God and the various gods, which occur among men ; and so I was happy to discover Vislmu in Mai or Mriyom, Kumara in Murugan or Ceyyon, Turga in Koravai, and some other familiar gods and goddesses in their new names in South India. The worlds of thought and religious perception were absolutely the same—these were those of Brahminical science as in Sanskrit grammar and of Brahmanical Hinduism as in the Mahabharata, the Ramayana and the Puranas, with the Vedas as their background, with the fire of the yajna and the homa and the flower of the puja and the devarcana and with the Brahmanical conceptions of the four Vamas and the four Agamas which had been accepted by the people of ancient Tamilakam — and perhaps helped by them in these new developments as in North India, in addition there were the thought-worlds of the Jainas and the Buddhists. The conunon philosophical notions of Karma and Samsara the ideals of dharma, artha, kama and mok^ham (so tersely and beautifully defined by Avvaiyar the sister of Tiruvalluvar, in her stanzas on aram, porul, inham and vitu) and many other notions which are pan- Indian, are there. It appeared to me to be in the fitness of things that the Kural the greatest didactical poem of India, was but a treatment of Muppal or the Tri-varga of Dharma, Artha, and Kama, the sage wisely leaving the consideration of the fourth varga of the Catur- Varga, viz., Moksha, to individuals according to the way in which they reacted towards the unseen Reality. It will certainly be impertinence to try to teach one’s grand¬ mother, and one need not carry coal to Newcastle. What struck me long long ago was that in spite of its many obvious and outstanding points of originality which furnish some/'of its most pleasing features there cannot be any DRAVIDIAN PHILOLOCY 205 doubt that Old Tamil literature cannot be dissociated from Sanskrit and other Indian literature, but belongs very much to the orbit of pan-Indian Hindu literature, taking Hindu in its most comprehensive sense. This is much truer of the compositions of the Saiva Saints, the Nayan- mars and the Vaishnava devotees, Azhvars, who are the glo^ of Tamilakam and of India, compositions which, by their profundity and beauty and by their divine as well as human quality, have enriched the spiritual life and aspi¬ rations not only of Hinduism but also of the whole of Humanity. 4. “ Aryanism ” AND “ Dravidianism ” Offence and Defence. The uncritical notion of the superiority of an Aryan race in spiritual and mental culture which came to India hand in hand with the ideology of a comparative grammar of the Indo-European languages as well as the Linguistic Palaeontology of the original Indo-European speaking people was in some vital aspects an anticipation projected back to 3000 to 4000 years from now of the supe¬ riority of the Indo-European speaking peoples of Europe like the Spanish and the Portuguese, the English and the French and others in the history of their colonial expan¬ sion from 1450 which gave them political and economic predominance in the modern world. It was accepted (after the development of Indo-European linguistics and the formulation of an Indo-European race and culture brought about by the discovery and study of Sanskrit in Europe) as a very simple thing, viz. the process of empire-build¬ ing by the Spaniards and the Portuguese, the English and the French, and other European peoples going to the countries of “ the coloured races ” all over the world and making an easy political and cultural conquest of them, either in toto or in part, was just the'repetition of a similar process which happened 3000 to 4000 years from now, a process which the Indo-Europeans from their problemati¬ cal homeland in Central Asia (or somewhere in Eastern 206 TAMIL CULTUH* Europe) began expansion into the lands of the various pre-Aryan peoples. Some of these pre-or-non-Aryan peoples were highly advanced in civilisation, but the Indo- Europeans everywhere made an easy conquest of them and imposed upon them their language, culture and religion — the basic things of their civilisation. In this way certain wide tracts of the world became Indo-Euro¬ pean in speech — like the whole Western Europe, Italy and Greece, and Iran and India. In all these countries, the highest achievements of ancient and early mediaeval civi¬ lisation took place under the lead of Indo-European speak¬ ing peoples, particularly in Italy and Greece and Persia and India. So much enamoured were the European peoples of the basis of their own culture as supplied by the ancient Romans and the Greeks that they came to an easily under¬ standable conclusion that nothing better or higher than this was produced in ancient civilisation ; and in the comity of these most advanced peoples of antiquity place was found, sometimes grudgingly and sometimes with enthusiasm, for Iran and India also, as representing the easternmost branch of the Indo-European race. A tacit acceptance of Indo-European or Aryan superiority in the scheme of things in the ancient history of Man in Europe and in Southern Asia, the Near East and India, was looked upon as axiomatic in the study of history. When we were boys at school over fifty years ago, we were taught in the first few pages of our Indian History that India was a land inhabited by dark-skinned savages and barbarians who had no culture of their own and they were civilised by a stronger and better organised race of superior men, tall and fair-skinned and comparable to the present-day Europeans, who were the “ Aryans ” ; they brought the light of civilisation to the country of the benighted pre-Aryan peoples like the Dravidians and the “ Kolarians ” and the “ Mongoloids ” and others, made an easy and inevitable conquest of them through their superior organisation and discipline as well as military power, and DRAVroiAN PHILOLOGY 207 established themselves as a white ruling aristocracy in a dark man’s land. This view naturally was flattering to the amour propre or self-love of the upper classes in India who first took to European studies and along with them accept¬ ed the theory of this Aryanism. This Aryanism also estab¬ lished in the minds of most Indian youth the idea that whatever was great and noble and inspiring, human and civilised, and full of significance for the whole of humanity in Indian or Hindu civilisation, emanated from the Aryans while whatever was dark and degrading, superstitious and unreasoning, originated among the suppressed pre- Aryan peoples. The Indian body-politic had more or less acquiesced itself into this view, which fitted with the new Herrenvolk ideology of the British and other European ruling races, in India and elsewhere. But a closer study into the question was gradually bringing home to us that this veiy simple and to a large extent romantic and imaginative reconstruction of ancient history could not hold. It was being discovered, so far as India was concerned, that we have to consider a conflict as well as ultimate harmony of different ideologies and different cultures in the country, and this harmony is what we find in the present day Hinduism. Researches into archaeology and antiquities both in India and outside India gradually put the Indo-Europeans in their proper place in the scheme of things, in the evolution of early civilisation in both Asia and Europe. It was found out that the earlier pre-Indo-European peoples like the Egyptians, the Sumerians, the Akkadians and the Asianic and Mediterranean peoples on the one hand and the Chinese on the other were the real founders of civili¬ sation ; they independently in two areas of the world (those of the near East and the far East) laid down the basis of civilisation for the whole of hiimanily. We have to leave out the third area in the New World, that of Mexico, Central America and Andean America, where original cultures appeared but were later on destroyed by the on- 7 208 TAMIL CULTURE slaught of the Spanish fury in the 16th century. The Indo-Euopeans were originally very backward Nomads or semi-Nomads in the great Eurasian plain to the south of the Ural Mountains; and from there anticipating the inroads of the Celts, the Germans and the Slavs into a civilised Greeco-Roman world — at a much later time; disruptive bands of these primitive Indo-Europeans came down to the south and west and east; and through hostile as well as through friendly contacts, they came in touch with the civilised peoples of Greece and Asia Minor, Egypt and the other lands of the Near East, and also of Northern India. These Indo-European Nomads sought to destroy the earlier culture whenever they had the upper hand. But ultimately, as they were weak in numbers, they got assimilated with the earlier inhabitants, the inner vitality of the ancient cultures proving too strong for these “ Splendid Barbarians ", who came with their strong orga¬ nisation ^and discipline, and, it must also be conceded, with a certain amount of mental and social qualities which enabled them to act as the dominating factors in the many parts of the world where they found themselves. Their languages were an index of their mentality which appears to have been both reasonable and imaginative ; and this was one of their strongest points, particularly when this lan¬ guage found itself as the language of the conquerors among peoples who lacked cohesion and unity by reason of their diversity of speech ; which appears to have been the case particularly in Iran and in India. A just and proper estimate of the contributions made by the various peoples in India is now resulting from this new approach to the problem of Indo-European partici¬ pation in the shaping of history in ancient Ein'ope, the Near East and India. In the meanwhile the new discove¬ ries at Mohenjo-Daro and Harappa and other sites in India, and elsewhere oqteide India, were bringing to light the glories and the vitality of a pre-Aryan civilisation in these lands. The pre-Aryans were finally coming to their own. DBAVZDZAN PHrLOLOGY 209 A very large element in Brahmanical Hinduism is definitely not of Aryan origin, but it is all pre-Aryan- Austnc, Dravidian and Mongoloid. This view point is now generally admitted. It may in the future be further established that even in the religion and culture of the Vedic age the latest phases of which belong, according to a sober estimate to which 1 subscribe, (to round about 1000 B.C.), there was a large modicum of pre-Ary an-Dra¬ vidian Nishada or Austria and Hirata or Mongoloid notions and practices, which were only Sanskritised by being rendered into the Vedic speech of the Aryans, who came in as a new and unsophisticated nomadic people tremendously impressed by the earlier and more civilised inhabitants of the Punjab and Sindh areas and Western as well as Gangetic India in general. What had happened in many other countries e.g. the case of the Semitic Akkadians in Mesopotamia taking over bodily the religion, including the Gods and the rituals, of the earlier Sume¬ rians, but not the language of the latter could have equally well happened in pre-Vedic India — giving us ultimately the cults and the culture including possibly many of the rites we find as forming the basis and the background of a good deal of Vedic literature as we now have it. The pendulum is now swinging to the other end. The supposed descendants of the earlier peoples of India who were considered as not belonging to the superior con- querring Aryan race, so long were not articulate because of their general lack of higher education and of a know¬ ledge of the implications of this ideology. The supremacy of the upper classes in the affairs of the States, parti¬ cularly during the late mediaeval and early modern times, and with special force in British times, was gradually becoming realised. A resentment against this assumption of Aryan supremacy was coming into the field ; and the re-discovery of Old Tamil literature, both by Tamilians and non-Tamil peoples which so far as the English read¬ ing public in India is concerned commenced with that 210 TAMIL CtTLTURE great pioneer work of V. Kanakasabhai Pillai on “ The Tamils 1,800 years Ago” published in 1902, with the editing of Old Tamil Texts by scholars like V. Swami- natha Aiyar and others, and the discovery of the pre- Aryan Mohenjo-Daro and Harappa civilisation, brought in something positive in the rehabilitation of a rather belated form of Dravidian nationalism or Dravidianism, particularly in the Tamil country. The continuous harp¬ ing of Aryan supremacy ushered in the inevitable reaction — a passionate faith in and fervour for, even an adora¬ tion of a Dravidian supremacy. I need not take note of other factors in this matter, which are working not on the surface, but deep down in the sub-conscious region of the mind. The situation is unfortunate to the extreme for a realistic and scientific study of the question. There have always been unthinking and unreasonable protagonists of the so-called ‘ pure Aryan ’ culture as in Sanskrit litera¬ ture beginning with the Vedas onwards. A sense of Hindu superiority has also been working here. This superiority complex was the only ideological solace for a large section of people during the two centuries of our helplessness before British colonialism and imperialism. Far too many people, even among those who were familiar with the modern and scientific thought-world for an objec¬ tive approach to history which was brought to us by the literature of Europe through the English language, have even now maintained an implicit faith in the historicity of the Purana Myths and Legends and Traditions. This was of course of a piece with the faith in the absolute truth of the Myths and Legends of the Jewish people as presented in the Old Testament, which we see even now acting as a powerful leaves in the minds of large sections of both Jews and Christians all over the world. Hindu antiquity, based on the Puranas, was taken to a fabu¬ lously ancient period in which b.c. and a.d. had no mean¬ ing. Even some highly advanced persons with a scientific DRAVIOIAM PHtLOLOCV 211 training belied that training by framing a scheme of chronology which furnished for Hindu history definite dates going back to 5000 b.c. and more, all on the basis of the statements which were legendary, if not mythical, embedded in the various Puranas. A retort to this kind of reconstruction of Hindu history which was sup¬ posed to be just Aryan history, we find in those ardent supporters of Tamil antiquity which would take back the history of the first Sangam to 7000 to 8000 years from now. The incongruity or irony of it all is that legends which are sequels of, or similar to those found in the Sanskrit Pura- involving the same Indian Hindu divinities like Sivan or Siva and Muruga or Kumara, and Hindu Brahma- nical rishis or sages like Agattiyar or Agastya, are invoked-legends which themselves do not evince any sense of cultural or religious separatism or opposition. It is just an attempt to counteract one kind of menial immaturity by another and this is all that can be said about it. 5. The Indian Synthesis in Race, Language AND Culture. The fact of the case is fundamentally this : a special kind of culture, in a particular geographical unit with a more or less similar economic background and a common history, arises out of a comingling and fusion of different types of cultures (which might have originated in diffe¬ rent milieus), coming together and flourishing with the same background. To put it more tersely: National cultures arose out of International contacts and conflicts and compromises. The same thing has happened in India. The same thing is happening in the New World. One of the greatest instances of racial and cultural synthesis is presented by India ; and in its profundity and its all- inclusiveness, not even the miscegination of races eind cultures which is proceeding in America at the present- day is comparable with it. I need not discuss this matter once again, as I have mentioned it before, I have given my views about it elsewhere. The great fact remains that 212 TAMIL CULTURE the ancient culture of India, the Hindu culture, as we have it, is the joint work of members of the various races with their diverse languages who come to settle and to live side by side on the soil of India from immemorial times. Possibly it was the Nishada or the Austrics, ancestors of the Kol peoples, who supplied the first element in this synthesis leaving aside the negroid peoples who preceded them and who appear to have disappeared from the soil of India. Then came the Dravidian speakers, who are believed by some (and this is a view to which I subscribe) to have been originally a Mediterranean people, connected with the builders of the pre-Hellenic Aegean civilisation in Greece and the connected Islands and Western Asia Minor. Then the Kiratas or Mongoloid peoples, speaking dialects of Sino-Tibetan, were the third great element in the synthesis of the Indian Man, although their influences appear not to have penetrated further south than the Deccan. Finally, we have the Aryans, who gave the finishing touch to Indian civilization and helped its formu¬ lation by supplying its chiefest means of expression in the Sanskrit language. The Aryans came as a Herrenvolk or Ruling Nation dominating the earlier peoples, but in India also it was a case of “ Greece capturing her Captor The Aryan language was something which became a unifying factor in the welter and conflict of speeches in North India where peoples speaking Nishada or Austric, and Sino- Tibetan and Dravidian dialects were living side by side. The Aryan language had its great opportunity in the lin¬ guistic Babel already presented by the pre-Aryan peoples in North India. Large masses of peoples in Northern India took up the Aryan language, and in the process of adjust¬ ing Aryan to their needs they modified it profoundly, so that it became transformed from Vedic to Classical Sans¬ krit and simultaneously to the later Prakrits and subse¬ quently the Modern Bhashas or new Indo-Aryan Lan¬ guages. The later post-Vedic phases of the Indo-Aryan speech represent something more than the normal trans¬ formation of the language in the mouths of the descen- DRAVIDIAN PHILOLOGY 213 dants of the original Aryans — they represent also to a very large extent the transformation of a foreign speech in the mouth of other peoples who accepted it by gradually giving up their own. The Sanskrit language shows a pro¬ found assunilation to the Dravidian and other pre-Aryan speeches ; and the great fact remains that in the evolution of the Aryan speech on the soil of India the pre-Aryan speakers — Dravidians, Austrics or Nishadas, and Kiratas or Mongoloids, Sino-Tibetan speakers, i.e. all had a hand. The Phonetic System, and to some extent the Morphology, and particularly the Syntax and the Vocabulary of the Old Aryan speech as in the language of the Rig-veda changed into those of classical Sanskrit (such as we find, for example, in the two great Epics and the Puranas in the first instance) and into those of the Prakrit or Middle Indo-Aryan speeches. A new people came into being — in North India through Anuloma and Pratiloma marriage ; and also in the Deccan and South India through large masses of North Indian Aryan speakers, Brahmans and non-Brahmans, Jains and Buddhist, coming at different periods from very ancient times down to the present ages, whether as merchants or adventurers, teachers and artisans, land-hungry settlers and refugees, and settling down among the people and profounding modifying them in every way. In this way we have the Hindu people of history representing a commingling of the various racial, linguistic and cultural elements ; and Sanskrit, the modified Aryan language in India, became the vehicle of the new civilisation which was being built up. It became an irresist- able force as it became a sort of creation of more advanced groups among all the sections of the Indian people ; and it did not and could not meet with any serious opposition anywhere on the terrain of the whole of India. The spirit of Sanskrit was approximating to the spirit of the pre- Aryan speeches. When Sanskrit entered into the second stage of its development as a great vehicle of thought and science, it approximated still further to the mental basis and thought pattern of the pre-Aryan peoples as indicated 214 TAMIL CULTURE in the Syntax of the non-Aryan languages. The long com¬ pounds of Sanskrit, it has been suggested, were the direct result of the habit of juxtaposition of words, of a combin¬ ing of different words all uninflected into a single unit which is the basic characteristic of an agglutinative speech like Dravidian. A large percentage of the common words of Sanskrit, as the researches of successive generations of specialists in this field of enquiry beginning with Caldwell right down to the present-day workers like T. Burrow and M. B. Emeneau and F. B. J. Kuiper and others would show, are from Dravidian and Austric. Looked at from this point of view, any notion of an inherent antagonism in spirit between Sanskrit as an Aryan language par excel¬ lence and Tamil as a Dravidian language in extremis repre¬ senting two conflicting points in Indian Philology, has got to be thoroughly revised. 6. Need for an Objective Scientific Attitude IN THE Study of Linguistics as a Human Science. What is wanted is a purely objective appraisement of the facts which have been already gathered and which remain also to be gathered from all available sources. We must have in the first instance a scientific i.e. rational evaluation of the historical process along which the vari¬ ous Dravidian languages have developed. There is no room for arbitrary proceeding in this matter. Linguistics is a modern science, and we cannot speak of it in the manner in which Voltaire did when the science was not yet born, by saying that in the study of words the vowels have no value and the consonants have very little. In the evaluation of a language, we ought to be able to tell from the look of a word when exactly it was in use, and when and how it developed the form in which we see it. The situation for the Dravidian languages unfortunately is not so satisfactory as in the case of the Indo-European lan¬ guages because of the very rich variety as well as un¬ questioned antiquity which is presented by the materials DHAVIDIAM PHILOLOGY 215 in these languages. Yet scholars are slowly and certainly arriving at certain pbsitive results in the appraisement of the history of Dravidian. A case in point is the general loss of sibilant sounds in the South Dravidian speeches which appears to have taken place sometimes between the 3rd century b.c. and perhaps the 6th century a.d. The question of the devoicing of possible original voiced stop sounds in Old Tamil is another matter which is exercising enquiries into this vexed question of Tamil Linguistics. The case of transformation of the vowel sounds and of the final vowels is another problem of Tamil. We should first of all try to discover the individual line of development for the various Dravidian languages, which are to be studied with this end in view both inde¬ pendently and comparatively at the same time. When a certain amount of positive evidence is obtained bearing upon the development of the various Dravidian languages individually, we could then proceed to formulate some¬ thing about the history of primitive Dravidian as a whole, passing from the known to the unknown. For a school of Dravidian Linguistics to flourisli in this ancient centre of South Dravidian Cul’.ure, there nrtust be absolutely impersonal and impartial scientific attitude as far as it is humanly possible to achieve it. The work of the previous workers in this field who have been actuat¬ ed by this scientific mind, for example Caldwell and Gun- dert and Kittel and K. V. Subbayya and L. V. Ramaswami Aiyar and others, has to be taken into account. This study of Sanskrit and other Aryan elements in the Dravidian languages has been very ably envisaged by Anavarata Vinayakam Pillai and has been followed by similar attempts by other scholars for the various other cultivated Dravidian languages. In this element of borrowing from Sanskrit we have got to have a rigid classification accord¬ ing to epochs and periods when these borrowings took place; and these epochs and periods have left their marks on the forms of the words themselves, when we consider 8 216 TAMIL CULTURE the phonetic laws or habits under which they were modi¬ fied. These should be very carefully looked into and established epoch by epoch for the various Drayidian languages ; as much as we can similarly trace the advent of Sanskrit words as borrowings—as Semi-tatsamas or modified Tatsamas which entered the North Indian Aryan languages at different periods of their history. The deve¬ lopment of the morphology in the declension on the noun and the conjugation of the verb, the formative affixes etc. also presents a very fruitful field for research ; and fortunately we have now a band of well-equipped young scholars who speak the various Dravidian languages — Telugu and Kannada and Malayalam and Tamil, who are making conspicuous contributions for the development of the science. 7. Two Essential Equipments now vital in India FOR investigation IN ‘ PHILOLOGY ’ (a) Phonetics and (b) Historical AND Comparative sense. Talking about equipments, a linguistic investigator must in the first instance possess what has to be consider¬ ed as the sine qua non for the worker in the linguistics of any speech ; ho must first of all have a very thorough grounding in the principles of General Phonetics, and in addition must acquire a very clear perspective of the main trends of Phonology in the particular speech which he is studying as well as of the allied speeches. The abso¬ lutely necessary grounding in Phonetics is very frequently ignored by would-be researchers in the linguistic history of any particular speech. I would consider it a mere waste of time and energy to discuss seriously about the history of a language with a person who may be a profound scholar in its literature but is ignorant of the basic principles as well as the detailed workings of phonetics as the basis of the Linguistic Science. In studying the evolution of at least the outward, formal aspect of words in a language, DRAVISIAN PHILOLOGY 217 Phonetics is as indispensable an instrument as the micro¬ scope is for Chemistry or Biology or the telescope for Astro¬ nomy. Then, he must have not only a sense of historical development of the language as a whole but at the same time must possess some knowledge of what is now known as “ Structural Linguistics ” — the sense of the particuleir language in se, without any historical or comparative impediment interfering with the appreciation of its own innate nature: the Tat-tva or Thatness of the matter. This is a subject in which I myself confess my inability to speak in detail as my own training, as belonging to an older generation of lingmstic workers, has been primarily along lines of the usual historical approach. But at the same time I must say that in studying the languages of a highly advanced country like India where we have sufficient data in the shape of linguistic materials making clear the deve¬ lopment of language going back to at least 3,000 years from now so far as Indo-Aryan languages are concerned, and to about 2000 years so far as the Dravidian languages are concerned, the historical and comparative background cannot be eschewed. They are very vital and most con¬ vincing ancillary evidence for appreciating the develop¬ ment of language. But it would appear that the approach of a number of scholars, particularly in America, has re¬ legated to a secondary place this historical comparative background. I am not sure that this will be either helpful, or wholly possible, in the Indian context. In most other countries excepting China and India there have been periods when the continuity of the national culture has suffered from a very severe break, and frequently there has been a total destruction of this continuity. This has happened through the complete change over from the traditional religion which is part of the civilisation, and also through the loss of the language and the substitution of a totally new speech in the place of the old. In India the loss of language among the non-Aryan speaking peoples in North India has of course taken place, but it happened in prehistoric times when an enduring or com- 218 TAMIL CULTURE pelling sense of a national culture had not as yet origi¬ nated. The North Indian Hindu people began its history de novo, say from the closing centuries of the second millennium b.c., with the Aryan language as a basic thing in a new and composite civilisation. In the Deccan and South India, after the general acceptance of the compo¬ site Aryan-Non-Aryan religion and civilisation of the North with the Sanskrit or Aryan language as its vehicle became established, possibly during the second half of the first millennium b.c. there was a sense of continuity through both the still living Hindu religion and through the growing literature in the Dravidian languages of the South — Old Tamil, Old Kannada and Old Telugu, which have persisted right down to our time without a break. The presence of Sanskrit in the older Dravidian languages as the background of a pan-Indian life and civilisation is a fact which is of much deeper significance than the rather detached existence of the classical languages like Latin and Greek in the scheme of things among the peoples of Western Europe speaking for example the Germanic languages. The position of Latin among the speakers of the present-day Romanic or Neo-Latin languages like Italiem and French, Spanish and Provencal, Portuguese and Rumanian is of course to some extent comparable to the position of Sanskrit for the North Indian Aryan lan- gurges. But Sanskrit is much more intimate in the life of the people than Latin has ever been since the end of the medieval tunes among even the speakers of the Neo- Latin languages. All these things considered, the socio¬ religious background of the ancient cultural language Sanskrit and of the earlier forms of the cultivated Dravi¬ dian languages is to be always taken into consideration in the study of their linguistics and of their social atmos¬ phere. For a full and perfect understanding and appreciation, and consequent correct interpretation of Tamil literature, mcludmg the literature of the Sangam classics one need not DRAVIDIAN PHILOLOGY 219 Speak of the other advanced Dravidian languages, a good knowledge of Sanskrit, both language and literature I consider to be absolutely necessary. Similarly a good kncwledge of the Greek and Latin classics and of the Bible, wnth a working acquaintance with the Greek and Latin languages, is vital for a thorough appreciation of the lite¬ rature of French and English and other West European languages. For any one who will study the literature of modem Bengali, to appreciate all its ideas and implica¬ tions and the modern spirit that is working in it, a know¬ ledge of English, both language and literature must form background, since most of the great writers of Modern Bengali were profoundly affected by English lite¬ rature of which they were enthusiastic students. For Urdu literature, similarly a knowledge of Persian both language and literature becomes very vital, both for the forms of words and literary compositions and for the ideas. 8. Some Preliminary Desiderata in Dravidian Studies. For a fruitful study of the linguistics and literary culture of the Dravidian languages, we must have the materials the “ tools ”—placed at the disposal of all and sundry. To my mind the most essential thing is the pub¬ lication of a series of texts of the early specimen of the various Dravidian languages, and this series of texts must be published in a manner which will leave nothing to be desired for both amateurish students and serious scholars. To make both the outward linguistic form and the inner content in thought and narration of this literature easily accessible, suggests not only in the interest of Dravi¬ dian Studies but also for the extension of the cultiual and intellectual horizon on peoples not speaking Dravidian languages the publication of the old texts, both literary ^d epigraphic in Tamil-Malayalam, Kannada, and Telugu in the following style I use the hyphenated term ‘ Tamil- Malayalam’ advisedly as since both Modern Tamil and Modern Malayalam converge into the Old Tamil and the 220 TAMIL CULTURE Sangam Literature as their common ancient form. We may be justified in using this composite expression, since Sangam Tamil will also stand for the oldest Malayalam; a similar hyphenated expression “ Bengali—^Assamese ” has been used by me to indicate a parallel situation for both Bengali and Assamese, and perhaps we would be more justified in using the three word compound “ Oriya- Bengali-Assamese 1. The text should be printed in a thick fount of Roman Script, with or without the original Tamil or Kannada or Telugu Script, in a consistent system of trans¬ literation, combined with a literal translation in English. The continuous or running text with the running literal English translation can occur, the first above the second, on the same page, on the left hand side, and on the page opposite, right hand side, we may have (2) as below for the portion of the text as on the left hand page. 2. There is to be in addition an analytical treatment of the Tamil or other Old Dravidian text, also with the help of Roman characters, giving the close English equi¬ valents of the expression in the language concerned, to enable students to understand exactly the linguistic con¬ tent of the particular text. This analytical text, in prose order in the case of works in verse, may come advantage¬ ously with the English translation, the two languages in two columns. 3. This has to be followed by a proper linguistic as well as literary commentary as necessary which would enable us to appreciate the text concerned from its true aspect of both language form and thought-content. When we have a series of texts for the different languages in this style, people everywhere will be in a position to appreciate what we actually have before us. This will be some amount of positive fact-finding investi¬ gation, and on the basis of this convenient terrain, so to DHAVIDIAN PHILOLOGY 221 say, the edifice of a full linguistic study of the literary or epigraphical material could be built up, as well as historical, sociological and literary appraisement of it. For Annamalai University I would suggest in the first instance a uniform series along this line of the publication of the earliest texts of Tamil, the Sangam texts, the various anthologies, and the so-called epics. The great mass of devotional poetry in early Tamil, which is such a precious heritage for India and also for the whole of humanity, namely, the poetry of the Saiva Nayanmars and the Vaishnava Azhvars, also may be taken up in the same fashion, as some of the Vaishnava Prahandhams have already been attempted to be published in the same style in both Sanskrit and Bengali. In this matter I have found inspiration from France : what some French scholars did for the ‘ vulgarisation ’ or popularising of the Greek and Latin classics, as supplying the intellectual and aesthetic bases of the European consciousness over 75 years ago, I suggest can be emulated by us to advantage, as it has already been done quite independently in India too, in San¬ skrit and Bengali as just noted. The French scholars some three quarters of a century ago tried to bring out in the same style the entire range of Greek and Latin classics as can be seen from the series which was published from Paris during the eighties of the last century by the Librairie Hachette which gave two translations, one a running translation of the original text and the other a word-for- word or a phrase-for-phrase translation; they also attempted to do the same thing for some English classics and a few Arabic ones as well. The civilised world in this way would be able to know the beauty and the profundity of Old Tamil Literature in itself with a perfect appreciation of its actual basis in the original words. A series of uniform Sangam texts brought out in this style would be a desideratum for the whole of Humanity : and I would like to impress upon the 222 TAMIL CULTURE authorities of the Annamalai University to inaugurate it as steadily as possible through their Department of Dra- vidian Philology. Their example will, in due coxurse, be followed by the other Dravidian language States. Suggestions for further Technical Work : No ‘ Parti pris ’ in Scientific work The department should take in hand the publication of a rigidly Historical Grammar of Tamil side by side with detailed descriptive accounts of the various spoken dialects of the language, giving also a full and accurate phonetic analysis and phonological study of each of them. This will furnish another mass of very valuable speech material for utilisation for one of our purposes—the establishment of the historical development of Tamil and other Dravidian. In the matter of etymologising for Tamil and other Dravidian languages, the approach should be absolutely unbiased. Too frequently it has happened, in the study of a language in which a proper scientific tradition of in¬ vestigation has not been as yet established, that Lexico¬ graphers are moved by some sort of strong o priori convic¬ tion about what the language really is. For example, in one of the dictionaries of the Bengali language, we had a very eminent Bengal scholar trying to find a direct Sanskrit origin for each word, ignoring the intermediary of Prakrit which he did not know ; and he also totally disregarded the foreign sources of some Bengali words connecting them slraight with Sanslcrit. Some scholars of Urdu had persuaded themselves that the pure Hindi ele¬ ment of Urdu is just debased Persian, and proceeded to trace a Hindi word like ‘fcorna'=‘to do’ from Persian kardan. Sanskrit Pandits are known who would sit down to give Sanskrit sources for all English and Arabic and other foreign words, blissfully ignorant of the implications of scientific linguistics. Thus the Persian word Hindu has been given a Sanskrit derivation as hinan dusayatiti, hinduh : the English stupid modified as istupit, as istan DRAVIDIAN PHn40LC>GY 223 pinastiti istupit and horrible as yad drstva krodhat trasad va harim hollati Harinama K.aroti tall harihol ; and similar linguistic plaisanteri^s are quite seriously taken by some. This kind of etymologising was quite permissible in the scholastic speculations as in the Nirukta which nobody takes as scientific or logical, but they have hardly any justification at the present day when a sane and sure and rational methodology is operating. Such things are not uncommon in our etymologising even at the present day, and I need not dilate upon the usefulness of this kind of initial parti pris among certain ‘ Investigations ’ of a language. Every student of language who wants to have the thing done historically will be pained at the attitude which seems to be actuating some scholars of Tamil and Dravidian, as a sort of a reply and counterblast to the Aryan heresy. If there was the attempt to trace a large percentage of Tamil words even in Old Tamil to Sanskrit and Prakrit, here are some very ardent and patriotically minded Tamil investigators who tried to carry the war in the enemy’s camp. They forget that sober scholars of Sanskrit etymology all admit the presence of a large non- Aryan substratum as well as borrowings in Sanskrit, and even such words which are basically non-Aryan are found in Vedic. But as I have said before, they forget that it was a case of give and take, and Tamil or any other Dravidian language could also equally borrow, and borrow very largely and deeply from Sanskrit. Here, the weight certain¬ ly was in favour of Sanskrit as the language of the composite Indian culture of both Aryan and non-Aryan origin, which was, through the passing of centuries, everywhere gaining strength and which became encyclopaedic in its nature, claiming the willing homage and the service of scholars speaking diverse languages, both Dravidian and Aryan Middle Indo-Aryan and New Indo-Aryan both. It is now being attempted in some quarters to trace to a pure Dra¬ vidian source almost the entire mass of Tamil words as far as that is possible. This is leading, I must submit, to waste of time and energy in trying to build up a plausible 9 224 TAMIL C'CrLTUBTE or fanciful etymologies, which would not bear scrutiny if we consider the matter from the point of view of historical phonology, and of the mutual influences between the two languages of culture. 1 would warn all future workers in Dravidian linguistics from this attitude which is not scientific because it is moved by other considerations which may be highly patriotic but which are not objective. 10. Avoidance of Ltnguism : Peroration Another matter which has been rather of a political nature, and I close my address. This is the mutually exclusive and even intolerant attitude among the various languages which is being presented in the different Indian States! and to which the name ‘ Linguism ’ has been given. At the present moment, owing primarily, as I think to the attempt to establish Hindi as the Pan-Indian Official Language in addition to its own place as a regional language, and to supplant English by Hindi in our ad¬ ministrative and educational set up in most of the States, we note that a passionate and even an intolerant love for one’s own language has been coming into greater and greater prominance with the passing of each month and year. Formerly when English and Sanskrit as the com¬ mon languages of administration and of higher intellectual culture claimed the willing homage of all for palpable intellectual cultural reasons, and there was no in s i s tent attempt to push forward a modern and local language without any outstanding literary and cultural tradition behind it, there was laissez faire for all the Modern Indian languages, and each was developing quite harmoniously without any oveirt or covert opposition from speakers of other languages, even in the same area. Thus in the com¬ posite Madras State, Tamil and Telugu and Kannada had received the fullest support and no Tamilian ever grudged the free and full development of Telugu and Kannada by their speakers within their Tamil homeland. Similarly with Tamil in Kerala and in Andhra, This is just a reflex DRAVIDIAN PHHX51XXJV 225 of the great days of the Vijayanagara Empire, when Kannada and Telugu and also Tamil were all equally patro¬ nised by the emperors and ttiey flourishedi side by side, and there was no hnguistic intolerance that we know of. There has been the enriching of Indian culture as a whole through this ; the musical genius of Tyagaraya, who was a saint and a musician at the same time, enriched the minds of the Tamil, Kannada and Kerala peoples through the Telugu lyrics as much as that of the Andhras themselves. So in Bengal and Maharashtra the songs of Suradasa and Tana- seiia were welcomed although they were in the language of Mathura. Unfortunately with a new totalitarian spirit coming up because the speakers of most of the languages feel that they are now being placed on the defensive, the development of Indian languages in an atmosphere of harmony and mutual goodwill is becoming jeopardised. The contact between the various languages which can only be fruitfully possible when a particular language flourishes in the region of another language and gets the benefits of the local milieu or atmosphere to the fullest will, it seems, be denied in future when the rigid policy of restricting the full development of a language which does not politically belong to the region itself. This is a state of things which only the good sense of the Indian body-politic and their perception that the Basic culture of India is one and the languages can only be helpful in furthering the diverse colourful expressions of this one Basic culture of India, can alone remove or modify and bring in the necessary sense of toleration and mutual co-operation. That is a matter which of course is outside the scope of scientific linguistic studies. But as they are vitally connected with our culture, I have ventured to adumbrate it on this occasion. Address delivered at the Inausuration of the Special Committee on Uravidian Philology at Annamalai University on 8th Aiiril 1657. Emphasis in Early Old Tamil KAMIL ZVELEBIL In an article published m Archiv Onentalm in 1955’, I touched upon the problem of emphasis and mtensification in Tamil aiming at the investigation of these phenomena also from the general point In this short study I want only to treat the means to express emphasis in old Tamil, particularly in that form of language which may be called Early Old Tamil, and only on the basis of data gained by analysis of the ancient Tamil text jsjbj&Ssim (Nhallin ai). This article is a sort of supplement to the quoted study on Emphasis and Intensification and it may not only add to the data of that article but also to revise its conclusions Several reasons led me to begin my analysis of old Tamil texts with the investigation of jsffltSiSsaar (Nhattin ai) This anthology is certainly one of the four collections (MiDih, «5(4BiJb, jsjbr&SsanT, which have undoubtedly preserved — as far as we know — the most ancient stratum of literary Tamil * Secondly, the literary and grammatical tradition of the Tamils, when enumerating different collec¬ tions of ihe great sril(S^O^irsj)S anthology, begins exactly with There is no reason to abandon this tradi¬ tional order in our investigation. § 2 The view which has been stated in the quoted article, viz that “ the emphatic vowel -e appears already I On Emphasn and Intensification in Tamil, Archiv Onentalm XXIII, 1955, pp 435-464 * I say txprcius verbis literary Tamil ' As far as the short inscnp- tions (if they may be so-called) on AnLamedu ware, and the inscnpiions tn Caves of Maduiai and Tirunclveli distncts are concerned, it is indeed a question whether the language of these engravings is Tamil at all This pioblem received new attention recently According to my view how- evei, entirely tentative and liable to change—the language of these inscrip¬ tions is rather a form of Southern hybiid Prakrit with very rich Kannada- Tamil loan-woids EMPHASIS IN EARLY OLD TAMIL 227 in the most ancient period of the Tamil language-develop¬ ment as a true emphatic particle ” has been obviously fully confirmed by the data of /B/DjSaoor. From abundant material I quote only typical instances : 1. (120,10) “To us let the guests come 2. 83®^ aiTLDih (143,1) “Astonishing thing is love”. 3. (327,3) “And sweet it is to die, O good beloved friend Emphasis is a syntactic phenomenon, used, first of all, to stress a part of a syntagma or a sentence (so-called emphatic specializing) and, secondly, to express the speaker s relation to the contents of the whole proposi¬ tion. The first function of emphasis is well shown in an example like ^sor&onqd) (r/r (ips^^6aT^...jS(Suj (Soj SWT ©Lb (122,10; “and the mother has distorted (or agitated, lit. unsettled, not pleased) face... ; thou thy¬ self must consider it.” For the second function of empha¬ sis cf. such example as Q^iuiu (331,9) “ Lo, verily sweet is our.. .Nullur.” It is natural that different emphatic means cumulate: thus the emphatic vowel — tj- is often combined with the emphatic change of word-order, cf. Qua^th uieoihSeaTGjD L/6ar ujir&u (54,5) “ The short, evil evening has afflicted (me) greatly” or jtiij ^trafreu^ ui^Giu (311,11) “One is, O friend, the fault of our groove ”. Not every use of this vowel — e; is, however, emphatic. The enclitic — has, in Old Tamil, just like ‘jBjDjff&ssr jsAso (g5ii;s0^ir«»« Q/pir^^ u^jb^uu^Sfiirihif^ ufiuirt-w ’3ijDjDi0fiisir ateSGiuir l.«u>l//Du) srsdr OeutLCBpOpirestm. 228 TAMIL CULTURE in Modern Tamil, many other functions, e.g. adversative, copulative, referring and many others. * § 3. The coordinative enclitic — e-U) (—um, “ the only true conjunction in Tamil ”, Beythan) is also employed as emphatic particle in Early Old Tamil, though rather rarely: e3emifiiLfih Q^ihinQeoirsar (50,9) “ His being haughty is pleasing even to the enemies Another instance: ueroaiqta (108,6) “It is bad to forsake even old enemies.” dsswjr^jiLb u(B(Sld (61) “ Can those who have been thinking of the chief, sleep?”, lit. do perhaps the eyes of those.etc. close ? ” § 4. The emphatic particle ^ireor has all the func¬ tions of the emphatic vowel. This patticle, emphatic and indeclinable, is, in its origin, a reflexive pronoun meaning “ self The semantic change from ^(reor “ self ” to ^/rair “ alone, only, just, exactly ” is natural and easy. Examples of emphatic use in Nhattin:ai Qairiq. ujirsir ^/r(S6or...e_y}€a(r < 5 soflLoi_ LoaCSar (97) “ The matchless young daughter of the tiller ... is verily (^rrSajr) more cruel than that ” ; tasor®)* sSdiia® (135, 5) “Verily" (and) truly* the small* village ® is, lo ®, sweet “ This last case is, at the same time, a fine example of the cumulation of emphatic means. * In this connection 1 would like to draw attention to the use of the vowel — O' at the end of the stanzas in cSIdsaiw —metre—most probably the most ancient and typical metre of Old Tamil. According to my view this ^ssta-jSsaj’ ej'&iririb had been originally used not only formally but on definite purpose. L.et us imagine the times when Old Tantil poetry has not yet been investigated by learned commentators and eager linguists but when these songs (uml(S) were actually sung or scanned. The Inal — ej had an important and organic function then : it marked the end of one stanza, and it enabled a sort of pause and repose for the bard ; he took breath, the musicians accompanying the poet tuned their instruments, the listeners commented upon the excellence of what they had just heard, changed their seats, prepared for the next song. This explanation seems to me simple and obvious. EMPHASIS m EARCY OLD TAMIL 229 The evolution of this phenomenon from the reflexive pronoun to an indeclinable emphatic particle may be easily traced in Nhattin;ai. Let us consider the following examples : 1. used as subject, having the meaning of a per¬ sonal pronoun of the 3rd pers. uyartiniai®; OasirsOTraseir* luirear^ luiriLfl srsofi^LD® ^ir(»sjr* “ Though I said * to the lover ’ —I * fear * the mother’—he (himself)* did not at all* intend* to leave. Here, ^rrear is most probably predominantly used as a per¬ sonal pronoun, though it might have been also felt at the same time as a sort of emphatic stressing. 2. ^iTfflir used as reflexive pronoun in attributive function, this attribute emphasizing at the same time the subject : ^sarSstsr < 5 /rsor ■^sar(S(pr} S)ev(2etr (175, 6) “ The mother herself did not know.” For the peculiar and most interesting construction (cS(/6)jb^ ^6dr(50 see § 7 of this article. A similar case is ^ir^;6 Qaird3GeuiT...^tD^^/D/DQJ!r QaireSr®)/ ^smiriuj- ^itQld (208, 6-7). This case is similar to the last example, ^rear is not yet an indeclinable emphatic particle, it is still formally in concord with the subject ^Sleujr but is, at the same time, obviously emphatic. 4. @,g)/iJDas6fr., .^fsj0!r6u ^afliqii ^irdb «5(|6iu(26u (209, 6) “ and even the parrots understand the sweet voice... of » Cf. R. Swaminatha Aiyar, Aryan Affinities of Dravidian Pronouns, Proceedings and Transactions of the 3rd All India Oriental Conference, 1925, 152. The author might be right in showing that ^irear has originally been a personal pronoun. We certainly find it in that use in ancient texts. Its personal pronoun use might be however explained as a sort of ellipsis, cf. ^suuu. XIX, 30 O^ihOurp Qatriif.iu3sarajirerr ssysn-irdsir^ ^rsgr g/r(OTg)sgr. “ She, the golden creeper, saw him, but her he could not see" (Dikshitar's translation), where ^tresr may have been used instead of full. cSfatfiOT ^irssr “ He himself, he however ”. Certainly Aiyar is not right when trying to bring into relation the Tamil ^rsoT and Rigvedic tanu. 230 TAMIL CULTURE the young daughter Here, not the subject SafJiqib is in formal concord with the. predicate (the sub¬ ject being in singular, the predicate on the contrary in plural), but the emphatic particle (which is also in plural. This is rather interesting. firrih is here, doubt¬ less, emphatic. 5. «(r^6u 66L_6S@)/Lb Qufi(S^ (166,10) “ Verily love is greater than the ocean. Mark here that the copulative enclitic — a_Lb is affixed to the pronoun ^iresT. This shows, that though ^rrsk is emphatic here, it has still been felt as a pronoun (and not only as an indeclinable particle) ; thus it is capable of having the enclitic—um affixed. May be that it is also in this instance an KSIansF : instead of simple the form fiiT^Lh is used to equate the rhythm (4 + 4 «i_ eSI^ib - /siT^ih). These examples show clearly the semantic develop¬ ment from •sireir “ he " (3rd sg. uyart. pers. sq.) and 0 inh “he” “they” honorific (> “himself, them¬ selves”) reflexive pronoun— > “ alojie, only, just, even” (indeclinable emphatic particle, as in 135, 5). This emphatic particle ^ireir as has already been stressed in the study publisiied in Archiv Orientalinf, never empha¬ sizes a finite verbal form—that being so because of its pro¬ nominal origin. Sometimes, however, it is very difficult to draw an exact dividing line between ^tresr reflexive pronoun and ^!TGsr emphatic particle. As has been shovim, in most instances found in NT both functions coincide, ^ireor is at the same time the reflexive pronoun and the emphatic particle. § 5. Emphatic particles of different kind and obscure nature. It is often very difficult to analyse the origin and exact nature of some of those particles termed tSieoiO-i- EMPHASIS IN EARLY OLD TAHiCCL 231 OiFirA or It is more than probable that many of them are not mere expletives, but are used at the same time in emphatic or intensifying function. An exhaustive investigation of these expletives would need a special and detailed study and would be much desired. Some examples from Nhattin:ai: miw® cf(,u5l€arsu(r«u €Te6r0(S^ iu/r(Sstr (55, 12) “Thus they certainly appeared here...” (— - is probably emphatic). Similarly: i£I«u Qufl^ jS««s6r(rrja) (72, 5). Some of these emphatic particles are originally clearly substantives used adverbially : useor/o jBUi (118, 5) “ He who has left has verily forgotten us ” : lixot/d s.“ certainly loear^ (135, 5) “The small village is certainly sweet” (uxbt,^ s . “certainly”). Qoj^aijriij ta/DjDsuir (177, 3) “He certainly went away to the hot desert ” obviously from the same basis as mear^. In such propositions, 'We may suppose the evolution has taken course from indivi¬ dual nominal sentences to a single compound sentence : ^««or<30ir LDfiffr/D (118, 5) “ he has left; (it is) a certainty ; he has forgotten us.” > “ certainly he that has left (S) has forgotten us (P) Some other of these emphatic particles are of verbal origin : QsirA luirLDtoOpireir^ O^uSCSear (239, 12) “ If we did something else of what use would it he after all ? ”, lit. CTtD®i Q«rrR) “ of what sort—that which will become—is”. This (verbal noun of is used frequently as emphatic particle in Modem Tamil. Whereas such particles as ldsot/d or are cer- tainly clear as to their origin, the semantics and etymology of some others as insar - etc. are still quite obscure § 6. When investigating ancient poetic texts, only the situation and context help us to state whether the word- 10 232 TAMIL CULTURE order has been changed because of emphasis or whether such a change is due to formal causes of prosodic nature. I have come across obvious cases where the predicate, which is under emphasis, tries to force its way to the be¬ ginning of the proposition: jBsugjrrff" Ou«wrii).f iSsirgjiii ^ojnrj' erear^rD^^ •sieoCSij' (116, 11-2) “The women of Nallu;r have not yet ceased with the gossip concerning me” (word-order S-P-O against the normal S-O-P). The emphasised predicate often succeeds in forcing its way to the very beginning, which is especially often in appeals and orders : yswjr<5B utres jSear (S^(S^ (81, 5) “ Let (it) be yoked, o charioteer, thy chariot.” It is frequent also in questions with emphasized predicate : ^(^emreir Qisird/Seotr ^irCSear . Lo?6»Si^airTGesr (228, 5-9) “Will he be gracious. . .., the chief of the hills ? ” Similarly »_ 6 fr 6 ir/rj- Oarrd/Ssvtr . K^eafliD^G^rrGir (92, 1-9). Other instances of emphasized predicate at the beginning: asiruitb (143, 1) “ Astonishing is love.” ^ihio Loesafl jSIn) eri^eG . (316, 1) “ Lo, ignorant is the cloud, which has the colour of sapphire.” I quote from the article published in Archiv Orien- talm (p. 450): “We see, especially in colloquial speech that (mostly in strong emotion) that what is emphasized, tends to force its way to the beginning of the sentence to become the kernel of enunciation This is the “ empha- tische Spitzenstellung ” (Havers), well-known also from most Indo-European languages. However, there is another system of emphatic word- order, where the stressed member is placed at the end of the proposition, cf. jBujear ^eorsoLDuSsir uiusjfl^ (74, 1) “ This is the fruit of the sweetness of pleasure.” Cf. also the very instructive instance from Nhattin:ai 348, analysed in my quoted article on p. 453. To express strong emphasis different emphatic means are cumulated. Frequent is especially the combination of the emphatic vowel. — 67 - with word-order change: EMPHASIS IN CARLY OLD TAMIL 233 «u( 5 ©ii> 6u/rp-Lo«5rGjD jBiii airan-eu^ u^^Qiu (311, 11). “Only one is, o friend, the defect of our grove.” § 7. Last but not least we have a peculiar form of emphatic proposition, typical for all stages of Tamil, which runs according to the scheme positive utterance, its •nega¬ tion, interrogative vowel — © + emphatic — «j; Oiy^sor/D^ ’^SlearQqjg (®Q[j) 0«n^sror«6or G^Gir) (249, 11). To interpret this type correctly and in accordance with the spirit of Dravidian—^for it is typical for Dravi- dian to express the enunciation, be it positive or negative, through interrogation, cf. many proverbs of this type — we must bear in mind that the vowel — is used in questions where an answer is expected not in accordance with the' form of the question. Thus naon, 1951. S'* PLATO, Protagoras, 310. 313 : Aulus Gellius. Nocles Atticae, XV. I; Schools of Caul, p. 35, O.U.P., London, 244 TAMIL CULTURE saw in the education of Greece changes similar to those which took place about the same period in Northern India.** The education of Greece through poetry was giving place to education through philosophy even though phUosophy may have used the external garb of poetry. A new educa¬ tion was fashioned out in Greece so that the old trauung confined to aristocratic families by blood might be extend¬ ed to all citizens who could show an aristocracy of talent, not unlike the movement in Northern India to extend the privileges of learning and asceticism, not only in theory but also in actual life, even to the sudras and the outcastes. There was a growing dissatisfaction in the Greek world against the established systems of religious belief and new cults like the Orphic and Delphic cults and even ascetic groups like the Pythagoreans abstaining from animal food, developed as a result of a religious and ascetic movement. The Ionian schools were rationalist and sceptical and cor¬ respond to the heterodox schools in India, like those of the Caravakas (Materialists). The sophists, who travelled over the Greek world, recruiting students to whom they could teach the science of debate and of eloquence, corres¬ pond to the itinerant teachers of India. The Greek sophists were wandering teachers but they did not combine the celibacy and the aura of renunciation which marked the Indian sophists. These lived on patronage and alms while the Greek sophists acquired a notoriety for the high fees which they exacted. The scope of sophist education in Greece was to prepare the statesmen and groupleaders and “ On the sophists of Greece see T. GOMPERZ, Greek Thinkers, Vol. I, pp. 412 If. John Murray. London, 1939 : W. JAEGER. Paideia, op. cit.. Vol. I. pp. 283-328. H. I. MARROU, Hiitoire- def Education dans I’Antiquite, p. 81 ff.. Edi¬ tions du Seui], Paris. ALDO ACAZZI, Problemi e Maestri del Pensiero e Educazione, Vol. I, p. 31 IT.: Brescia. 1954. MAX MULL£R, A History of Sanskrit Literature, pp. 25 ff., Williams and Norgate, London, 1859, draws relations between the Greek mind and the Indian mind which are suggestive but which lead to scientifically untenable conclusions on national characteristics. See JULIAN S. HUXLEY and A. C. HAD130N, We Europeans; A survey of Racial Relations, Jonathan Cape. London, 1936. A SEMINAL PERIOD OF INDIAN THOUGHT 245 teach them the art to win any argument. Indian sophistic education insisted on rhetoric and dialectics because it con¬ sidered these not only as arts useful for ministers, council” lors and ambassadors, but also as sciences through which speculation concerning ultimate realities and ethical doc¬ trines might be discussed. The intellectual climate of the age and the restlessness and ferment in thought gave to Greece its Socrates and Plato, while to India it gave its Mahavira and Buddha. The points of contact as well as the points of difference between the two countries are many, but a comparison does bring out sharply the difference in auns between Grecian and North Indian education. Greece affirms the culture of the body and the culture of the mind as vital for success in the social and political environment of the day ; North Indian education of this period generally repudiates the body and life as evil and seeks deliverance away from society and by the cessation of life.^® ^ The Indian attitude continued for centuries, and the Graeco-Roman world was aware of it through its interest in Indian philosophers and fakirs. Even TERTULLIAN in a work where one would least expect the allusion says: “ Neque enim Bracbmanae aut Indorutn gymnosophistae sumus, sylivicolae et exsules vitae*' (Apol. XUl). On A Special Locution in Southern Kannada S. M. KATRE 1. In the spoken Kannacja of South Kanara there is a special locution for the act (jf sleeping or falling asleep for which there does not seem to exist a parallel in the standard Kannada of Mysore or in the literary records. While the forms such as nidde gey, nidde mddu, nidde haru, nidde hattu and nidde hogu are recorded by Kittel in his Dictionary, he has failed to notice the colloquial expression nidde bt{u. The verbal base bt} or bi{u ‘ to fall ’ goes with the nominative nidde and the person affected as the dative: e.g. nanage (or maguvige) nidde hittu “ I (or ‘ the child') fell asleep.” This has, however, a paraUelism in the KonkapI dia¬ lects of South Kanara. Corresponding to Kannada nidde baru Kohkani has nida yettd, and to Kan. nidde hilu Kon. has ntda padtd. Other neighbouring Indo-Aryan languages like Marathi and Gujarati have respectively jhop yene and ugh dvvu. From parallel forms in other Dravidian lan¬ guages* it appears that Kan. nidde bi{u is a specialised locution, confined, according to available information to South (and possibly North) Kanara, a region in which southern Konkaij! is also largely spoken. 2. The question, therefore, is what is the origin of this locution ? Neither the surroimding Dravidian nor the Indo-Aryan languages indicate that tliis is a special charac¬ ter of either group. And yet, two languages intimately * Prof. C. R. Sankaran of Dcccan College informs me that in colloquial Tamil dialects, particularly in Malabar Tamil, forms such as avart tunki viluntan ‘he fell asleep’ are quite common. Tamil vil corresponds to Kannada bil-, bilu *to fall*. ON h SPECIAL LOCXmON IN SOXJTHEHN KANNADA 247 spoken in a given region, the speakers of one of which (Kohkai^) are definitely known to be bilinguals (if not multilinguals with knowledge of at least three languages), share this common feature. The presumption naturally is in favour of KonkapI affecting the normal constructions of Kannaijia, and it is worth investigating how far such a pre¬ sumption is borne out by observable facts of unrecorded Dravidiem and Indo-Aryan dialects. Obviously there is no connection between English ‘ fall asleep ’ and Kon. nida pa4td or Kan. nidde hllu. The dialect geography of this locution may point out to a possible or acceptable solution. I have merely indicated here one problem which is on the peripheral region of linguistics and stylistics towards the study of which comparative methods have yet to be deve¬ loped and perfected. Here is scope for a new kind of investigation which should make comparative linguistics a vitally interesting and absorbing field of studies, and throw some light on the range of interference between the mother tongue and other tongues of a bilingual or multi¬ lingual generation. Dr. R. P. Sethu Pmai-An appreciation S. M. L. LAKSHMANAN CHETTIAR Our generation has brought forth some of the great masters of Tamil prose. Among them Professor Sethu Pillai holds a high place. His contribution to Tamil litera¬ ture—both as a speaker and as a writer—is unrivalled. Through sheer eloquence Sethu Pillai has been able to draw vast groups of laymen and laywomen to the world of literature. Amongst his contributions to literary revival in Tamilnad were the weekly classes which he conducted although at considerable personal inconvenience at the Y.M.C.A., Pattimahram on ‘ Kambaramayanam the class¬ es on ‘ Silapathikaram ’ which he held in the Gokhale Hall and the classes on ‘ Thirukural ’ which took place in Mint Street. Dr. Sethu Pillai has made a deep study of words and their significance. In this field his contributions and researches are as original and penetrating as they are pioneering. Through a period of nearly three decades now, he has evolved a particularly attractive style which is his own. His intensive study of Kambaramayanam comes to him handy when others are at a loss to find the apt word. His -vritings—fancied by the masses and envied by collea¬ gues—r^ten remind one of Robert Louis Stevenson’s views : “ First the phrases should be rhythmical and pleas¬ ing to the ear; secondly the phrases should be musical in the mouth: thirdly the writer should weave the argument into a pattern, both beautiful and logical and lastly, he should master the art of choosing apt, explicit and communicative words.” The designation Qa^irA^ear (the word-wealthy) conferred on him is entirely appropriate. He brings to DR. R. P. SETHU PILLAI—^AN APPRECIATION 249 be^ bn all delicate problems his genial temperament and ability to work out compromise formulas without offending anyone, assisted by his vast stock of anecdotes, gathered from a lifetime of experience. In the field of Tamil his counsel is eagerly sought for by Universities, Governments and organisations interested in the cause of Tamil. Like the career of many eminent men. Professor Sethu Pillai’s career went through an imexpected turn early in life. During his days as a student, Tamil was not a com¬ pulsory subject of study in the Degree Classes and yet he took to the study of Tamil with zeal and was in personal contact with scholars like Chelvakesavaraya Mudaliar. Later, he took to the popular profession of Law and was also actively connected with Local Administration, as Vice- Chairman of the Tirunelveli Municipal Council. His lite¬ rary zeal and equipment were, however, brought to the notice of the late Rajah Sir Annamalai Chettiar by the emient scholar K. Subramania Pillai and the Rajah invit¬ ed Dr. Sethu Pillai to lecture in Tamil in the Annamalai University. It was the good fortune of the Tamil world that Dr. Sethu Pillai deserted law and local administration in favour of Tamil language and literature, in which field he stands as an unrivalled scholar today. In recent years. Dr. Sethu Pillai, the scholar, has also become a prince among scholars through his munificent donation to the Uni¬ versity of Madras for the promotion of Tamil. May this scholar-patron continue to live long and shed lustre on the Tamil world ! Reviews THE IDEA OF GOD IN THE SAIVA SIDDHANTA By T. M. P. MAHADEVAN (Published by Annamalai University) This small volume of 43 pages gives us the substance of four lectures delivered under the Sri-La-Sri Arulnandi Sivacharya Swamigal Sivajnana Siddiyar Endowment in the year 1953. The first lecture gives a bird’s eye-view of Saiva Siddhanta, and the other three deal with “ God the Creator,” “ God as Moral Governor,” and “ God as Redeemer.”. Though the author’s main field of study, he says, has been Advaita Vedanta, he has had opportunities of writing on Saivism, and the booklet shows the thorough grasp he has of the subject as dealt with by its orthodox exponents. Prof. Mahadevan is succint, clear and impartial in his treat¬ ment by considering it simply as a School of Saivism, though he does not appear to give full weight to the claim of the system to be the last word of philosophical specula¬ tion, the capstone, as Piet calls it, of religious belief. “Philosophy has to work on the intuition of the saint and the sage,” says Fh-of. Mahadevan at the outset, and adds, “ What philosophy does is to bring to a system the experiences of God-men and Truth-seers.” This raises the question whether the Siddantha is primarily a syst^n of philosophy or of theology. Thiru K. Subramanya Pillai (in the course of his lectures under the same endowment in 1947) observes: “The system of Siddhanta is hailed RkVIXWs 251 to be the crown of all philosophy, for It has attained logical pOTfection to a degree not attained by any other system... Religious ecstasy is not allowed to surpass the dry light of reason. Subjecting his concepts to metaphysical criticism the Siddanta recognises the importance of satisfying the demands of reason. Scriptures are elucidated in a rational manner; of course, there is an appeal to our moral consci¬ ousness, but it is not a call to blind faith." We have to accept then that the Saiva Siddhanta is a combination of theology and philosophy ; yet as it uses primarily the philo¬ sophical method (it is the zenith of Dravidian philosophical efforts), the whole system stands or falls by its philosophi¬ cal principles. Swethavana deserves his name of Meikandar, the truth-finder. He has found and established several truths with a finality which does not admit the least doubt. He and his commentators have exploded many a previous system including the Mayavada, and have given us what Prof. Mahadevan calls, “ the most absorbing doctrine of the Saiva Siddhanta, viz., the doctrine of God." It might nevertheless have been pointed out that in developing this doctrine, the virile logic and intellectual honesty of the Saiva Siddhanta has raised many questions, and to our mind, more questions than it has answered. . And its chief merit perhaps lies in this. It is therefore no discredit thrown on the Saiva Siddhanta to indicate new points of departure for future progress, dark obscure cor¬ ners that demand clarification, and perhaps need to be rectified ^th the very principles and criteria discovered, accepted and used by the Siddhanta itself. For instance is, “the most absorbing doctrine of the Saiva Siddhanta i.e., the doctrine of God,” an advance on the Advaitic concept of Sankara, as the Siddhanti claims, 262 TAMIL CULTURE or is it a falling back into pluralism, as those less acquainted with the Saiva Siddhanta sources say ? Do not the princi¬ ples of eternal receptivity ( uir^ih ) and its limited actua¬ tion ( uar ) enhance the very fecundity and transcendence of the Omnipotent which alone is the only eternal and actual Reality ? These are problems which when pursued fully will, we believe, but enrich the Saiva Siddhanta system, and Prof. Mahadevan’s thought-provoking lectures raise these problems in our mind. I. H. TAMIL ENCYCLOPAEDIA We have nothing • but admiration for the Tamil Encyclopaedia published by the Tamil Valarchi Kazhagam. It has already to its credit four volumes ; the fifth is in the press. On a careful perusal of the volumes we find progressive improvement in the art and technique of the editor. Taken as a whole the volumes already published are undoubtedly a match to the volumes of the Encyclo¬ paedia Britannica. Considering that this is only a maiden attempt on the part of the Kazhagam, our appreciation of its stupendous efforts to make the Encyclopaedia thorough-going and useful in regard to every branch of knowledge is enhanced immeasurably. A study of the second volume did disclose some defects and omissions. But in the third volume the editor has not given room for any kind of adverse criticisms to be levelled against him. In a previous review we suggested that the language used was a mixed language in that there was a greater and dis¬ proportionate admixture of Sanskrit words. But in the third volume we are delighted to find the language in its pristine purity almost. Again the exposition of highly technical and scientific subjects like architecture and veterinary medicine is done with consummate ease and impeccable scholarship. The third volume would certainly constitute an imequivocal reply to those doubters and KEVnSWS 2S3 reactioneries who unthinkingly and unsympathetically cry down the Tamil language saying that it cannot be adopted for the purpose of teaching and writing on scientific and techmcal know-how subjects. We would advise especially those connected with University Education and who dog¬ matically assert that scientific and technical subjects cannot be taught through the medium of Tamil to peruse intensely and devotedly the four volumes of the Encyclopaedia and disillusion themselves about the unfitness of Tamil- as the medium of instruction in University Classes. Of course we do not mean to suggest that the Tamil language has achieved that perfection, pliability and efficiency which belongs to a language like English. The fact is to be borne in mind that the growth of the Tamil language, not to speak of its literature, was arrested during a period of three centuries of foreign rule. If Tamil had been given an opportunity to develop according to its own genius and climatic conditions, it would have attained parity with the English language certainly as an instrument of thought and expression. Nevertheless it is hoped that the remain¬ ing volumes of the Encyclopaedia which would be published soon would establish the pre-eminence of the Tamil language in all departments of study and research. We would also suggest to those desirous of writing books in Tamil on various branches of knowledge to greatly benefit themselves by consulting the Encyclopaedia as often as possible. For they would not only pick up the necessary information they may require regarding subject matter but also the terminology that has been given currency and a status by the sponsors of the Encyclopaedia. In conclusion may we draw the attention of the editor to the fact that only articles of the highest literary excel¬ lence and approved scholarship can find a place in an En¬ cyclopaedia. Contributions from foreigners, who are reputed to be authorities in their respective professions may 254 TAMIL CUIiTXIRB be invited for publication. Of course these could be translated by competent Tamil scholars, and they would add to the worth and utility of the Encyclopaedia, which is not only a treasure house of knowledge but also of man’s highest achiev«nents in thought and language M. K. S. EELAKESARI SILVER JUBILEE NUMBER This number, attractively designed, neatly printed, and profusely illustrated, can boast of possessing probably all the necessary qualities of a high class magazine. The pictme of the Gopuram on the front page, perhaps, represents the high ideals and ambitions of the Tamil speak¬ ing people of Eelam while that of the cocoanut palm-tree proclaims their actual achievements and victorious cele¬ brations. Beautiful poems, profound prose compKwitions, elite essays, picturesque short stories, valuable research articles of prominent authors, clusters of colourful plates particularly of towering personalities of Tamil fame and a number of black-and-white illustrations of social, political, economic, and religious nature enrich this volume. Lovers of art as well as school and college libraries, public reading rooms, may find it very useful. The producers of this number really deserve our warmest congratulations. M. V. P. UVXBWS 255 INSTRUMENT AND PURPOSE (Studies' on Rites and Rituals in South India) By CARL GUSTAV DIEHL [Publishers: Gleerups, Lund (1956) Pages 395. Price; not given | The book under notice purports to be a study of popular Hinduism as disclosed in the Rites and Rituals of the Hindus in their day to day life in South India. The author is a scholar of the Univer-.ity of Lund and in writ¬ ing this book he has liad the benefit of his association with the Church of Sweden Mission and the Tamil Evangeli¬ cal Lutheran Church. The author opens his thesis with the indisputable proposition that rites belong to the realm of religion and magic and, after a brief notice of the several definitions of religion and magic attempted by anthropolo¬ gists, rightly concludes that religion and magic cover much common ground, that there is hardly any single definition that covers the whole field and that notwithstanding the theoretical distinction sought to be made between religion and magic, in real life religion and magic are so over¬ lapping as to make any distinction between them, unjusti¬ fied or simply impossible or artificial and misleading, if ever any such distinction could be made. 2. The expression “ Instrument and Purpose ” form¬ ing the title of this book has been used to cover all rites and rituals, magical and religious. According to the author rites are a language of gesture calculated to serve as an outlet of feeling and are always expressions of the life of an individual or society or of the individual’s experience of social life. They are either expressive of innate personal feelings and urges or implicative of defi¬ nite purpose and are intended to bring about the desired results. They are described as Instruments in the tech- 13 256 TAMIL CULTUR* nical sense of the word i.e., means with intoect effect. “ Instrument ” is manifest hi indirect action whereas * Piupose ’ is said to be implied in spontaneous expression and direct action. Instrument and Purpose are thought of as a measure of the natiure and character of the observ¬ ances in the daily life of the people in South India. In the present book, the concepts of Instrument and Purpose have been sought to be applied to as wide a range as possi¬ ble in the Tamil area in South India by examining the rites, rituals and ceremonies observed and followed in the Hindu homes and temples. The author does not pretend to be exhaustive in handling the subject. But within the limited compass of his endeavour the author has present¬ ed a comprehensive and descriptive account of the rites, rituals and ceremonies of popular Hinduism in South India with copious notes and comments, which is the result of gleanings made by the author during 20 years’ stay in India. The author has designedly refrained from seeking to explain or interpret the origin and history of the various rites, rituals and ceremonies. The book is definitely a positive contribution to the factual literature of magic and religion concerning the rites, rituals and cere¬ monies in the religious, personal and social life of the Hindus in South India. 3. Chapter I of the book is merely introduc¬ tory. In Chapter II the author has presented a brief account of the language and culture of Tamils in South India as preserved in their litera¬ ture, religious and secular. The author has con¬ centrated his special attention on the rites and rituals in the temples in South India as laid down in the Agamas both Saiva and Vaishnava and the modes of worship of Saivites and Vaishnavites, with reference to all available manuals containing accounts of the daily rites of home life, astrological works and calendars and the literature relating to mantrikam (sorcery). Chapter III of the book is devoted to the actual description of Rites and Rituals. 257 HCVZXWS SeardeteU ^ recorded in dS to d^ observances connected with the in the temnV rJ ° • ^ ^®^dus in South India at home and Chanter III ® ^ ® of the Tamiic^^ author has dealt with the astrological lore life the India and its impact on their daily of future e^^ cance of marks and omens and divination hv^nuT " ^ the avoidance of by resorting to private worship, pilgrimages, n o ermgs, festivals and sacrifices and mantrikam. rharff author has set forth his conclusions in .. o the book. As regards the purpose of the rites the author has stated that it is of an endless variety depending upon man’s desires, that its manifold manifesta- tions can be classified and grouped under many headings which again will open up avenues of investigation in dif¬ ferent ihrections. According to the author purpose may not be manifest in the same degree in all rites, rituals and ceremonies. It may be more or less prominent or even occasionally absent and a rite cannot be classified as religious or magical in itself solely on a consideration of the purpose underlying it. Mantrikam (sorcery) is said to furnish a technical example of the rites where Purpose is kept as a definite objective. On submitting the mate¬ rial to the tests applied by Goods and referred to in Chapter I of the book, the author is unable to find any close consistency in the distinction between magic and reli¬ gion so far as Instrument and Purpose are concerned. The author has observed that in a country of a highly develop¬ ed culture like India many of the ideas of the common folk emerge from the religious and philosophical systems and it is difficult to differentiate the popular conception from the terminus technicus of philosophy. To him India seems to present a different case from the Christian West in that it knows no devil, that, on account of its predominently monis¬ tic thinking, Hinduism does not draw a sharp line between good and evil and that common philosophy dominated by 258 TAMIL CULTURI Vedanta places reality beyond the distinction between good and evil and reckons on principle with only shades and degrees of good and evil and not with any absolute contrast. 5 ^ Qj^ laying down this book one is likely to be over¬ taken by a faint feeling of frustration and disappointment, in that, having launched upon such elaborate factual investigation of rites and rituals in South India, the author has not attempted for the benefit of the readers to make an analytical exposition of the various rites and rituals by classifying and grouping them under well recognised heads. Students of anthropology will be familar with the classifi¬ cation of magic as formulated by Fraser on the basis of the of similarity and the law of contact and the further classification of magic as theoretical (as a pseudo-science) practical (as a pseudo-art), positive (sorcery) and negative (Taboo). It may not be possible for a reader of this book to accept the observation of the author that it is difficult to differentiate the popular notions of common folk from the terminus iechnicus of philosophy. As pointed out by Lord Raglan, rituals consist, for the most part, not, like criminal law, social etiquette or military discipline, in the regulation of conduct, where at least some regulation is necessary, but in the performance of acts which serve no practical end and are not even an exaggeration of what once may have served some practical end, practical end meaning of course anything which contributes to the health, comfort or happiness of mankind. It will be seen that most of the rites and rituals constitute the practical religion of the people, religious belief being no other than the belief in the value and efficacy of the rites ; and Popular theology, and not philosophy strictly so-called, provides the reasons why rites and rituals are practiced and performed. 6. The observation of the author that Hinduism does not draw a sharp line between good and evil and that popular Hindu philosophy places reality beyond the dis¬ tinction between good and evil cannot be considered to be SXVZBWS 259 correct, particularly in the background of the various rites, rituals and ceremonies which undoubtedly recognise a sharp distinction between good and evil The author has apparently ignored the earlier phases of Hindu religious thought. Vedic religion recognised conflict between Gods and Demons and was pre-eminently ritualistic. In post- Vedic tunes ritualism grew more important still and some¬ times Gods are represented as beings indifferent to accepted moral notions. In Brahminism religion is largely replaced by magic, rites themselves being elevated to the rank of divuuties and the priests becoming the Gods of Gods. But at the same time it has to be conceded that the sacred books of India enjoin a variety of social duties which are consistent with high ethical standards. But the practice of moral virtues has to be not in substitution of the rites and rituals but in addition thereto. Buddhism in its earliest stage did not recognise any belief in Gods or give any place in it for rituals. In later stages the old Gods of Brahma¬ nism came back and the Buddha was himself deified as a God. Buddhism happened even to incorporate most local deities and demons of those nations which it sought to con¬ vert and thus became transformed into a religion full of ritualism profusedly mixed with magic. Rituals occupy an important place in Lamaism which is the Tibetan variety of Buddhism. It would therefore seem inappro¬ priate to refer to the monislic metaphysics and Vedantic concepts of speculative Hindu philosophy, reaching beyond good and evil, in seeking to investigate the popular beliefs and practices embodied in the rites and rituals of the Hindus in South India. 7. It is rather unfortunate that, in dealing with the rites and rituals of the Hindus in South India, the atten¬ tion of the author has not been directed to the religious and cultural heritage of the Tamils in South India, which has sustained and moulded the observances of rites and rituals in their personal and social life. Perhaps the author has left out of account the religious and ethical lore of the 260 TAMIL CULTURK Tamils in South India and its impact on their character and conduct in the belief that the religious and cultural outlook of the Tamils was in no way different from that of the rest and that it would be sufBcient to refer to the vedan- tic concept of “ beyond good and evil ” as governing the life and thought of the Tamils also. While the north had predominently a pessimistic world view, the south has ever been inspired by a robust optimism. While the former considered life as unreal and extolled quietism and con¬ templation, the latter accepted the world as real and was activistic in its ethical conceptions. In the life and thought of the Tamils there has always been a recognition of a clear contrast between good and evil in personal and social life. The ethical genius of the Tamils has always been activis¬ tic, as may be seen from the Kural ” which is the bed-rock of Tamil Culture. In the words of Dr. Albert Schweitzer, the “ Kural ” " with sure strokes draws the ideal of simple ethical humanity. On the most varied questions concern¬ ing the conduct of man to himself and to the world, its utterances are characterised by nobility and good sense. There hardly exists in the literature of the world a collec¬ tion of maxims in which we find so much lofty wisdom • In the ‘ Kural ’ knowledge or wisdom has been defined thus: “ Qs^sartp Qa^eosSt^ir^^ 9fSl jBeoTfStai uT^ e—iuuu^ ”—^/Dor 422., which as rendered in English by Dr. Pope is as follows: “ Wisdom restrains nor suffers mind to wander where it would from every evil calls it baclc and guides in way of good The ‘ Kxiral ’ has entered the heart and soul of the Tamils and has deeply influenced their literature, poeti¬ cal and devotional. The songs and hymns in Saiva Thiru- murai and Vaishnava Nalayiraprabandam . are part of the liturgy in temple worship and household devotion, wherein religion aqd. morality go hand in hand;-, 8. Rites and rituals are all foimd in one form or another in most religions and commvmities, whether anci~ •• Indian Thought and its Developments, Page 203. REvnsws 261 rat or modem, savage or civilised, with a striking resemb¬ lance between them, notwithstanding the dilTerence in theo¬ logical and cultioral pattern and one point is clear that rites and rituals are not capable of being explained in terms of modern thought. It can broadly be stated that rites and rituals which are mostly irrational, or nonrational, if that is preferred, have sprung from tendencies in human nature such as a feeling that what is of importance to human individuals or groups must be of causal importance in the outer world, that causation in nature must be some¬ thing like the desires and feelings of human beings. As stated by Bertrand Russell, human imagination longs to create a cosmos consonant to our preconceptions, a cosmos in which causation is passionate and is an expression of love or hate, in which there are heavenly powers to be placated, and the whole gamut of human emotions is pro¬ jected upon the outer world in all its variegated confusion, the whole process of causation in the outer world being along the lines of our own feelings. 23-6-57 K. S. P. BOOKS RECEIVED iBS ifi IT sa> by Dr. A. Chidambaranathan, Head of the Department of Tamil, Annamalai University. Pub¬ lished by: Pathumai Pirasuram, Pennadam, South Arcot District, pages 153. Price Rs. 2.50. if-iiiSeS by Prof. K. Kanapathipillai, University of Ceylon. Pages 95. Price Rs. 3/-. News and Notes Tamil—-Roman Contacts Rev. Dr. Xavier S. Thani Nayagam, who was recently on a short visit 1o Rome in connection with his research work, delivered a lecture in Italian at the Institute for Middle and Far Eastern studies (Ismeo) on ‘ Tamil Con¬ tacts with the Rovfuin Empire in the First and Second Cen¬ turies A.D.\ He said that Tamil trade with the Roman Empire was very ancient, and that Greek and Latin words for pepper, for rice, for peacocks and for ginger were derived from the Tamil words which were used by the Tamil merchants. He said that the Romans had territorial concessions in the Tamil kingdoms, and that the ports of Southern India and North Ceylon had yielded a great quantity of Roman coins as evidence of the trade. The excavations near Pondicherry had confirmed Tamil literary evidence and shown that wine and Roman lamps and gold and silver vessels were some of the chief imports. He said that no ancient Oriental literature gave so much evidence of ter¬ minal Roman trade with South India and Ceylon as Tamil literature. He also said that Greek and Latin literature, as well as the early Christian literature of Alexandria, showed a great interest in Indian religious thought, in Hinduism and in Buddhism. The busy ports of the Tamil kingdoms had multilin¬ gual quarters for foreign merchants. As a result of these contacts, the Tamils developed their navies, their fortifi¬ cations and their commerce, and were able to establish overseas empires. It was precisely during this flourishing period of trade that Saint Thomas the Apostle preached in South India in the Tamil kingdoms which included Mala- miws AMS MOTSS 203 bar and Madras, and that a number of embassies from Ceylon and South India visited Rome. *I am aware that a great number of Roman golden coins found by private persons have been used (without any intimation to scholars) for the making of women’s jewellery in the coastal districts of South India, even as late as twenty years ago. About twenty years ago, one of the edifices used by the Romans as a warehouse was traced near Pondicherry. The pottery discovered there was Arretine pottery, and some of the potshreds revealed on chemical analysis resi¬ due of Itahan wine made from raisins in Southern Italy. This was the inferior wine which used to be exported for foreign consumption. I am of opimon that there is evidence in the poems that the Romans, in the first century a.d., had a piece of territory near Cochin belonging to them, that they stationed a garrison there, that the territory stocked gold and valuables and that this territory included a hill. I would not be surprised if the remains of the Templum Augusti of the Pentinger Tables were to be foimd on the top of a hill when the Archaeology Department of India decides to search for these ruins. From the South of India and through the ports of South India, which received goods from other parts of India and even from China, the Romans received spices, muslins, pearls and jewel-stones like beryls, rubies, s^- phires, tortoise shell and ivory. In exchange for these commodities, South India and Ceylon received gold nnH silver, wine, coral, crude glass and lampstands and gold and silver vessels. The Tamil poems speak of these ships sailing into the Western harbours like Musiris on the Malabar coast with gold, and returning homewards with pepper. They speak of the artistically wrought golden vessels in which foreign wine is served to kings and rhiefg in the Tamil country. They also mention the Roman 14 2S4 TAMIL CVLTITRB lampstands made of metal which are much admired house¬ hold ornaments. The Roman soldiers and other colonists, either by treaty or by individual contacts, were also employed by the Tamil kings as personal bodyguard, as watchers and guards at night in the cities, as engineers in charge of for¬ tifications and defence. The Romans seem to have con¬ tributed to the advance of military strategy in South India. The Romans are said to speak an unknown harsh language, to reply by signs and gestures (probably they were poor linguists), to have had a hau’d and cruel look (a military look) and to be fully clad—covering their entire body in leather—an allusion, I believe, to the military dress of the soldiers, a sartorial fashion unusual to people who had less clothing in the warmer regions of the Tamil country. Not all these soldiers were from Italy; many of them should have come from other parts of the Roman Empire, but the chiefs were true Romans from the centre of the Empire. On the study of mutual cultural influences between the Ancient East and West, a great deal of work yet remains to be done, and it is Institutes like ISMEO and students who know the East and the West who can func¬ tion as cultural ambassadors opening up new lines of com¬ munication or strengthening the old. Within Italy, and within India and Ceylon, lie a whole past which is the key to the understanding of the present, and whatever links and connections can be established between them further not only science but imderstanding and friendship between peoples. I am sure aU of us wish these ancient commercial, cultural and religious ties to grow ever stronger between the lands that you and we have as our native lands.’ The Ismeo, Rome, we understand, is preparing to include the teaching of Tamil among its language courses. TVansliteration of Tamil Phonemes* into En{^ish VOWELS — a (as in among) — a: ( »» calm) » — i ( *9 •It) — i: ( 9$ machine) ft. — u ( 99 full) fttt — u: ( 99 mle) fr — e ( 99 fed) o — e: ( 99 able) !B — ai 1 99 aisle) 9 — o ( 99 opinion) 9 — o: ( 99 opium) 9«f — au ( 99 now) CONSONANTS Hard^ (Plosive) Soft (Nasal) Medium (non-nasal continuant) Auxiliary^ Hints re: articulation a — k (as in king, angle, alhambra) 9 — c ( »» church, angel, calcium) L- t: ( 99 card ?)-Retroflex - articulate with blade of tongue. — th ( 99 threat, this, thick)_dental. U — P ( 99 pipe, amber; P t ( 99 atlas, Sunday, arrears)..Retroflex- articulate with tip of tongue. ni — ng ( 99 singl... .velar n — nj ( 99 angelj... .palatal n (V9T n: ( 99 um?;.... Retroflex n • articulate with blade of tongue. IS — nh { 99 anthem)... .dental n to — m ( >• mate) €9f n ( enter).... Retroflex n - articulate • with tip of tongue. tu — y ( • f yard) (T — r ( 99 red) CO 1 ( 99 leave)-Alveolar 1 - articulate with tip of tongue. CIJ — V ( 99 very) \S> 1- ( 99 ? )-Retroflex 1 . articulate with blade of tongue. (IT 1; ( 99 hurl)....Alveolar 1. articulate with blade of tongue. — X ( 99 ahead) The Tamil phonemes may tor practical purposes be treated as having single allephonas only, except in the case of the hard consonants which have four allophones each, as shown in note 1 on the reverse. 266 TAMIL CULTVRB 1. The Phonemes, classified as hard, have normally an wuupb-ated unvoiced value but acquire the following modifi.ed values if preceded by a consonant (a) a slightly aspirated unvoiced value .1 if preceded by a plosive or hard consonant. e.g., ussib - is pronounced pakkham, not pakkam (b) an unaspirated but voiced value, if preceded by a nasal or soft consonant :— e.g-, uiusib - is pronounced pangam, not pankam L)0*'j> - „ panJam, not pancam, (c> a fricative value if preceded by a non-nasal continuant or medium consonant or by the auxiliary consonant. e.g., ucua&o becomes palhalai not paikalai a:.ts „ chhu not exku NOTE.—In most present day dialects, the plosive assumes a fricative —sometimes a voiced—value alter a vowel also, except in the case of t: which retains its normai unaspirated, unvoiced value even after a vowel. 2. The value of this auxiliary phoneme, which must always be followed by a hard consonant, was variable during the time of Tholkappiam; it acquired a phonetic value identical .with that of the following hard consonant, vide I (c) above, e.g., became ehhu Later its value became fixed as h, irrespective of the following consonant. Note (i) With a view to keep down transliteration to the minimum it is suggested that, in the case of Tamil words which are already in free use in English (e g., Tamil-»Thamil) or where it is unnecessary to indicate the exact pronun¬ ciation, accurate transliteration need not be resorted to. In the case of proper names etc., which occur more than once in the same article, the transliteration need be shown only once in brackets side by side with a free English adaptation, the latter alone being used subse¬ quently, except of course in cases where such a procedure will lead to ambiguity, e.g., S«j!hiauu)=Vcngadam (Ve:ngkat;am). (ii) Reference may be made to Tamil Culture. Vol. IV, No. 1 (January 1955 issue) pp. 58-73 for fuller details. MEMBERS OF THE GOVERNING COUNCIL FOR 19S8-S7, Rev. S. Arulsamy, S.J., Loyola College Mr. S. Arumuga Mudaliar. Rev. P. Ceyrac, SJ., Loyola College Mr. S. Chellaswamy. Dr. A. Chldambaranatha Chettiar, Annamalai University Isaiarasu M. M. Dandapani Desigar. Dr. V. A. Dcvasenapathi. University of Madras. Mr. K. Ganesh. „ M. M. Ghani, Divisional Inspector of Schools, Madurai. „ K. Kothandapani Filial S. Maharaja Filial Dr. S. G. Manavala Ramanujam Mr. T. P. Mccnakshisundaram Pillai, Presidency College „ O. RM. M. SP. SV. M. Meyyappa Chettiar 1 . C. A. Mohamed Ibrahim A. M. M. Murugappa Chettiar M M. Ct Muthiah « T. M. Narayanasamy Pillai, M.L.C. Vice-Chancellor, Annamalai University. Dr. B. Natarajan Mrs. Ratna Navaratnam Mr. S. M. Palaniappa Chettiar „ A. C. Paul Nadar Dr. K. K. Pillai, University of Madras. Mr. P. T. Rajan „ A. Ramanatha Pillai. A. V. C. College, Mayuram „ K. V. AL. M. Ramanathan Chettiar „ R. Ramanathan Chettiar „ S. Ramasami Konar ( „ V. Seshasayee „ T. X. Shanmugam „ V. Subbiah Pillai „ P. M. Sundaram. Oosmania Uni¬ versity. I „ Puthaneri R. Subramanian ,. V. Subramaniam „ V. Sundaramurthi Mudaliar Rev. Dr. Xavier S. Than! Nayagam, University of Ceylon Mr. P. Thirugnanasambandam „ N. K. Vinayakam rAAlIL CULTURE Subscriptions, advertisements, and remittances should be addressed to ; The Manager, Tamil Culture, 5-B Aiyavu Naidu Street, Madras-30. Subscriptions are best remitted in the form of crossed Postal orders or cheques or Bank drafts payable in India drawn in favoiu: of Tamil CuVure. Cheques not drawn on a Bank in Madras should include the Bank’s collecting commission of 8 annas. V. P. P. charges are extra. Subscriptions and remittances may also be remitted to : CEYLON: Colombo Book Centre, 20, Parsons Road, Colombo. MALAYA : Manager, Tamil Murasu, 71, Selegie Road, Singapore 7. 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Mss. should be typewritten and sent in duplicate to facilitate printing. The expression of individual views by contributors or reviewers does not imply editorial endorsement. PublUhed by Dr. M Varadarajan for Academy of TamU Culture. 5-B, Aiyavu Naidu Street, Madras-30 and printed by K. S. S. Rajan at The Jupiter Press Private Ltd, 109-C, Mount Road, Madras-18. TAMIL CULTURE EDITORIAL BOARD: Chief Editor; Bev. Dr. XAVIER S. THANI NAYAGAM, University of Ceylon Members ; Rev. P. CEYRAC, S. J, Loyola College Da. A. C. CHETTIAR, Annamalai University Mb. M. M. GHANI, Divisional Inspector of Schools. Madurai Dr. K. KANAPATHI PILLAI, University of Ceylon Dr. S. G. MANAVALA RAMANUJAM. Eormer Vice-Chancellor, Annamalai University Mr. T. P. MEENAKSHISUNDARAM PILLAI, Presidency CoUege Dr. S. MUHAMMAD HUSSAYN NAINAR. Djakarta, (Indonesia) Dr. K. K. PILLAI, University of Madras Mas. RATNA NAVARATNAM. Dist. Inspectress of Schools, Ceylon Mr. S. RUDRAPATHI. Central College, Bangalore Mr. M. K. SHANMUGHAM, Sir Theagaraya College, Madras Mb. V. I. SUBRAMONIAM, University of Kerala. Trivandrum Mr. P. M. SUNDARAM. Osmania University Mr. P. THIRUGNANASAMBANDAM, Professor of Sanskrit, Presidency College Dr. M. VARADARAJAN, Head of the Department of Tamil, Pachaiyappa’s CoUege (Tlie office-bearers of tbc Academy arc cx-officio memUcra of tbi- rditorial Hoard) ACADEMY OP TAMIL CULTURE Office-bearers Jjof 1957-58 President: The Hon'ble Mb. JUSTICE N. SOMASUNDARAM, Puisne Judge, High Court of Judicature, Madras. Vice-Presidents; Mr. R. P. SETHU PILLAI, Mn. A. V. RAMAN Universit.v of Madras Mr. KARUMUTHU THIAGARAJAN CHETTIAR Hony. Secretaries : Mb. K. KODANDAPANI PILLAI Mr. C. AMRITAGANESAN Hony. Treasurers: Mr. V. S. THYAGARAJA MUDALIAR Mb. V. SHUNMUGASUNDARA MUDALIAR tSte fntlda page of back cover for namta of tha Governing Council) PRINCESS NAR'-CONAl AND KING CERAN' ATAN' A liiic ilniwinj; hy Or. Smiiti Kiimur ChalU-rji (K'bniary 1‘Jll) OUR CONTRIBUTORS Rev. Dr. Xavier S. Thani Nayasam is founder and Chief Editor of this Journal. He is a member of the Department of Education, Univmity of Ceylon. Mr. John Spiers is Editor, yalues, Kagsabpura P.O., Bangalore District (South). Mr. K. R. Rajagopalan is a research student in the Heras Institute of Indian History and Culture. St. Xavier's College, Bombay, working for the Ph.D. degree in History, of Bombay University. Professor S. Arumuga Mudaliar is Principal, Vivekananda Training Colleae. Komarapalayam. Mr. T. P, Mecnakshisundaram is the Chief Professor of Tamil, Presi¬ dency College, Madras. Mr. S. J. Gunasegaram, member, Tamil Cultural Society, Ceylon. Mr. K. Mahadeva Sastri is lecturer in Telugu, Annamalai University, Annamalainagar. Or. Suniii Kumar Chutterji is an Emeritus Professor of Comparative Philology in the University of Calcutta, the President of the Asiatic Society, Calcutta and the Chairman of the West Bengal Legislative Council. Note on The Line-Drawing by Dr. Sunlti Kumar Chatterji The drawing which is published as frontispiece in this issue indicates the reaction of a young student with artistic proclivities to the beauty and romance underlying the Sangam Literature of Old Tamil. Dr. Chatter;i as a scholar of linguistics felt attracted to Tamil and Dravidian Philology in his college days. While yet a Bj\. student in Presidency College, Calcutta, he had occasion to read Caldwell's Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages, and at the .same time he felt attracted to Tamil litera¬ ture. particularly the earliest or Sangam phase of it. by reading two books which created a profound impression upon Itim. One was V. Kiinakasabhai Pillai's “Tamils 1800 Years Ago”, which was first published in .1904 and has been recently rc-printed. and the other was the late M. S. Purnalingam Pillai's “History of Tamil Literature” (first published in 1904, second edition in 1929). Dr. Chatterji as a young student of about 19 or 20 was very much attracted by the works like the Palihiijiattii and Ettuttosni, us well as the Epics like the Mani-mckalal and CMlai>i>alhikarain, and the works of Narkkirar and other writers were very eagerly studied by him. The devo¬ tional pwms of the Nayanniars and the Azhvars were also something which deeply infiucnccd him .spiritually. The romance underlying the life of the Tamil Kings and Warriors and of Tamil Society round about the time of Christ made him essay his hand in making drawings. In his school and college days Dr. Chatterji had .some flair for making pencil and pen-and-ink skclche.s, and in his early days he made .sketches of situations from Old Tamil Literature, most of which he never kept, and he generally threw them away. _A few sketches from his early college days have been salvaged by his son. and the present one is one of these. Dr. Chatterji sought to make a romantic picture of it, depicting the Princess with yn! or lute, and the King is dres.sed as a warrior, in a costume which Dr. Chatterji, from what he could study of early Tamil art as in the Pallava period, thought at that time might be the proper dress of a King and a Warrior in Tamilakam. The Greek vase ^sidc the Indian KiuS. KRISHNASWAMI AIYRNGAR, The Bepinninps of South Indian Hifitory, p. jS9 ff.. Modem Printing Works, Madras, 1918. ID., Ancient India and South Indian History and Culture Vol. I, p. 435 ff., Vol. II, p. 688 ff.. Oriental Book Agency, Poona, 1941. 3E.g., Puram., 66, 126, 130. 4Patir. See K. N. SIVARAJA PILLAI, The Chronotogv, op.clt, p. 117. ANCIENT TAMH. POET-EDUCATORS 275 Homan Empire received spices, fine muslins, pearls and beryls and in exchange for these commodities Tamil India received gold and silver, wine, coral, crude glass, lamp- stands and gold and silver vessels.* Hence there was a surplus economy and a progressive grow.h of cities, not only of the inland capitals like Karur and Kudal (Madurai), but also of the many sea-port towns which were important in the sea-trade, for instance, Musiri, Tondi, Korkal, Kaveri- pattinam, sea-ports on the western and eastern coasts of Southern India which were nourished by secondary indus¬ tries and foreign trade. Thus more people were released for occupations other than primary production, and thus opportunities were created for the introduction and deve¬ lopment of formal education. Though Tamil society con¬ tinues to cherish the values of a warrior society and even voluntary suicide by fasting to death is undertaken to vindicate a point of honour in the same manner as the reli¬ gious suicide of the Jains,® there is an insistence on intellec¬ tual perfection and a moral enrichment and an uninhibited development of music and other arts in addition to the warrior ethics and arts of the bardic period. From the warrior ethics developed gradually more universal values. For instance, the Kosar, a fierce and warlike tribe, are said to be as true to their word as are their arrows to hit their targets.^ What are the differences in function which appear between the categories of bard and of poet ? The bard is a peripatetic with his troupe and his family whereas the poet journeys alone ; the bard and his troupe entertain, act plays, sing, praise and dance and use musical accompani¬ ment, whereas the poet instructs and counsels as one having * See MORTIMER WHEELER, Rome Beyond the Imperial Frontier*, p. 141. J. M. CASAL. FouiUet de Virompatnam-ArUcamedu, Llbralrie Kliscksieck, Paris, 1949. PIERRE MEILE, Les Vavanat dans ITnde Tomoule, in Melange* Aliatique*. pp. 85-123, 1940-1942. • Puram., 6S, 66. 236. y Puram., 169. Kur, 15, 73. 2 276 TAMIL CULTURE authority, scholarship and learning with an unaccompanied technique of poesy; the bard is the voice of the conununity, whereas the poet goes under his own name and his poems are mostly personal, expressive of his own relations with his patron and his own reflective thoughts; the bard is more the entertainer of the people and of the court while the poet is found mostly in the court and in gatherings of poets of his own standing and learning ; the bards sing panegyrics, martial exhortations and heroic verse, while the poet’s preoccupations even when praising a king’s value are with human conduct and ethics and morals ; the bard may be found in the battlefield during this period to exhort the troops to bravery, but the poet has no place in the battlefield except as a peacemaker or through excess loyalty to a king or chief who is his valued friend. The Tamil names for a bard and his troupe were derived from roots which are associated with music, drama and dance, while the name for a poet is associated with a word which signifies general knowledge, reasoning and learning.® That the period represented by the anthologies was truly a poetic stage of culture and education is admirably illustrated by comparing it with the subsequent epoch of the longer poems, the Silappatikdram-Manimekalai period when the place of the poet has been almost taken by the religious teacher and the philosopher. The poet seems to vanish from the foreground and it is the philosopher who uses the language and the conventions of poetry. But during this poetic stage, the number of poets and the range of their activities more than amply illustrate the formal function of education which they performed among their groups of disciples and the informal education which they imparted as the moral guides, informal law-givers and counsellors of society. K. N. Sivaraja Pillai has distribut¬ ed the four hundred and fifty-nine Tamil poets of the earlier anthologies over ten generations extending from 50 B.C. to 200 A.D., which gives an average of about forty • Compare Panan, kuttan, virali with pulavan. ANCIENT TAlwm. POET-EDUCATOBS 277 for each generation of twenty-five years. From the seve¬ ral allusions to gatherings of poets at the courts 2 mtd the institution of poesy as the educational technique of the age, we may rightly infer that the average of forty poets for each generation represents but a very small nvunber among their contemporaries whose works have perished.* An analysis of these poets and poetesses according to their places of origin shows that they belonged to various cities, townships and villages of the Tamil kingdoms, and an examination of the occupational and social groups to which they belonged shows that the poets and poetesses came from royalty, from agricultural and merchant classes and from various trades and crafts. Of the one hundred and forty-seven different poets in the Purandnuru antho¬ logy alone, about fifteen are women and fourteen are kings.*® This and other anthologies include prin¬ cesses and men and women of different groups, such as the mountain and marauding clans, as well as medical men, mathematicians, astronomers, car¬ penters, blacksmiths and potters.** Avvai, the most renowned of the poetesses, moves about royal courts and is as much the friend of kings and chiefs, their coun¬ sellor and as powerful a teacher of Tamil society as any of her poet contemporaries. The names and occupations of the poets and poetesses of the Tamil country show that learning and poesy were not restricted to any particular sex or occupation and that poetic composition was indulg¬ ed in hot only by professional poets but also by others who found in poetry an accepted form of expressing their knowledge, their thoughts and their emotions. The bards and poets by their frequent visits to kings and chiefs all over the Tamil country brought about a • K. N. SrVARAJA PIIXAI, The Chronoloov, op. clt., p. 192. S. VAIYAPURI PILI.A1, Hietorp of Tamil Lcngtiage and hiterature In TC Vol. Ill, (1954) p. 348 IT. S.I.^.W. Publishing Society, Lectures on Purananuru (Tm), p.30 fit. tiCf. Puram, 30. 1-6. 278 TAMIL CULTURE c«tain cultural, language and literary uniformity within the Tamil kingdoms, and contributed not a little to poli¬ tical stability, unity and understanding between various Tamil kings and chiefs. Further their frequent allusions to cities, festivals, friendly meetings of kings, to celebrat¬ ed patrons and ,to famous battles established a sense of tradition and history within the Tamil country. Tamil society had its own religions. The anthologies contain references to the worship of Murugsui, Siva, Vi?nu and other lesser deities, but the priests of the religions at this stage do not appear to have formulated even formal systems of religious education. Probably a strong current of Saivaite philosophy and personal devotion (bakthi) to the God of one’s choice was existent, but, unlike the North Indian society, Tamil society included no dominant priestly caste or organised monasticism to impart even an “ official ” religious education. Neither did Tamil society have a re¬ vealed book or revealed scriptures to establish ethical and moral norms. The poetic period in the Tamil country was like the poetic period in Greece, and the poets themselves, and not priests, were the teachers of ethics and morals.** The social standing of the poets in the Tamil country is shown by the numerous examples of poets who refuse to be slighted by kings and curse kings and chiefs and rebuke them should they fail to confer on them the regard, patronage and gifts which are their due.** A poet who is slighted by a king hastens to another chief famous for following article by an eminent Hindu scholar is Important ^dence of the conclusions reached In these pages with regard to early Tamil religion. a » Thou^f^ Deuelopment of Tamilian Religious inox^nt m TC Voi. V. (1956) number 2, p. 254 fT. ^e W. JAEGER. Paideia, op.cit., p. 148 : " In the age of the Pre- socrabt^ the poM was still the undisputed leader of his people - and he was being jo ned by the lawgiver and statesman. There ww ni ^anae in this situation until the rise of the sophists change systems of education see New Education. PhUosophical Library, ispurom, 196, 250-211. ANCIENT TAEOL POST-EDUCATORS 27d his gifts, retunis with an elephant rec^ved as a gift from the chief and ties the elephant to a tree in the defence- thickets of the king who slighted him, an act tantaonount to an insulting declaration of war.‘* Another poet dis¬ criminates between two princes whom he meets, embraces one and does not embrace the other. On being asked by the prince who was slighted why he should have treated him so, the poet replies : < “ This other prince belongs to a family which, if the chief were away from home, has conferred gifts to us (poets) through their women-folk who would even adorn themselves for the occasion ; but you belong to a family which has shut its door in our face. Since then we have avoided your hills The poet Kapilar, a great friend of P4ri, a patron chief of bards and poets, advises the kings who besiege his mountain fortress that it cannot be taken by elephants and armies. They might capture it if the kings went dancing and singing with bardic troupes following them.‘® A poet’s praise is accounted worthy of heaven while his curse re¬ sults in an entire town ending in ruins so that the town remains only a memory and a name.*'' Something of the fierce moralising of the Hebrew prophets and their cham¬ pionship of social justice and truth is seen vested in the Tamil poets, and this is no surprise, since it is the prophe¬ tic function of original shamanism which appears deve¬ loped among the Hebrew prophets while the poetic func¬ tion of the shaman is found developed in Tamil society. The'social prestige of the Tamil poets is again evident in the manner in which they are received and feasted at Puram, 162! ispuram, 151. la Puram, 109, 15-18. n PuTom, 27 and 202. In Purom, 72 the young sovereign who has composed the poem swears that should he fall to achieve victory against the other kings who have joined against him, may he turn out to be an unrighteous sovereign whose subjects curse his cruelty, and may his territory be forever forsaken by the band of illustrious poets headed by Mankudi Marutan. 280 TAMIL CTTLTURK courts, and in their frequent intervenUons in political affairs, often counselling against war either because of its baneful effects or because of the power of the enemy, sometimes urging Tamil umty against non-Tamil foes, or a confederation of two or more kings, or dissuading unjust taxation or pleading on behalf of rebel sons and subjects and innocent victims condemned to torture.“ The kings had their assemblies of counsel and government, but the poets enjoyed an advisory and teaching capacity even more than they. The following poem which urges the minor king Pekan to return to his lawful wife whom he had condemned to a life of loneliness is a subject about which four celebrated poets have sung poems upbraiding Pekan and interceding on behalf of his lawful queen, Kannaki, that he might live with her again. Arisil Kilar is persua¬ sive even in his imperious manner : " Be thy rare gems and treasures what they may. We seek not these, O Pekan, great in war. When with our little lyre, in tender strains. The fruitful fields of thy good land we sing. If pleased, thou boon on me bestow, O King, Thy spouse, erewhile with choicest gems adorned Now suffers bitter grief because no love is hers. Let her this night perfume her tresses bright Like pea-fowl’s plumes upgathered by the wind. And wreathe her brow with fragrant blooms— Yoke to thy mighty car thy swiftest steeds ”.** Another poet dissuades a king from a heavy taxation of agriculturists. As the economy became diversified and as foreign trade brought greater wealth, rulers seem to have overlooked agrarian welfare. The poet points out that even “ the victory of the army that is engaged in a last-ditch combat is the result of the efforts of the army of the plough ” and adds : WSee e.g.. Puram, 43-47, 58, 92, 95, 97. 102, 104. 109. 110. 143-145. 212-213. 246, 336. Cf. Patlr, passim re gifts given to pwts. translaUon is by G. U. POPE in lA. See also 14»*i45 and 147. ANCIENT TAMIL POET-EDUCATORS 28t “ If thou has marked and known this well Reject the wily counsels of malicious men. Lighten the load of those who till the soil. The dwellers in the land protect. If thou do this Thy stubborn foes shall lowly bend beneath thy feet ”.** There occur in the Purandnuru anthology accounts of close friendship between kings and poets. Some of them even choose to die of voluntary starvation together with their royal friend when he decided upon that warrior manner of death.*‘ Learning and poesy were transmitted at this stage by formal diScipleship. The titles of some of the poets in the colophons indicate that they were renowned teachers and had famous disciples.** Two aspects of learning were said to make the complete man, kalui, the positive, per¬ sonal effort at learning and apperception, and kelvi, the student’s acceptance of instruction imparted by another. The word kelvi, literally “ hearing ", shows the oral and aural origin of learning, and even the most learned poets are praised by the contemporaries because of their two¬ fold competence, their learning and their having heard instruction from learned men.** Both personal effort and learning by hearing learned men are of little value unless the learner acquires the ability to impart his learning by clear, coherent, logical discourse and convince his hearers in the assembly of learned men (avai) or in the assembly, of the king’s advisers. The ideal of the poetic stage of education is a preparation for prominent civic life and the scene of intellectual activity shifts from the village com¬ munity ^centre (manram) to the royal courts and assem¬ blies of learned men. The life of learning is for the pur¬ pose of service to the community, and if time is expended *® Puram, 35. it Puram, 214-223. a The titles added to the names indieate and differentiate between the more celebrated and the less celebrated poets and sometimes show the lineage ot discipleship and special teaching functions. ME.G., Puram, 26. 12. 53. 12. 72. 13. See Tirukkural, Chapters 40 and 42. 282 , TAMIL CULTURE in the acquisition of wealth it is in order that that wealth may serve those who are in want and that hospitahty may be increased. \ Though about twenty-two poetesses are counted among the four hundred and fifty-nine persons whose poems are found in the anthologies, no system of formal instruction is outlined for women. There is no strict segregation of the sexes, and courtship and mixed dances are described as popular, and women accoutred with daggers are found serving even in war-camps.** The ideal which is constantly kept before women in the Ancient literature is that of the chaste, loyal and loving wife. In a culture in which plants and flowers acquired a high degree of symbolism, chastity and marital love and loyalty are symbolised by the whitest and most fragrant of indi¬ genous flowers, the mullai (jasmine). Poetic conventions in the Tolkdppiyam and in the anthologies have young women trained in aristocratic fashion and amidst aristo¬ cratic surroundings by an elderly nurse (sevili) with the companionship of a maid .(toli) who are both experts on the depths of love psychology plumbed by the Ancient Tamil poets.*® The universal value of formal education is stated in an oft-quoted poem in which formal education is taken for granted as the basis of self-realisation and recognition by the world : “ It is good to learn though it may involve a humble discipleship, humble service and paying an emolument. A mother among her many children is apt to like him most who is distinguished (by learning) ; among a group or class the king is apt to follow the counsel not of the eldest but of him who is well instructed, and even among those (Aryans) who preserve a fourfold division of society, M Mulloippattu, (Ten Idylls) 45-49. »E.e.. Puram, 116. Nar, 159, S31. Aham, 190. ANCIENT TAMIL POET-EDUCATORS 283 suppose one of a lower caste were to be known for leam- ing, one of a higher caste would be compelled to respect him (or seek his help).”*® The education and learning which are referred to in this poem and understood in the anthologies is not reli¬ gious education even when learned men are known as resplendent men ”.*’ It is a learning which perfects the learner and equips him for this life and for an honoured place in the assemblies of learned men and of the elders of a locality. It is no world-denying learning but one which affirms the world, its joys, and finds a self-suffici¬ ency in human powers. It has a great love for children and for the home and knows little of a state of homeless¬ ness. It is an education which equips the learner for courtship, marriage and a life of altruism. A great hero of the period, Ay, a warrior chief and patron of bards and poets is praised because he does not do good for “ merce¬ nary motives, in order to win praise in this life or happi¬ ness in the next ”, or because of the example of wise teen but because good should be accomplished for its own sake. A. C. Bouquet has no grounds whatsoever to assume that sel^forgetful service of others ” is in origin a Christian Idea. Altruism and “ living not for self but for others ” IS recommended because of its own intrinsic worth and future reward or for the benefit of a future f Schweitzer has pointed out the discovery of this ethic of goodness and benevolence in the Tiruk- kural. but it occurs even earlier than the book of gnomic v^se and is an active and creative concept among a people whose literary records testify to a humanism, an optimism and an altruism which are the fundamental characteristics o ancient Tamil culture as yet uninfiuenced in the main *« Puram, 183 -----— “’E.g., OHyor'In Puram, 539. 284 TAMIL CULTURE by the priestly and monastic cultures from Northern India.” jfx order to assess this Tamil humanism one has to consider the entire complex of attitudes prevalent and fostered in Tamil society, and the abstractions and univer- sals which comprise the conscious and unconscious metaphysic of the age as expressed in the anthologies. The love poetry and the panegyric poetry show the range of psychological insight of the poets themselves and the Tolkdppiyam is probably derived from one of the several compendia which existed as aids to the study of the phone¬ tics, grammar, prosody and the conventions and psycho¬ logy which were to guide poetic compositions. Life is considered pleasant and joyful, and death a sad ending ; there is no attempt to obtain release from life except to vindicate honour and bravery and the love for a husband who has passed away ; there is a note of nostalgic sadness in the poems about senescence and old age ; liberality and ethical goodness are indulged in without motives of expia¬ tion and penance; rebirth is seldom spoken of in the earlier poems but the life after death is represented as an abode of permanent happiness for the good and permanent suffering for the wicked ; happiness in the future world is conceded only to those who by their bravery and altru¬ ism have established their glory in this world ; ” love and courtship, marriage and children are considered necessary modes of human fulfilment and perfection of personality ; and the norms and ideals of statecraft, ethics, truth, justice, equity, gratitude and love which run through the antho¬ logies and the Tirukkural seem to make by comparison Kautilya, Manu and Vatsyayana small, exclusive and petty in the ideals and concepts they teach of moral and ethical goodness.” ** ALBERT SCHWEITZER, Indian Thought, op. cit., p. 200 tt. stPuram, 50. 14, 18; also sec 18, 13, 21, 13, 24, 34, 135-8, 165, 174, 179 9 ■ 206 8. ■33 albert SCHWEITZER, ibid, p.201; •• What a difference between the Kural and the Laws of Manu which originated some four centuries before it! In the latter under the domin- ANCIENT TAMIL POET-EDUCATOBS 285 The following poem tersely expresses certain dynamic and creative thoughts underlying the poetic period : “ Does this world really exist ? If it does, it is because therein live persons who if they came by even Indra’s nectar would not consume it selfishly alone; they bear ill-will towards none ; they fear not nor quail before what others fear ; they waver not. With ideals of striving not for their own good but for the good of the rest of men they live—hence one may believe the world exists This development of secular poetic thought was not to blossom forth immediately into a ^ull and pure philosophy as it did in Greece. The political movements in India and Ceylon and international trade were bringing^, Indian kingdoms and foreign countries into very close relation¬ ship, and the political and commercial routes were also the highways along which Vedic Brahmanism, Jainism, Bud¬ dhism and Ajivikism travelled to the Tamil kingdoms. The Silappaiikdram, Manimekalai and the Tirukkural represent an age of philosophic thought, religious and secular and of inter-cultural contacts and inter-cultural conflicts. ancc of tho Brahmanie spirit, world and life affirmation is still just tolerated alongside world and life-negation. In the Kural world and tife-ncgation is only like a distant cloud In the sky M Puram, 182. See Ahom, 65. High ideals are constantly empha¬ sised. See simile In Puram, 69,5. Agastya—His Non-Aryan Origin K. R. RAJAGOPALAN* Introduction References to Agastya are found as early as the Rigvedic literature. He is generally considered as a Vedic Rishi and to him is attributed the composition of some of the Rigvedic hymns.® Fuller references to him are made in the epics, puranas and Tamil literature. He is regarded as the pioneer in the expansion of Aryan culture over South India and hence his importance and significance to many.® Obviously the various traditions that are associated with Agastya could not have related to one person only and it may be assumed that these traditions cover different members of the family of Agastya belonging to different generations. The origin of Agastya and his family is still shrouded on obscurity and scholars have paid little atten¬ tion to the problem. Pargiter, for example, says that there is nothing to show when or how the Agastyas arose.'* In a different context the same author writes that the Agastyas arose later but that their origin is uncertain.® An attempt is made here to point out the pre-Aryan and non-Aryan origin of Agastya and of his family, on the basis of n,. i his thanks to his guiding-professor . '.u the encouragement received from him in the course OX the present study. * R. V. r. 165-191. ^ Srinivasa Alyangar, Tamil Studiet; Caldwell. Draoidian Comparative Grammar; D. R. Bhandarkar. Some Aspects of Ancient Indian Culture ; V. Rangach^ya. History of Pre-Musalman India, II, Interaction Betioeen the Deccan and South India, Carmichael Lectures (1818) ; K. N. Sivaraia Pillai ^ Land; K. A. Nilakakta Sastrl, (a) HUtory ' ^h) Agastya, Overgedrukt uit het Tiidschrift voor —’ ^'^nd — en Volkenkunde Deel LXXVI Jaare 1936 Afl A- ? 7**® Agastya: and the Sn offndiin C^lonfai Art, Qt/arterlj/ Journal of the Mythic Society, XVII No 3 « Ancient Indian Historical Tradition, (1922) d’24o’ ® Ibul., p. 304. ' ACASTYA — ms NOK-ARYAN ORICm 287 references to (i) the story about his birth, (ii) the ety¬ mological significance of the name Agastya, (iii) his asso¬ ciation with spells, charms and witchcraft as found in the Vedic literature, (iv) his association with the raksasas as found in the Puranas and (v) the evolution of Agastya gotra. Birth-story of Agastya and its interpretation Several works* relate the story that once when Mitra and Varuna saw together the apsaras Urvasi, their passions were excited and their reproductive fluid fell into a jar out of which was bom Agastya. Thus Agastya is regarded as the son of Mitra and Varuna, both being Vedic gods. From this story, it has been made out that Agastya had a miraculous birth and a divine origin. K. A. Nilalcanta Sastri apparently admitting that the story conveys a mira¬ culous birth, comments that a miraculous birth is the natural concomitant of the life history of all distinguished and holy personages.'' Sivaraja Pillai, too, admits that the birth of Agastya is rather mysterious.® Many other scholars also subscribe to the same view. Now it may be examined whether such an interpretation of the story is acceptable. It is well known that ancient Indian literature abounds in traditions and stories similar to that of the birth of Agastya. For instance, Drona is described as having been born from a vessel in which the Rishi Bharadvaja’s genera¬ tive fluid was deposited when he acquired a sudden passion 0 For a detailed study refer Ri^veda, VII, 33, 10-13; Brhaddevata V, 149-154 (Ed. & Tr. by A. A. Macdonell, Harvard Oriental Series, V & VI, 1S04) ; Katyayana’s Survanukratnani and Shadgurusishya's conamen- tary entitled Vedarthadipika I, 166 (ed. by A. A. Alacdonell, 1866) ; Sayana’s commentary on the Rigveda (VII) — see Rlgveda Samhita with the commentary of Sayanacharya HI, Vaidika Samshodhana Manda- la, Poona. 1941 ; Yaska’s Nirukta, V sec. 13 ; Rutnayana, VII chap. 56 & 57; Matsya Puraiia, chap. 61 ; Padma Purana, V. chap. 22; Narasimha Purana, chop. 6 ; Devi Bhagavatam VI. chap. XIV, Sec. 53-59: also cf. Manimekhalai, Xrn-94-96 (ed. with notes by V. Swaminatha Iyer, 1931), In all these accounts Vaslstha also is spoken of as having been born along with Agastya. 7 Agastya. op. cit, p. 473-474. • op. cit., p. 2. TAMIL CULTURE 288 for Ghrtaci.* Another sage, Kripa, is stated as having been born from the generative fluid of the sage Saradwat (Gautama) which fell down on a clump of heath when he saw the apsaras Janapadi.*® Bhrgu and Angiras were bom as a result of Prajapati’s lust for his daughter.** Some rishis also are described as born in mysterious ways.** Besides there are references to brother-sister unions, as in the story of Yama and Yami.** All these accounts appear as too mythical and unbelievable but it is possible to discern in them some historical significance. One should not discard them on the ground that they disclose a too unethical standard to be true.** Ethical standards vary from time to time, place to place, and people to people. What appears to us as monstrously unethical might con¬ ceivably have been recognised as quite ethical in primitive times and in primitive communities. Moreover, it is gene¬ rally recognised that considerable mixture between the Aryans and the pre-Aryans or non-Aryans must have taken place right from the times the former entered India, resulting in a fusion between the two races, their cultures and traditions.*® The stories under consideration including the story of the birth of Agastya, perhaps convey memories of primitive cultures, and of the effects of the intermingling of the Aryan and pre-Aryan and non-Aryan elements of » Mahabharaia, I, 121. v. 3-6 (ed. by V. S. Sukthanakar) 10 MBH, I, 130 rf. P. C. Roy's translaUon. 1. pp. 266-267. 11 Aitareya Brahmana, III, 33-34. cf. Trans, by Marlin Haug, II (1863) — for many more references to such examples of parental incest refer to S. C. Sarkar, Some Aspects of the Earliest Social History of India (1928), pp. 136-144. 10 See H. L,. H. Hariyappa, Rigvedic Legends through the Ages, Bulletin of the Deccan College Research Institute, XI, 1950-51. 13 R.V., X, 10, also cf. S. C. Sarkar. Ibid., pp. 116-135. 14 Hariyappa justifies the presence of such legends by stating that the ancient sastras have recognised such ethical aberrations as examples to be avoided only and never to be followed, cf. ibid. >3 S. K. Chatterji says; ‘ It is now becoming more and more clear that the non-Aryan contributed b,y far the greater portion in the fabric of Indian civilization, and a great deal of Indian religious and cultural traditions, of ancient legend and history is justly non-Aryan translated in terms of the Aryan speech — as it was the Aryan speech that became the dominant factor, although non-Aryan elements made very large In¬ roads into its purity.a great deal of Puranic and epic myth, legend and semi-history is pro-Aryan" — Indo-Aryan and Hindi, (Efight Lec¬ tures) — Gujarat Vernacular Society, Ahmedabad 1942, pp. 31-32. AGASTYA — HIS NON-ARYAN ORIGIN 289 culture and traditions. The story of Urvasi being shared by Mitra and Varuna** finds an echo in the primitive sys¬ tem of polyandry, observed during the age of the Pandavas and even now observed by many of the existing aboriginal tribes.” Further the reference to the story of the birth of Agastya even in the Rigveda* establishes the antiquity of the system.” In the process of fusion of the two traditions ^Aryan and pre-Aryan, or non-Aryah.— the original signi¬ ficance of the account of the birth of Agastya was perhaps forgotten and instead a fanciful mystery was attached to it as in the Rigvedic account. Etymological significance of the name Agastya No clear and acceptable etymological derivation of the name Agastya appears in any of the literary accounts which refer to him. An explanation is however given in the Ramayana}^ which reads as : agastya iti vihhyato lake sevenaiva karmana. This explanation is far from clear, but it has been commented upon by Sri Govindaraja as : svena karmana vindhyastham-hhanarupena agastya iti vikhyatah IS cf. S. C. Sarkar, op. cit., p. 80 f n. 7 and p. 151 f.n. 4. 17 It is interesting to note that among the Bhotiyas ot north Assam. Polyandry is a recognised institution cf. W. Crooke, Native* of Northern India (1907) p. 49. The marriage customs of the Oraons and the Nagas for example are most primitive. The youths are supposed to sleep in a bachelor's hall ; but the intercourse of the sexes is practically unrestricted, ante-nuptial connections are the rule rather than the exception, and marriage, as they understand the term, is equivalent to cohabitation. " To call this state of things inunoral", says Risley, " is to apply a modem conception to primitive habits of life. Within the tribe (Oraons) indeed, the idea of sexual morality seems hardly to exist, and the unmarried Oraons are not far from the conditions of modified promiscuity which prevails among many of the Australian tribes. ” cf. Crooke, ibid., p. 77. Also refer to Verrier Elwin, Myths of Middle India (Oxford University Press 1949) ^ >• MenUon may be made of the view of D. D. Kosambl 'who Mys It is clear that Vasistha and Agastya as being bom from the um» are giving a good Aryan translation of their birth from a pre-Aryan or non- ^an mother-goddess. The efIecUve change is from the absence of a father to toe total denial of a mother, a good marxist anti-thesis necessi¬ tated by too transition from matriarchy to patriarchy." Urvasi and Puru- ravas. Journal of the Bombay Branch <4 the Roval Asiatic Society, New f (1951) pp. 27-23. Also cf. his article “The Study of Ancient I Tradition ", Indiea, Indian Historical Research Institute, Silver Jubilee Commemoration Volume, Bombay, 1953. III, 11, 81. Kumbakonam edition. 290 TAMIL CULTURE agam stamhhayati iti agastya iti vyutpatteh. Here is an allusion to an exploit often attributed tp Agastya in connection with his arresting the abnormal growth of the Vindhyas. In the Vachaspatyd^ the name Agastya is explained as agam vindhyacalam sthyayati sthabhnati iti agastya. According to most of the com¬ mentators** the name Agastya arose out of the tradition in regard to the suppression of the Vindhyas. This deri¬ vation cannot be accepted as the Vindhyas were un¬ known to the Sanskrit speaking Aryans of the Rigvedic period. The probability is that a non-Aryan name which had traditions associated with mountains was adopted as early as the Rigvedic times”. It is interesting to note here that Agastya is associated not only with the Vindhyas but also with some other mountains. In the BhagavataP and Matsya** Puranas, Agastya is spoken of as a resident of Mount Malaya and as performing tapas seated therein. In one of the chapters of the Vayu Parana^ (bhuvanaznnyasa) Agastya's abode is located on the Mandara mountain in the Malayadvipa across the seas. Agastya’s residence is also stated to be Mount Kunjara in Kerala.” According to Tamil literature, Agastya is associated with the Podiyil hill in South India.” The association of Agastya with moun¬ tains is in line with non-Aryan traditions relating to Pt. I. compiled by Taranatha Taraka Vachaspatl Calcutta, 1873, — the name Agasti which is regarded as an equivalent to Agastya is also derived as agam vindhyacalam osapati iti agasti. 21 cl. lor example The Namalinganusasana — Amarakosha of Amarafimha with the commentary ol Bhanuji Dikshlt edited with notes by Pandit Sivadatta of Jeypur, 4th edn., Bombay. 1915 ; also Kshlra- swamin’s commentary on ATTUiTakosha, Poona, 1913, p. 17. Refer also to Sir M. Monier Williams. Sanskrit English Dictionary. It is interest¬ ing it is shown in this dictionary that one ol the names of Siva is Agastya. 22 It is admitted generally that some ol the non-Aryan names were Sanskritised as lor example the Minas were called in Sanskrit the Matsyas. *3 X, 79, 17 cf. V. R. R. Dikshitar, Parana Index, Vol. I. St 61, 36-41. a* cf. K. A. NUakanta Sastri, Agastya, op. cit., p. 486. a« Holtzmann. Zeitschrift der Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft 34 (1880) p. 560. cf. K. A. N. Sastri, op. cit., p. 478. 27 MonimekhaUti, Canto I lines 1-5 ; Silappadlkaram III 1, XII, XIV 14-15. also cf. Imperial Gazetteer of India V, New Edition, 1908, p. 71. AGASTVA — HIS NON-ARYAN ORIGIN 291 mountains.** The draivation of the name Agastya on the basis of his association with the Vindhyas may therefore be interpreted as a survival of the non-Aryan traditions. Agastya as adept in witchcraft In the Atharvaveda Agastya is associated with witchcraft.** Even in the Rigveda a hymn reveals this association of Agastya with spells and charms.*® Generally spells and charms are indicative of a primitive culture. It is very likely therefore that the association of Agastya with spells and charms goes back to primitive times and the references to them in the Vedic literature indicate their survival from pre-Aryan days.** It is significant that, many works on alchemy and medicine in Tamil are ascribed to Agastya, but the extant works are of relatively late origin. Many works on tantric literature are also attributed to him.** Agastya is also referred to as a hunter and archer,** indicating the primitive culture to which he belonged. The importance attached to the moimtains, the evolution of the worship ot mountains and founding settlements on mountain tops — all these are ascril^d generally to the non-Aryans, cf. Buddha Prakash. Govardhana Puja, Its Historical and Cultural Siimificance, The Poona Orientalist, XVIII. 1953, pp. 13-18. W. Crooke points out that the non-Aryan aboriginal tribes of Central India worship the mountains and that the belief In the sanctity of mountains widely prevails among the non-Aryan or Dravidian races. He also cites particularly the respect paid to the Vindhya ranges. In his opinion the veneration for mountains in the minds of the early Aryans might be a survival from the beliefs of non-Aryan races, cf. Crooke. The Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India, I, 1896. pp. 60-65. Also cf. J. A. MacCuUoch. Mountains, Mountain-Gods etc. Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, VIII. pp. 863-868. n. 32, 3 ; V, 23, 10. cf. Macdoncll and Keith, Vedic Index of Names and Subjects. 30 I, 191. 31 R. D. Banerji admits the early fusion of the Aryons and the non- Aryans and he writes that the non-Aryan magicians and the Dravidian priests became Brahmanas. cf. Prehistoric, Ancient and Hindu India pp. 37-38. Pargiter points out that the original Brahmans were not .so much priests as ‘ adepts ’ in matters supernatural, ‘ masters ’ of maglco- rellgious force, wizards and medicine men. He also at the same time points out that Brahmanism originally was not an Aila or Aryan insti¬ tution and that the earliest Brahmans were connected with the non- Aryan peoples and were established among them when the Ailas entered cf. op. cit., pp. 306-308. 3a ct R. Shamasastry, A Theory on the Origin of the Devanagari Alphabet, Indian Anliijuary, XXXV. “ Agastya. Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, 1, p. 4 292 TAMIL CULTURE Agastvas as raksasas In the Vayu Purano* Agastyas are classified as rakshasas along with Vaisvamitras and Paulastyas under the rule of Kubera. In the Matsya Purana” also, Agastyas are counted among the Brahmarakshasas and followers of Kubera. Rakshasas are not anywhere treated as Aryan. The writers of the Puranas were presumably aware of the association of the original Agastyas with some of the non- Aryan tribes : Agastya is actually referred to as the son of Pulastya, who was the progenitor of tribes like the rakshasas.” pvoLUTioN OF Agastya Gotra Amongst the Brahmanic clans (gotras), there are eight main gotra-lcara risis whose names are Visvamitra; Jama- dagni, Bharadvaja, Gotama, Atri, Vasistha, Kasyapa and Agastya.®* According to the Mahabharata, however, there were only four original gotra-kara risis, viz. — Bhrgu, Vasistha, Kasyapa and Angiras. This suggests that the Agastya gotra was accepted in the Brahminic fold only at a later date.” It may be mentioned here that according *4. Chap. 69, V. 195-196 ; Chap. 70, v. 53. SSTChap. 121, V. 62.-63. 30 •• Pulastya is said to be the father of Agastya and Visravas. Visravas had four sons, Kubera by Idavida (or Ilavila) and Havana, Kuntibhakarna and Vibhisana by Kcsini. The saintly civilizer of Southern India, Agastya, is thus very closely indeed related to the chief of the hated raksasas, being in fact the uncle of Havana, the god-despising king of Lanka. While Havana conquered India and reduced the gods to abject subjection, from which they were only rescued by Visnu appearing as Balarama, his uncle Agastya waged war with the demons and advised Rama how to subdue the raksasas. Similarly family dis¬ cords assisted Rama in his warfare against Havana and Bali (Vali) whose respective brothers Vibhisana and Sugriva joined Rama." Gustav Oppert, On the Original Inhabitants of Bharatavarsa or India (1894) p. 87. Also cf. Pargiter, op. clt., pp. 241-243. 37 Vayu Parana, Chap. 28 v. 22; Vishnu Parana ch. X ; Markan- deya Parana, Canto LIT. v 22-23 ; Bhagavata Parana, IV, 1.38. *9 cf. P. V. Kane, Gotra and Pravara in Vedic Literature. JBBRAS. XI, New Series: C. V. Vaidya, Gotra and Pravara, Proceedings and Transactions of the First Oriental Conference, Poona, 1919, n. pp. 34-35, R. Fick, Gotras, Enc. Re. E. Ethics, VI, 1913, pp. 3S3-358. 9* Pargiter. as pointed out already, says that the Agastyas arose later and their origin is uncertain yet tradition connects them with the Deccan cf. op. cit., p. 304. - AGASTYA — ms NON-ABYAN ORIGIN 293 to some scholars Brahmanic priesthood was itself a conse¬ quence of adoption by the Vedic Aryans of indigenous pre- Aryan priests.^ One such family of pre-Aryan priests was presumably that of Agastya.*^ ♦0 cf. D. D. Kosambi, On the Origin of Brahmin Gotras. JBBRAS, New Series, XXVI. pp. 21-80; Also his article " Early Brahmins and Brahmanism JBBRAS, XXIII, pp. 39-46. Also Refer Pargiter, op. cir., Ch. XXVI. 41 When Agastya ‘ nourished both colours' in Rlgveda I, 179, 6 it cannot mean two castes- but both Aryans and non-Aryans for he be¬ longed to both and his hymns show clearly the character of the com¬ promise cf. D. D. Kosambi, Urvasi and Pururavas, op. cit., p. 30. Also cf. N. N. Ghosh, The Origin and Development of Caste System in India, Indian Culture, XII, p. 178. The Period of Religious Revival in Tamil Literature S. ARUMUGA MUDALIAR A study of the religious revival during the Pallava reign will not merely help students of Tamil literature and history to have a glimpse of the trends of Tamil literature during the period but will also serve as an introduction and suitable background for a proper understanding and assess¬ ment of the development of Tamil Literature during the time of the later Cholas. Even a cursory study of the literary works during the period will reveal two significant features. Firstly, the literature of the period distinctly religious in character having arisen with the sole objective of invigorating the indigenous faiths of the land, namely, Saivism and Vaishnavism, which were in conflict with Buddhism and Jainism. Secondly the evidence is clear that the Pallava kings were generally more anxious to patronise Sanskrit culture than to support, at any rate actively, Tamil literature, learning and education. A study of the numerous Pallava inscriptions brings out the fact that not one inscription relates to grants to any Tamil Colleges or institution for fostering Tamil learning and education, whereas we find a number of inscriptions relat¬ ing to the promotion of Sanskrit learning and education. The period roughly from 600 to 900 A.D. of the Pallava rule may be described as the age of religious revival in the History of Tamil Literature. During the Sangam Age, the prevalence of a spirit of religious tolerance and the study of the different religions of the times in a philosophic and friendly spirit, reinforced and strengthened the feeling of universal brotherhood fostered by the large-hearted and HELICIOUS tlEVlVAL IK TAACtL UTERATURE 29S far-seeing policy of the Tamil kings.^ The Saiva, Vaishnava, Buddhist, Jaina and other faiths flourished, all side by side in a peaceful and tolerant atmosphere, not merely in the big capital cities like Puka: r or «fl'6S|fluuii)uiliq.corix> Kavirippu:mpat:t:inam «tr(g^qiruj Kanjipuram cu(^^ Vanji and Ut:anthai or e.jsa>!omgr Ut:aiyu:r but also in rural areas. We have a large body of evidence attesting the existence side by side of temples of the gods of not merely the Saiva pantheon but also of Vishnu, Muruha, Bala De:va and Indra, and Jaina and Buddhist shrines and monasteries.* Religious toleration was an article of faith and not merely a matter of policy with the Tamil kings of the period and the kings made liberal grants to religious institutions, irrespective of their doctrinal affiliation. We come across Buddhust and Jain poets in the third Sangam. But, after the Sangam age, there came an interval of literary quiescence for about three centuries, probably due to the Kalabra Interregnum. The adherents of Buddhist and Jaih religions, who had hitherto been peaceful, began to adopt a policy of aggressive expansion at the expense of the indigenous Saiva and Vaishnava faiths. They spread rapidly in the South with settlements in iCanji, <3«n-iE)0 jbit® Kongu Na:du and U3^60)ir Madurai. Many of the Bud¬ dhists and Jains of the time were great Sanskrit scholars ; and, while they learnt the language of the soil (Tamil), became scholars and writers in Tamil, they not only im¬ ported Buddhist and Jain ideas and ideologies into Tamil but were also responsible for a large influx of Sanskrit and Pali words, phrases and idioms into the Tamil Language. They gradually exercised a powerful influence on the kings and chieftains as well; in the hey-day of the Pallava rule in the early years of the 7th century their influence was at its zenith. King LDd^fi^treufftoeir Mahendra Varman 1 Manimekalai — Kathai 27. » (i) Silappatikaram — Kathai V. Lines 169 to 181. L/ eriuf^turjn is taken to mean a pathetic reference to his original faith of Salvisna described as or sugarcane and adopting the foreign, faith of Jainism described as or iron. In fact the terms • and «iri6 in verse 1 of this patikam. -Jipiit and wpii In verse 3, and nJariAafl verse 7, and ^aiih verse 0 are taken to refer to these faiths only in turn. (ii) Ibid — Tiruchenkkattankudi Patikam — Verse 4 last lines 3-4. (iii) The following lines refer to his having been once a Jain and the peculiar habits and practices of the Jains some of which are no doubt exaggerated. Ibid — Tiruvaiyani Patikam — beginning with (^aniL.^iu 0 rman Ojre® verses 7, 5, 4, 3, 2 & 1 and B. flv) Ibid — Tiruppubalur — Tirunerisai — Verse 4 . 3-A Tirunavukkarasar Tevaram — NamaccivayatUruppatikam — Verse 1. (ii) Ibid — Tirunanipalli Patikam — Verse 5 lines 3-4. (iii) Ibid — Tirunilakkudi Patikam — Verse 7. * (i) Tirumallsai Alwar — Nanmukan Timvantati, Verse B. (ii) Ibid. Verse 14. (ill) Ibid. Verse 26. (iv) Ibid. Verse 84. BEUGIOUS REVIVAL XK TAMIL LITERATURE 297 Thus arose the religious revival of the period ; and thus the Tamil works of the period happened to be mainly religi¬ ous in tone, character and sentiment and'propagated the Saivite and Vaishnavite doctrines of bhakti and mukti. It was a period of continuous feud and enmity among the votaries of the different faiths. The hymns of some of the Nayanmars and Alwars of this age make specific references to some kings,® personalities and incidents, which help us greatly in fixing their chronology. The: va: RAM of Appar and Sambandar The The; va: ram hymns sung by Sundarar and his reference to Kadavar Kon Kalarchingam. (iv) Manikkavacakar and his reference to Varaguna II. (V) NamraalVar and his reference to King Parantaka NedunJadaiyaA. (vi> Tiru ro a n gai Alwar and his reference to Kings Nandi Varman and Vairamekan etc. 298 TAMIL CULTUHE Grace of the Lord and Sundaramurthi as fBdn3 the youth blessed with the Grace of the Lord. Their songs generally dealt with Lord Siva of the various temples, situ* ated in the sacred places of the Tamilakam and even beyond like Thirukke:di:ccaram and &o Thirukko:n:ama:malai in Ceylon ^(^uuQ^uu^ib- i/r^so}^6oii> Thirupparupatham or Sri Sailam in the district of Kurnool and ^(i$dea>eeeoiriuih-^(f^(S0 Perii/apuronaTiv — Tirunavukkarasar Puranam — Verse 39. RELIGIOUS REVIVAL IN TAMIL LITERATITRE 301 ‘Appar’” or father. He was already showing signs“ of old age; probably he was looking older than his real age due to the suffering he had undergone as a result of persecution by the Jain king. The account of his life in Periyapuranam indicates that a number of years must have elapsed between their first meeting in Sikali and the death of Appar. By comparing the incidents of his life with those of Sambandar, we are able to arrive at some clear chronological sequences. If we presume, that Appar was about 75 years in 671 when he first met Sambandar and allowing about 6 years for the pilgrimages he made before his last days, he died probably in 677. In this period (from 671 to 677) he met also Nedu- maran*®, the Pandiyan king, the ara.«5r un'swjruj-iuajr Ku;n Pa:n:t:iyan who was converted to Saivism by Sambandar. Accepting the tradition’®'^ that Appar lived to the age of 81, we may roughly fix his period as 596 to 677 A.D. Sambandar, the “ precocious Saiva saint ” was born at Sikali (the taluk headquarters of that name in the Tanjore District).’* His parents were SCS^iuir Siva- pa:da Hirudayar and xjasaj^iurrg' Bagavathiyair. They were both great devotees of Siva. Sambandar is said to have been fed by Goddess Pairvathi (consort of Siva) herself, who gave him her own milk, when he was crying of hunger, on the banks of the tank near the local Siva temple, where his father who had taken him there was bathing.’® Having drunk the holy milk of divine wisdom, he became known as Tirunjnana Sambanda (lit. one related to divine knowledge) ; the child was also called <^(S 56 rot_iu i3dr&ir A:l:ut:aiya Pil:l;ai the child that received the grace of God. From then on he began to pour forth sweet melodious hymns on Siva; these are spontaneous expressions of the saint’s inmost experience n Ibid — Verse 182. « Ibid — Tirugnanasatnbandar Puranam — Verse 270. »*/btd — Tirunavuklcarasar Puranam — Verse 405. 13-A Srinivasa Pillal Tamil Varalaru Part n — p. 68. MIbid. Tirugnanasambandar Puranam — Verse 14-15. 15 Ibid. Verse 67-68. 302 TAMIL CULTURE in praise of Lord Siva and his Grace. The first“ pathikam contains the songs sung in reply to his father’s demand for an explanation of the cup of milk in his hand, out of which he was drinking. This miracle is reported to have taken place in the third year of liis life. After his sacred thread-wearing ceremony, which is usually done at the age of seven, Sambandar met Thirunavukkarasar, whose fame had already reached him. After a short sojourn at Sikali” with Thirunavukkara¬ sar whom he called sSiuup- “ Appcir ” (father), Sambandar went on a pilgrimage to the Siva shrines of the Chola country, visiting more than 100 temples. With the diffi¬ culty of transport existing in those distant days, travel, especially with hundreds of devotees following the saint, was probably very slow. We will not be wide of the mark if we allow five to six years for completion of this Chola- nadu pilgrimage ; he finally reached Tiruccenka:t;t;tangudi,^® the native place of Paranjoithi popularly known as Siruttondar, who received Sambandar with all respect and honour and entertained him. Sambandar in turn honoured him by recording Siruttondar’s devoted service to Lord Siva in his patikam*® in praise of the lord of the local temple. Siruttondar, according to historians, happened to be the commander-in-chief of the then Pallava king Nara- sunha Varman I (630-688). The northern contemporaries of this king were King Pulakesin II of the Chalukyas whose capital was at Vatapi and King Harshavardhana of Kanauj. Narasimha Varman invaded the western Chalukyan king¬ dom and laid waste its capital Vatapi in 642 and erected Tirugnanasaznbandar Tevaram — Tirupplramapura Patikam W (i) Vide e — V. 182-187. v « (ii) Vide 6. i» (i) Periyapuranam — Tirugnanasambandar Puranam V. 468-70. (ii) Ibid — Siruttondanayanar Puranam V. 23 l» (i) Jbid 420 and (u) Sambandar Tevaram — Tiruccenkattankudi Patikam V. 1-ia RSLIGIOUS REVIVAL IN TAMIL LITERATUIUB 303 a pillar of victory. According to Periapuranam,*® Sirutton- dar went on an expedition to the north as the conunander- in-chief of this army and brought home to his king, an enormous booty. After this heroic battle, he retired from official duties and devoted himself to the service of Lord Siva in his native village ; it was at this time that Samban- dar paid him a visit." At the time of this visit Siruttondar had a child named ^ffireiT C^Qjir Sira: 1; a De:var of three years of age.** Allowing, say, three years between Siruttondar’s return from the war and the birth of the child, we can assume 648 as the year of this meeting. From this Siruttondar— Vatapi synchronism, the age of Thirunjna:na Sambandar has been fixed round about 642 by historians. At the time of his meeting Appar for the first time at Sikali, just after his sacred thread-wearing ceremony, Sambandar was probably seven years of age and allowing six years for his pilgrimage as explained earlier, he would have been about 13 years of age when he met Siruttondar at his birth place in 648.. After a short tour of Saivite shrines from this place in the company of Appar, Sambandar at the invitation of the Pandiyan queen** Mangaiyarkkarasiya:r (The Queen among women) and the Pandiyan Prime Minister Kulaccitaiya;r went to the Pandiyan country. The Pan¬ diyan king Nedumaran alias sh.earun'eimijif.ujeaT Kun Pandiyan -—the hunch-backed Pandiyan had at this time renounced his Saivite faith and embraced Jainism; many of his followers and subjects presumably followed suit. This caused great anxiety amd concern to the queen and it was with this pu^ose that they sent out an invi¬ tation to Sambandar to tour the Pandiyan kingdom. Sambandar readily accepted the invitation and went to *0 Periyapuranam — Siruttondar Puranam — V. 6. « Ibid — V. 8-11. » Ibid — V. 17 A 22. M Periyapuranam — Tirugnanasambandar Puranam 603-616. 304 TAMIL CULTURE Madurai, the Pandiyan capital, where he was received with neat respect and enthusiasm** by the chief minister himself. The Jainas of the place attempted to kill him by setting fire to his residence, but fortimately he survived this attempt. The queen visited him** after this incident. In the religious disputations between the two sides, the Jainas*® on the one side and Sambandar on the other, the latter came out victorious and the king, who was suffering from a severe illness, was also cured by Sambandar. There¬ upon the king re-embraced** his original faith, Saivism. Leaving Madurai for a while, the saint went on a further tour in the Tamil Nad. Considering the number of places he visited, we may surmise that this tour lasted about 3 years. He was then probably 16 and married, as that was the traditional age for marriage in those days. On the day of the marriage, Sambandar is believed to have attained salvation along with his bride at the very altar of the marriage. This accords with the tradition according to which he lived for 16 years.** Thus according to the historians, who base their argu¬ ments on the contemporaneity of Siruttondar and Sam¬ bandar, Sambandar lived around 642 and if he had, as we have shown before, met Siruttondar at the age of thirteen somewhere about 648 A.D., he married in say, 651. His date would thus be 635 to 651 A.D. We are confronted however with the difficulty of reconciling the contemporaneity of Sambandar and Sirut¬ tondar (648) with the other contemporaneity of Sambandar with the Pandiyan king Nedumaran, whom he converted to Saivism. Prof. Nilakanta Sastri identifies this Nedu¬ maran with Arike:sari Para:nkusa Ma:tavarman,**, the iribid~^^re55le!i9! ^ ' M Ibid — 725-28. M Ibid — 770. « Ibid — BIO. » Tamil Varalaru — Srinivasa Filial Part n p. 68. » Pandiyan Icinydom — p. 53 at nq. BEUGIOUS REVIVAl. IN TAMIL LTTBRATXJHE 305 4th king of the First Pandiyan empire according to the Ve:l:vikkudi grant and the 1st according to the larger Sinnamanu:r plates. He is said to have reigned from 670- 710 A.D. If it was indeed this king, who was converted to Saivism by Sambandar, then Sambandar must have lived even beyond 651, i.e., during the period of 670 to 710 A.D. This conflict in dates cannot be explained satisfactorily unless either (i) Sambandar actually lived for a much longer period than 16 years, i.e., up to between 670-710 A.D., which makes it possible for him to have been the contem¬ porary of both Siruttondar and Nedumaran, or (ii) Sirut- tondar led an expedition on Vatapi twice, the second one being between 670-710 A.D., and that he retired to a reli¬ gious life after this second expedition. As for literary evidence for this later raid, we may take the stanza in Periyapuranam’s account of Siruttondar mentioned before, to mean not the raid during Narasimha Varman’s reign, but the one during his successor Paramesvara Varman’s reign. For, in the stanza*® under reference, neither Narasimha Varman, whose commander Siruttondar has been assumed to be, nor the year 642 A.D. are specifically mentioned. It merely contains the word uxoTeareusirr Mannavan and Q^irsarsardiirui Vatha:pittonnakaram without the date. Mannavan merely means the king and Vatapittonna- karam means the old city of Vatapi. Narasimha Varman was called in his inscriptions** ojir^inSOesiTsmi— jbfr^ihw^g-LndT ‘ Vatha:pi Kont:a Narasimha Varman ’—he who took Vatapi—and' this is clearly an indication of his having stormed the city of Vatapi. Some¬ where about the closing years of his father’s reign, Puli- kesin II advanced as far south as the capital of the Pallavas, forcing the Pallava king to retreat behind the wall of so'vTdT'aT ^ M (I) Epigraphlca Indica VoL VI. P. 11 should be taken to include Arabia and neighbouring countries. Some South Indian Brahmins with an Aryan complex, in their histories of the Tamil language and of South India, have attributed such references to ignorance on the part of early Tamil writers. Since the appearance of such works, thanks to the energy of European scholars, much research has been done which has revealed unmistakably traces of the Tamil language and culture in these and other lands across the seas. Similarly, Chinese historical sources which refer to the maritime traders bringing typical Indian products to China as far back as 7th Century B.C., ‘ were generally regarded with incredulity.’ These accounts have received striking confirmation by the discovery in the Philippines of a number of iron age finds bearing close resemblance to objects found in South India of about the same period—the first millen¬ nium B.C.‘ I According to Paul Pelliot there Is evidence in Chinese literature of diplomatic relations between South Indian Courts and the Chinese Empire *®rly as the 2od Century B.C, A Chinese writer, Pau Kou, who EARLY TAMIL CXJLTXmAL INFLUENCES IN S.-E, ASIA 323 “Professor Beyer conducted a remarkable series of excavations during the years 1926 to 1930, and the evidence has been summed up by R. B. Dixon who did a first-hand examination of the objects brought to light by Prof. Beyer. Among the finds were a large variety of iron weapons and implements and glass beads and bangles made in the Tamil country.” (K.A.N.). I shall quote what Dixon has to say of these; “ Now both the iron and glass objects are similar to, and in some cases identical with, the prehistoric glass and iron finds in the South of India. They occur in the dolmen tombs and urns which are foimd by hundreds and thousands, and which almost ante¬ date the historic Chola, Chera, Pandyan kingdoms whose history goes back to the beginning of the Christian era or before. As finds of similar glass beads and bangles have recently been excavated in the Malay Peninsula, in dolmen tombs in Java and in North Borneo, the inference is inescapable that we have clear evidence of trade contact with the Northern Philip¬ pines and Southern India, running well back into the first millennium B.C. The extensive trade and colonization and later con.- quests of South Indian kingdoms in Sumatra and Java as well as in Indo-China in the early centuries of the Christian era, of course, are well known. This new material, however, seems to make it clear that this was far from being the beginning of such contacts, but rather the last stages in an association reaching as far as the Northern Philippines which had begun many centuries before.” At Adichanallur, an ancient site on the banks of the Tambraparani in the Tinnevely district, extensive prehis¬ toric urn burials and iron implements related to those found m the Philippines and Palestine have been unearthed. A 8 324 TAMIL CULTURE remarkable find was the three-pronged fork or trident of iron. Many such tridents were discovered at Adichaiiallur. This evidence suggests that the worship of Murugan or Velan, the son of Siva (known as the God of Kataragama in Ceylon), was popular in the Tamil country even in those remote times. This Muruga worship would appear to have been carried by the Tamils to Palestine and Syria in the West, to Ceylon in the South, and to the distant Phillippines across the Indian and Pacific Oceans. In 1200 B.C. at Adichanalliu:, the Tamils were found to have cultivated rice, and it was in this region that the iron industry had its origin. There is every evidence to prove that the Tamils were the earliest people to introduce the cultivation of rice and the use of iron implements to the countries in the West as well as in South-East Asia. In support of this contention I would quote two dis¬ tinguished authorities— Piggot in his Prehistoric India, page 43 (Pelican Books, 1952), says with regard to rice ; “ It seems probable that rice cultivation began earlier in India than it did in China and that the knowledge reached the latter country about 2000 B.C.” He adds in page 259, “ The Rig Veda knows nothing of rice.” In other words, the Aryan immi¬ grants into India learnt the cultivation of rice from the Dravidians. In the light of these facts, it is amusing to find that our local historians have been at pains to show that rice cultivation was introduced into Ceylon by the Aryans. This, of course, is the least of the glaring historical inaccu¬ racies in some of our so-called histories of Ceylon. With regard to the centre of origin or iron, I give an extract from the Bulletin of the British Iron and Steel Federation—1949. Sir William Larke, Director of the British Iron and Steel Federation, says— “The centre of origin is variously placed in India, where there are historical traditions and remains indi- EARLY TAMIL CTTLTUHAL IlfFLXJENCES IN S.-E. ASIA 325 eating a highly developed iron culture. Hyderabad and Trichinopoly are considered by many to have been the centres of production of wootz.This steel was noted for centuries, being carrield by merchants from India to Damascus and Toledo." It will be noted that both these sites are in South India (Deccan). Sir William gives the date of this origin of the iron age as 1400 to 1500 B.C. The iron implements found in the Adichanallur site about the same period, and the transport of iron hoes and tridents to distant countries such as Palestine and the Philippines confirms this conclusion. For the purpose of studying the influence of Indian Art and Culture in the countries of South-East Asia, Quaritch Wales in his recent work. The Making of Great India, divides South-East Asian countries into two zones —^the Western Zone and the Eastern Zone. Under the Western Zone he includes Ceylon, Burma, Central Siam, Malaya and Sumatra; while he includes Java, Champa (Siam) and Cambodia in the Eastern Zone. The author (Quaritch Wales) points out that Indian scholars—most of them Nbrth Indians and a few Aryanised Brahmins of South India—seem often to have tended to over-emphasise the overseas influence of their own part of the country—the implication being that they have exag¬ gerated the role played by North Indian and Aryan culture in South-East Asia. He, however, accepts unhesitatingly the conclusion arrived at by M. Coedes, another great authority on South-East Asian Culture, that— “ All the regions of India contributed more or less to this expansion, and it is South India that had the greatest part, for the Southern half of the Greater India ..consisting of Ceylon, Java, Sumatra, Borneo, Malaya and Bali—was naturally most exposed to South Indian influence.” More recently, M. Stern has shown that even in Champa (Siam) and Cambodia which are included in the Eastern 326 TAMIL CULTURE Zones by Quaritch Wales, Pallava (Tamil) influences have played a significant part from very early times in the evolution of their culture. The Indianisation of these countries in the Western as well as in the Eastern Zone would appear to have proceeded in successive waves of cultural expansion. The first wave which may be termed the Amaravati period (2nd and 3rd centuries) represents the Art of Andhra which is Dravidian and South Indian. The second wave—which may be termed the Gupta . period—represents North Indian Art modified by Greek influences. The Guptas were Hindus but they did not persecute Buddhism. The third —Pallava Art—was mainly Dravidian and Tamil Hindu Art. It must be remembered that the Pallavas (Tondayar or Tondaraan) were at the same time promoters of Sanskrit learning in the Tamil country. The fourth —Pala period—lasted from the 8th to the 10th centuries. This Art had its origin in Bengal and was mainly Buddhist. The fifth —Chola Art—blasted from the 10 to the 12th centuries. It was again South Indian and Tamil. This wave was purely Hindu. “ Their great achievement.” says Panikkar, “ was in plastic art known as Chola bronzes. ” The Nataraja figures and images and portraits of tte Tamil Saints found in Polonnaruwa and in South India have been recognised as coming among the master¬ pieces of the world (Reginald Le May). All five waves of Indian cultural expansion affected the countries in the Western as well as the Eastern Zones of South East Asia. In the Western Zone which includes Ceylon, Burma, Central Siam, Malaya and Sumatra, Quaritch Wales states that Indianisation was so intense that no indigenous art or culture ever developed, and that the hulk of the upper classes were mainly Indian Colonists. There was no evolution of any art or culture for lack of EABLY TAMIL CULTUBAL INFLUENCES IN S.-E. ASIA 327 local genius to act as a shaper of evolution. " The archaeological remains represent simply the reflection of one or other waves of Indian cultural expansion. They may be justly called, colonial or Indianesqtic.” In the light of these- facts we in South Ceylon have very little reason or right to speak of an indigenous culture. From very early times the culture of Ceylon has been one imposed on its people by successive waves of Indian cultural contacts. In more recent centuries the people of South Ceylon came under Portuguese, Dutch and British cultiural influences and they absorbed them with equal avidity, though apparently devotees of “Buddhist Culture.” mm*** It will be remembered that the earlier cultural influ¬ ences brought to bear on Ceylon were Pandyan and Cholian, though no archaeological remains of any consequence are available. The truth of this contention, however, is ad¬ mitted by the author of the Mahavamsa who says that Vijaya and his 500 followers got their wives from the Pandyan country, and that these ‘ brides were followed by craft^en and a thousand families of eighteen guilds.’ He adds that all this multitude of men disembarked at Maha- thitha (i.e., Mantota near Mannar, a city sacred to the Hindus.) Could any reasonable person believe that the Tamil men and women described as a ‘ multitude ’ — the women of the court, the craftsmen and the members of the thousand families of eighteen guilds, spoke to one another and taught their children in an Aryan tongue, which the modern Sinhalese assumes Vijaya and his 500 followers spoke, or that they developed a cultvue and followed a religion alien to their ancestral heritage ? Who could doubt that the culture of these people was Dravidian, their language Tamil, and their religion Hinduism pure and simple ? The Mahavamsa itself associates Vijaya with the Kalingas — a Dravidian people — whose ruling family 328 TAMIL CULTURB seems to have had marriage alliances with the Pandyan Tamils. The Mahavamsa records further that when Vijaya died childless he was succeeded by Panduvasudeva, a Pandyan in name, whose mother was the daughter of the King of Madda (now Madurai) (vide Mahavamsa Geiger’s translation, Chapter VII). Tamil and Tamil culture are not likely to have been something strange either to Vijaya or to his successor Panduvasudeva. We cannot escape the assumption that the early rulers of Ceylon were drawn either from the descendants of Panduvasudeva or imported from South India, when no heir was available in Ceylon. These rulers were in fact not Sinhalese but strictly speaking ‘ the kings of the Sinhalese.’ In course of time the term ‘ Sinhalese' appears to have been used to designate the indigenous people of the country, and not the rulers or their kith and kin and their followers. Emerson Tennent in his Ceylon, Vol. I, pp. 370-1, has noted this when he points out that— “ The Mahavamsa and the Rajarainacari in order to vindicate the inferiority of the natives to their masters, speak of their labours as that of ‘ men and snakes, ’ ‘ men and demons Because they were so numerous in number, they were given seats of equal eminence with the king on festive occasions. “The feeling was encou¬ raged and matured into a conviction which prevailed to the latest period of Sinhalese Sovereignty, that no indi¬ vidual of pure Sinhalese extraction could be elevated to the supreme power, since no one could prostrate him¬ self before one of his own nation.” • • • • • BtniMA From very early times Hinduism and Buddhism appear to have flourished side by side in Burma. From the archaeological excavations made at Prom, the chief city of old Burma, Harvey says that the finds were mainly Hindu rather than Buddhist. In later times, though Burma EARLY TAMIL CULTURAL INFLUENCES IN S.*E. ASIA 329 became predominantly Buddhistic, Hindus lived with a Buddhist population and worshipped in their own temples. This early entry of Saivaism was probably an event in the great Tamil-trade movement which started in the 2nd millennium B.C., and swept across the seas to the Southern Islands and Malaya as far north as the Philippines. The earliest colonists to exercise authority over Burma appear to have been again South Indians. The city of Prom was also known as Vanadesi, the name of the capital of the Kadambas in South India. The earliest inscriptions dis¬ covered at Prom is in the South Indian Hadamba script of the 5th C. A.D. In the 5th and 6th centuries, however, Burma became the centre of Southern Buddhism. A num¬ ber of terracotta plaques carrying the effigy of Buddha were found inscribed in South Indian characters. The contact of South Indian merchants with Burma in the early centuries of the Christian era is attested to by Ptolemy who had noticed that large ships used to sail from the East coast of South India to Burma. The rise of Hinayana Buddhism in the 5th C. a.d., was mainly due to inspiration received by Burma from the great movement which started at Kanchi (Kanchipuram) in the Tamil country. Kanchi it will be remembered is referred to in Manimekalai, the great Tamil Buddhist epic. It was the home of that illustrious Tamil Buddhist Scholar Dharmapala, 6th C. a.d., who was the Head of the Nalanda University. He should not, however, be confused with the other Dharmapala, a Tamil himself and a Buddhist scholar, who came to Ceylon and wrote the famous commentaries. In the excavations made in 1926-1927, a relic chamber of a stupa containing many finds of great interest were fovmd. The chamber was found closed by a stone slab bearing a representation of a stupa having a cylindrical dome with a rounded top and five umbrellas above, indi¬ cating that these had a South Indian origin. Though most 330 TAMIL CULTURE Burmese became Buddhists, the worship of Siva and Vishnu continued to be popular, the majority of the Hindus being South Indian settlers and colonizers from India. Most of the old kings of Burma, it will be noted, have the Varman ending and the scripts used in almost all the inscriptions found in the country are South Indian in character. The Pallavas of South India — Tondayar or Tondamans — have contributed the greatest share towards the culture and greatness of ancient Burma. Of the magni¬ ficent Buddhist temple of Ananda, Quaritch Wales says — “ Here we have a South Indian temple crowned with a North Indian Sikara.” Scott, an authority on Burmese Archaeology and History — in his account of the reign of Alaungsithu (1112- 1187), observes : — “ The connection with India was still maintained and the form of the many Pagan temples suggests architects from the Deccan.. . Many of the images and their attitudes are quite South Indian. ” “ The presence of a considerable number of South Indian Tamils through the centuries is attested by the well-known Grantha—Tamil inscription of Pagan attest¬ ing the existence of a Vishnu temple built there by Vanadesi Merchants and a gift to the temple made in the 13th C. by a merchant from one of the port towns on the Malabar Coast .”—{Epigraphia Indica) The Malay Peninsula It has been found that in the Malay Peninsula early South Indian colonists had founded a number of indepen¬ dent states. There are no records except Chinese notices to form an exact idea of the nature and origin of these states. By the end of the 13th century the entire region came under the power of the Sailendras and later fell an easy prey to the Siamese. EARLY TAMIL CULTURAL INFLUENCES IN S.-E. ASIA 331 Malacca was an early Indian Hindu colony as proved by the Makara fragment built into the retaining wall near an ancient Portuguese Church. The Portuguese generally had no regard for antiquities or relics except for those of their own faith. The ^d, however, is an indication that the Pallavas of South India had exercised authority in Malaya in the early centuries of the Christian era. Perak, another district, has been identified as an ancient Hindu colony. ‘ A seal with an inscription in a South Indian script of the 5th C., or earlier was found.’ Kedah was an unmistakable Hindu settlement. Dr. Quaritch Wales investigated no fewer than 30 sites round about Kedah. The results show that this site was in con¬ tinuous occupation by South Indians — Hindus and Bud¬ dhists — mainly Tamils. On a low spar of the Kedah peak to the south have been discovered traces of a Siva Temple. A large Siva Temple also had been identified as such by a four-armed Ganesh figure and a bronze weapon of Muruga. This temple is assigned to the 11th C, M. Coedes believes that Kedah is the same as Kadaram of Tamil {Chola). Takua-pa Lajonquiere’s investigations at Takua-pa, which is a town situated north of the Perak district, brought to light a number of old sculptures and monuments which go to prove that Takua-pa was a well-known harbour and ^ early trading centre resorted to by South Indian and parti¬ cularly Tamil traders. This has been supported by a Tamil inscription discovered in 1902 by Mr. Bourke, a mining engineer of the Siamese Government. Further in the interior on a hill in a dilapidated condition were found the figure of Siva and Parvati and a danseuse. Describing the finds, Lajonquiere observes : — . “ The costumes in numerous folds treated with details, the profusion of jewels, the elegant movements of the body, recall very nearly the oldest sculptures of Dravidian India.” O 332 TAMIL CULTURE Near ttiis sculpture is a slab which carries a Tamil insctip* tion. It records the construction of a tank by one who describes himself as the Lord of Nangur. 'Hie tank is placed under the protection of the members of the Mani- gramam, under the residents of the Cantonment described as Senamukham and one other group of which the nature is obscured by a gap in the inscription. - No one, however, knows who maintained a Sena¬ mukham at Takua-pa, and for what purpose. Was the Lord- of Nangur a Tamil military Chieftain or just a Merchant Prince ? The term Manigramam implies the large and influential guild of Tamil merchants of whom we read in diverse connections. These historical associations would have been lost to us but for the scientific zeal of Western explorers. (K.A.N. Sastri). Pierre Dupont has pointed out that Pro No’ Visnu of Takua-pa is a pure Pallava product of the 7th C. a.d., while the seventh century Siva temple remains excavated in Kedah by Quaritch Wales have been ascribed by him to South Indian Colonists, most of whom were from the Tamil country. Among the statues found belonging to different periods and styles was the admirable bust of Lokeswara (Siva) discovered by Prince Dumrong and now in the Bangkok Museum. M. Coedes says of this statue : — “ The benevolent serenity of the face, the noble bearing of the shoulder and the magnificence of dress and adornment class this statue, badly mutilated, among the ^masterpieces of Indian sculpture.” At Ligor on the eastern coast of the peninsula was found a Tamil inscription dated in arSaka year in words. The word for the hundred figure is lost. “The record" mentions some charity in favour of Brahmins instituted accordine 1o the orders of a Dharmasenanathi.” EARLY TAIkOL CXJLTURAL INFUJENCES IN S.-E. A§IA »333 Malaya and Islam The Malay Peninsula continues to be in debt ta South India and Ceylon to this day to thousands of Tamil and Tamil-speaking Muslim merchants, Tamil educationists,’ doctors, engineers and labourers. The Malayahs them-, selves would appear to have appreciated the value of this contact by recognising Tamil as a language to be taught at the Malayan University. The results on the cultural side of these contacts have struck all observers. “ There are many similarities,” says Annandale, “ between the Muhamadanism of the Labbies of the Indian shore of the Gulf of Mannar and that of the Malays. -•I think it would not be impossible to find striking parallels between objects in daily use, and especially, in the patterh, with which these objects are adorned among the two races.*’ It has been established that an old type of South Indian water vessel known in Tamil as kendi, the kendi'with a spout, is in use by the Malays and called by the Tamil name. Again, “ The importance of Hama and Hanum^ in thd folklore of the Malays, Buddhists and Muhamadans 'alike agree with legends which link these with the region round Adam’s Bridge region, whence came the bulk of the Tamils resident in Malaya.” Annandale goes on to add, “ I would even hazard the suggestion that it is largely owing,to the commercial activities of the Labbies and their ancestors that the Malays of the mainland were first converted from Shamanism to Hinduism and then from Hinduism to’what they call, in phraseology of curiously mingled derivation, the Agama Islam, Several common Malay words like those for washer¬ man, kind or sort, marriage pledge, leaf, couple, and so on, have been traced indubitably to- Tamil origins and these are some of the results of an unbroken contact throughout the centuries that follow the early period of coloni^tion. tK. A. N. Sastri, South Indian Influences in the Far East) 334 TAMIL CULTURE Java By about a.d. 400, Indian culture and Hinduism had obtained firm footing in Java. Though the extant inscrip¬ tions in West Java are of a later date than those of Borneo : “There can be no doubt,” says Nilakanta Sastri, “that Hindu culture must have reached Java, if anything a little earlier, from South India, than it reached Borneo.” The inscriptions of West Java are engraved in the distinctly South Indian type of characters, and these are actually half a century later than the inscriptions of Mulavarman found in Borneo. The West Javan inscriptions refer to the ' Illustrious Purnavarman ’ who once ruled at Taruma in Java. The inscriptions are identical with the Grantha alphabet used by the Pallavas of South India (300 to 800 A.D.). Another inscription found at Changal (732 a.d.) describes the consecration of a linga by King Sangaya of Central Java, whose ancestors came from Kunjara-kunja- desa in South India. Another at Dinaya of the year a.d. 760, describes the erection of an image of Agastya. In all these the era used is Saka era, an essentially South Indian reckoning. The Northern Vikrama era is unknown. On the Dieng Plateaux, 6,500 feet above sea level, there are five groups of temples of an earlier period, all dedicated to Siva. The style of architecture is Dravidian and South Indian. Kroom points out that the Dieng Art shows ‘ most agreement with, or properly least difference from. South Indian Art, specifically from the square plan, symmetry, roof stages and stresses on horizontal lines.’ Though Siva worship had been introduced by Tamil merchants and colonists in pre-Christian centuries, the later Pallava-Tamil influences are strongly indicated by the presence of Kala Makara over doorways, ‘ for the Kala- Makara combined motif was a Pallava innovation in Indian Art.’ EARLY TAMIL CULTXJRAL INFUJENCES IN S.-E. ASIA '335 The Sailendras, who niled over Java and Sumatra and whose origins have not been finally decided upon by scholars, were Mahayanist Buddhists, and in all probability a dynasty that had its origin in South India. Throughout their imperial authority they had been in contact with South India and South Indian Buddhists till they were overpowered later by the Chola Empire. Here is what K. M. Panikkar says in his ‘ India and China ’ p. 20 : — “ Its relations with India were of the most intimate kind. We know, for example, that Sri Vijaya Kings endowed institutions in Nalanda and had monasteries erected at their expense in Nagapatam... The Sailendra monarchs of Sri Vijaya enjoyed great prestige in India, and their envoys frequently visited Indian Courts.” It is interesting to note that while in Java there has been a fusion between Saivaism and Mahayanist Buddhism, Bali has always remained Hindu. That South Indian cuUure is bound up with the Art of Java is clearly evidenced in the dance forms and worship of the Balinese. The Saiva form of Hinduism ante-dated Buddhism in Java, while Bali still remains Hindu ; and Saivaism was in all probability introduced by Tamil merchants and colonists in pre-Christian times. The majestic Sivan Temple in Pe- rambanam in Java is thought by many competent judges to contain the finest sculptured panels to be found in Java. Kroom considers the Perambanam to represent ‘ the apotheosis of Saivaism as Borobodor does of Buddhism.’ “ In the organisation of rural economy and village communities, the institution and ideas appear unmistakably to have been brought from South India. Institutions of Village Government are either unknown or quite different in their nature in non-Hindu parts. The proceedings in vUlage meetings in Java even today strongly remind one of the conditions of village administration in South India 336 TAMIL CULTURE in ancient days as it is vividly portrayed in the numberless inscriptions of the Chola monarchs.” (K. A. N. Sastri). Java has had continuous contacts with South India in later times. The Chola Empire in the 10th and the 11th centuries had close association with Java, and Javanese culture was further influenced by Tamil culture after the Cholas defeated the Sailendras of Java. Bhikkhus from Kanchipuram praise the Javanese ruler Hayam Wuruk in the 14th C.; Jayanagara adopted the characteristic Pandyan title Sundarapandya at the coronation in the 14th century, and adopted the Pandyan Emblem of the two Ashes for his seal. Sumatra The rulers of Sumatra, according to Chinese historical records, were in communication with China during the period 450-562 a.d. The names of these rulers, judged from the Chinese transcriptions, are typical Hindu names, and the manners and customs similar to the South Indian customs of Champa and Kumbuja (Siam and Cambodia). In Sumatra are found certain names of tribal sub¬ divisions which are unmistakably South Indian, and specifi¬ cally Tamilian names such as Choliya, Pandiya, Maehliyala, and also Pallava as well as Tekam (or Tekkanam or Deccan). “The social organisation of some of these tribes seems to date from a very remote past and it is quite probable that these names were taken over when they were still powerful realities in South India,” says Nilakanta Sastri. No temples in Sumatra belonging to this ancient period have survived as they had probably been built of wood following the South Indian practice in pre-Christian times. This contact with Sumatra was kept up by South India for well over a thousand years. In the 11th century a.d. the Cholas invaded Sumatra which was at that time under the EARLY TAMIL CULTURAL INFLUENCES IN S.-E. ASIA 337 Sailendras. Tarnil inscriptions of this period have been found at Luba Tua dating from the year 1088. Tamil tribal names are still found among the Batak of Sumatra. Thus Sumatra had not only been colonised by the Tamils but it also became an integral part of the Greater Indian Cultural Area. Celebes In Celebes, a large island further east of Borneo and Java and south of the Philippines, traces of Sobth Indian influences have been found. The Buddha images there show affinities with the earliest form of the Amaravati Art fSecond century a.d.). Archaeologists have not been able to decide how far this culture had penetrated into the interior of the island. Recently, however, an ancient bell and a pair of cymbals have been discovered. The bell and cymbals are very similar to those still in daily use in South India in domestic worship and otherwise. The probability is that South Indian cultural influence had preceded the arrival of South Indian Buddhism. The Pallava-TamU period was the age of South Indian colonisation par excellence, and unmistakable marks of evidence of Pallava rule are found scattered all over South East Asian countries including Celebes. “ But,” says Sastri, • “ palaeography and art styles are the two unmistakable marks of the antiquity of objects belonging to really early times and attesting direct contact of these lands, and the tests, as we have seen, point to a time much earlier than that Of the rise of the Pallavas.” Borneo The earliest archaeological evidence in Borneo is a Sanskrit inscription, fully and decidedly South Indian, referring to the conquest of Mulavarman, a Pallava king. There is also evidence of the Agastya cult in Borneo already noticed in Java, a cult which is essentially South Indian. 338 TAMIL CULTURE The Ganesha image found in Sarawak, North Borneo, a linga and yoni found in West Borneo and a Pallava inscrip¬ tion in the East coast of Borneo, prove unmistakably the early colonisation of Borneo by the South Indians, and particularly by the Tamils. Philippines I have already referred to the iron age finds in the Philippines bearing close resemblance to objects found in South India about the same period, more than a thousand years before Christ, and also to other evidences of trade contact with Malaya, Indo-China, North Borneo and Philip¬ pines in those remote times. The Spanish who dominated the Philippines in recent centuries are not likely to have prescribed religious and cultural antiquities of other Faiths. In 1820, however, a copper image of Siva was discovered in one of those islands which points to a remote period^, in which the worship of Siva had been introduced by South Indian merchants. That these facts are by no means unsupported by other evidence may be shown by the remarks made by Mr. Phiroz Kutar, Technical Director, which were reported in the Madras ‘Hindu’ (October, 1954). “ Researches into the cultural and racial origins of the people of Ceylon and of countries lying eastward have shown that they were once colonised from South India and in particular, the Fillipino script has striking" similarities with that of Tamilark. These researches have also shown that Fillipino dialects belonged to the Dravidian family.” Cambodia I have so far not been able to touch on Tamil cultural influences in Central Siam, Champa and Cambodia. This aspect of the subject would require a separate lecture. I would crave your indulgence to refer to a state ceremony EARLY TAMIL CULTURAL INFLUENCES IN S.-E. ASIA 339 in Cambodia' where Saiva Tamil hymns are sung even today, to indicate the extent of Tamil cultural influence in these regions. • Cambodia had come under Saiva Tamil influence, not to speak of Southern Buddhism, from very early days. Though Buddhism continues to be its State religion, the old Saiva ceremonies conducted by the Tamil Brahmin priests are still found incorporated in its Coronation ceremonies. The Saiva Brahmins of Cambodia would appear to have come originally from Rameswaram in South India. Many of these, with the ascendancy of Buddhism and the adop¬ tion of the Siamese themselves as Brahmins, seem to have taken along with them, elsewhere, valuable documents which would otherwise have revealed more fully the nature of South Indian Tamil influence in the religious cere¬ monies and court life of the Siamese in Cambodia. Quaritch Wales, in describing the swinging festival on the occasion of the crowning of Cambodian Kings, says : — “ The King seated himself on a throne beneath an umbrella of seven tiers which, after the King was crowned, was replaced by one of nine tiers emblematic of full sovereignty. The high priest of Siva then came to him, and after render¬ ing homage, pronounced the Tamil mantra, the name of which means ‘ Opening of the Portals of Kailasa ’. ” Wales adds that the Siamese priests now know neither Sanskrit nor Tamil, but that in an earlier period there were Brahmins who did understand these Indian languages. The texts which the Siamese priests still possess are Sanskrit and Tamil hymns with instructions in Siamese for the preli¬ minary rites intended to be used in daily worship. The Rev. Fr. Thani Nayagam, a member of the Tamil Cultural Society and the Editor of ‘ Tamil Culture,’ visited I “ The Cambodian kings bore the title of Varman, which reminds one of the Pallava kings of South India. The magnificent temples of Angkoi^Vat and of Bayon are similar to those of Southern India. Taking all these facts together, as well as the introduction of Nataraja Siva from South India one thinks that the colonists perhaps came from Southern India." (P. Nath Bose) 10 340 TAMIL CULTURE the Brahmin Temple in Bangkok and heard the Brahmin priests recite the Tamil verses used in the ‘ Triambavay — Tirupavay ’ a swinging festival at the coronation of their Kings. He has shown that the verses are actually the first two songs of Manickavasagar’s Thiruvempavai. For a further account of this ceremony and a discussion on further research that should be undertaken by Tamil scholars in South-East Asian countries, I would refer you to the ex¬ cellent article by Fr. Thani Nayagam appearing in the 1955, July Number of the Tamil Culture Magazine. Before I close, I would bring to your notice certain facts which will enable you to understand more fully the study of the Indian influences in these colonies. 1. In most oi the South-East Asian colonies the strong Dravidian cultural influence is stressed by the fact that the Saka Era, a distinctly South Indian Calendar, as opposed to the Vikrama Era of the Northerner, has been in vogue. 2. The New Year celebrated in mauiy of these countries including Champa (Cambodia) and Ceylon is the Tamil New Year 13th-14th April. This is an ancient Tamil astronomical fixture going back to the Mohenjo- Daro period and continued through the Sangam Age. In Ceylon under the British it was termed Hindu, and has now come to be called ‘ Hindu ’ or ‘ Sinhalese 3. The Brahmins, most of them Saivites, mentioned in connection with the Indian Colonies were Tamils or South Indian ‘ adopted ’ Brahmins. This is a process referred to in one of the Upanishads, where it is stated that of the white, brown and dark Brahmins, the last were the cleverest because they knew all three Vedas, while the others knew only one and two respec¬ tively (Brihadaranyaka Upanishad). 4. In the purely religious inscriptions in these colo¬ nies Sanskrit was used by Vaishnavites and Mahayana Buddhists, and Pali by the Hinayana Buddhists, though they came from the South, because these EARLY TAMIL CULTURAL INFLUENCES IN S.-E. ASIA 341 languages alone were considered fit vehicles for their respective religious pronouncements. Again, the Pallava Kings (Tondayars), though they were patrons of Sanskrit, became champions of Tamil after their conver¬ sion to Saivaism. 5. Rigid caste divisions were unknown among the early Tamils. The caste system, as we know it today, was brought into the South of India by Brahminism. In the maritime activity of the early Oravidians, the men who lived along the sea-coast, apparently, played the largest part. With the introduction of the Brahminical prejudice against fish and sea-faring activities (inten¬ tional or otherwise), may be said to have commenced the gradual weakening of the maritime enterprise and cultural expansion of the Dravidian peoples and of the Tamils in particular. BIBLIOGRAPHY Childe, G.— The Most Ancient East. 1928. Coedes. G.— Indian Art and Letters. Hall. J. W.— Eminent Asians, 1929. Marshall, ^Sir John.— Mohenjo-Daro and the Indian Civilization, 1931, NUakanIa Sastri.— A Historv of South India, 1995 ; i South Indian Inituences in the Far East, 1949. Panikkar, K. M.— A Survey of Indian History, 1954 ; India and China, 1957. Piggott, Stuart.— P^historic India (Pelican Book), 1952. Quaritch Wales, H, G.— The Mofcinjf of Greater India, 1957 ; , "Siamese State Ceremonies, 1931. Reginald Le May.— The Culture of South East Asia, 1954. Scott. J. G.— Burma from the Earliest times to the Present day, 1924. Will Durant.— Our Oriental Heritage, 1942, Sir William Larke.—Bulletin of the British Iron and Steel Federation, 1949. Dixon.— Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, V. 639, 1930. Rev. Fr. Thani Nayagam.— Tamil Culture, Vol. V, No. 3. July, 1955. Epipraphica Indica. Dialectal Variation in Eleventh Century Telugu K. MAHADEVA SASTRI The ejtrliest extant literary work in Telugu is a translation of the Sanskrit Mahabharata by Nannaya Bhatta in the 11th C. a.d. Prior to Nannaya, our know¬ ledge of the condition of the Telugu language is derived solely from inscriptions which are available from about 600 A.D. The language of the early inscriptions differs much from that of Nannaya’s Mahabharata ; it is more archaic and betrays closer affinities with other Dravidian languages of South India. But as we come down in point of time the language gradually changes approximating to that of Nannaya. Thus, for instance, the tatsama-laden prose style of the Koravi inscription of Chalukya Bhima of the 10th C. is very much like the prose in the Andhra Bharata. The existence of a poetic tradition in the pre- Nannaya age is also indicated by a number of verse inscrip¬ tions belonging tp this period. Nannaya’s Mahabharata was written in the Marga style — with a large admixture of the Sanskritic element, but basically the language was the living idiom of the day. Generally speaking there was not much difference between the literary and the spoken dialects in the Kavitraya period, 11th—13th C. That difference came later when gram¬ marians began to prescribe the language of the Bharata as the standard of correct usage in literature. The literary dialect was not immune to change but it changed slowly, while the spoken language changed much faster. It is therefore necessary to study both these currents along parallel lines. We will then be in a position to appreciate the connection between the literary and the spoken dialects DIALECTAL VARIATION IN ELEVENTH CENTURY TELUGU 343 — to see for instance, how the colloquialisms of one period become accepted in standard usage at a later time, how some are marginal cases as evident from the discussions and differing opinions of the grammarians over the question of their recognition, or how some forms or constructions become obsolete yielding place to new ones or again how some forms never get an entry into the literary dialect no matter how old or widely current they are. This study is necessary for properly understanding the development of the language. The spoken language of the historical period has not been completely or correctly recorded for us anywhere. We have to piece together whatever information we could gather from various sources like the inscriptions, popular literature, commentaries and other works which are outside the classical tradition. For the age of Nannaya however, inscriptions are our only source. A study of nearly 60 Telugu inscriptions dated in the 11th century (published in Volumes IV, V, VI and X of the South Indian Inscrip¬ tions —Epigraphy department. Government of India, and in Corpus of Inscriptions in the Telingana districts — Hyderabad Archaeological series) along with Nannaya’s work shows the following dialectal differences in the language of that century. 1. In the orthography of modern Telugu, the arlhanusvara stands in the place of a lost anusvara except in those places where it represents a lost syllable. The anusvara was as a rule represented by the class nasal in the oldest Telugu inscriptions. The practice of dropping the nasal in pronunciation in certain words seems to have come into vogue as early as the 9th C. a.d. as indicated by the Pillar inscription of Yuddhanialla*at Bezwada, in which metre requires the elision of the nasal in some places. In the eleventh century inscriptions the form kunturu occurs five times with the nasal, (SIJ. IV —1010, X-8, IV-1161, lOlSj V-1137), and once without it in spelling 344 TAMIL CULTURE (V-1125). Nannaya and later poets generally preferred forms in which the nasal was dropped after an initial long vowel. But Nannichodadeva, a poet ascribed to the 12th C. A.D. combined a word like pdmdimi with a tatsama word bhdm4amu in prdsa indicating clearly that the nasal in the former was fully pronounced in his speech. Although not accepted in the Kavitraya literary tradition, the retention of the nasal in such words has continued down the centuries upto the present day and may be seen in the conservative dialect of the southern Andhra districts. For example, the words komti, tomka, and pem^a, are pronounced with the nasal* in the Nellore district whereas they have become koti, toka and peda in the Circars. 2. The loss of medial vowels by syncopation in nouns as well as in verbal roots is found in Nannaya’s language, but it is carried to great lengths in colloquial Telugu. The Saiva poets Nannichodadeva and Palkuriki Somanatha who belonged to the d§si school used such forms more freely than Nannaya. For example, in Panditaradhya charitra of Pfilkuriki Somanatha we frequently meet with words like kasvu i=kasavu), targu (=tarugru), ccrci (=cerici), civki (=civiki), etc. Thus kodku is used often for Koduku in the inscriptions. 3. In the inscriptional language, the nominative ter¬ mination -mu in some words is dropped before the plural suffix -lu or before an oblique case ending with compensa¬ tory lengthening of the preceding vowel : kuncdlu (SII. lV-1014), angarangabhogdlaku (X-58) sakavar^dlu (X-60), tuldsankrdnti nimitydna (IV-1300). This feature is absent in Nannaya’s language. 4. According to rules of Telugu grammar, a Sanskrit word can never enter into a compound with a Telugu word except as a tatsama. But we find quite a good number of compounds of Sanskrit and Telugu words, vairisamdsas, as they are called, in actual usage, and some of them also got DIALECTAL VARIATION IN ELEVENTH CENTURY TELUGU 345 into literature. The compounds nityapa4h divasapadi are common in the inscriptions of this century. There are three prayogas like this in Nannaya’s Maha- bhirata, viz., kardkanthudu, ptranagod^amu, jivagarra. Some grammarians tried to explain them away as tad- bhavas. But the fact remains that in spite of the grammarians these forced themselves into literature and doubtless were freely used in the spoken language. Nannichodadeva used many peculiar forms which point to the usage of his day, but examples of which are com¬ paratively rare in the later period. These are semi-tatsamas like harihikes'ahharambu, kaluharagamdhi, harxi^cis'rvcdhd- ralu, and tatsamas like mddhuryata, mdrgi samghamu, sadyami^fapJialadu, etc. The word nitya (,=nityam‘u') in the inscriptions is pieculiar. There is also the unpaiiinian usage kamalanetri in an inscription dated 1075 a.d. (Epi- graphica Indica IV-314). 5. The formation of the plural offers a case of a pronounced dialectal differentiation in the 11th C. language. Words which had 1 and r in the final syllable sometimes formed their plurals in -dlii in the inscriptions ; engi^lu (Sg. engili), nidlu (Sg. niru') (SII. IV-1015) ; also compare gudlu {SII. X-647). In Nannaya these plurals would be engillu, nlUu, and gullu. The -dlu plurals above became obsolete very soon and did not survive in modem Telugu. The pronoun of the III person epicene plural is udru in Nannaya. The dialectal form udn^ru is found in a contemporary inscription in the expression dnduvdn^ru (SII. IV-1015). This is later than vdru, and is formed from the Singular vdndu ( < avanru, cognate with Tamil avari) with the plural suffix -ru. Later poets used vdndru beside vdru. But as the latter gradually began to be used as the honorific singular vdndru and vdndlu {vdn^-u ± lu) ( > vdllu) became generalised for tlie III pi. Dr. C. Narayana Bao points out that vdndru has not been used hv kavitrnva 346 TAMIL CULTURE Rnd that it occurs first in literature in Potana’s Bhdgavata X-1, 1526 (History of Telugu Language, VoL II, p. 1162). 7. In some cases in the inscriptions the stem vowel is lengthened instead of lengthening the vowel of the con¬ junctive particle -nu as we find in Nannaya in the later language ; eppudunu (SlI X-4) i darmmuvu cekoni stdna- patulunu, devakarmrnulunu, s'n vai^navulunu nadapamgga- lavdru (VI-139). The conjunctive pfirticle -um has survived in this period from Old Telugu as seen from the following example : niri nelayum badi maruturu velijenunum dana yillunu... (Corpus of Inscriptions, No. 6). 8. Beside the regular conjugational form iccitimi I pi. past verb of the root iccu ‘ to give ' we have a dialectal variant, and obviously an abridged form of this, istimi. Both these occur in the same inscription ; Mailajiyya pan Soft so t ( 99 atlas, Sunday, arrears).. Retroflex- articulate with ti? of tongue. ni — ng ( sing''... .velar n (Nasal) o — nj ( 99 angel)... .palatal n CS9T n: ( 99 urn?).... Retroflex n - articulate with blade of tongue. IB — nh ( • • antheml... .dental n U) — m ( mate) C9T — n ( »l enter)-Retroflex n - articulate Medium ILI _ y ( with tip of tongue. yard) (non-nasal s — T ( red) continuant) €0 1 ( • » leave).... Alveolar 1. articulate with tip of tongue. OJ — V ( • » very) U) ~ I- ( 19 ? )... .Retroflex 1 - articulate with blade of tongue. Auxiliary* (■eiu^ii) nr 1: ( 99 hurt)... .Alveolar 1 - articulate with blade of tongue. *• X ( 99 ahead) The Tamil phonemes may for practical purposes be treated as havine single allophones only, except In the cose of the hard consonants which have four allophones each, as shown in note 1 on the reverse. 356 TAMIL CULTUBE I. The Phonemes, classified as hard, have normally an unaspirated unvoiced value but acquire the following modified values if preceded by a consonant:— (a) a siightly aspirated unvoiced value, if preceded by a plosive or hard consonant, e.g., uasatii - is pronounced pakkham, not pakkam (b) an unaspirated but voiced value, if preceded by a nasal or soft consonant :— e.g., uiusii) - is pronounced pangatn, not pankam u( 5 »ib - „ panjam, not pancam, (c) a fricative value if preceded by a non-nasal continuant or medium consonant or by the auxiliary consonant. e g., uroa&o becomes palhalai not palkalai er .'.0 „ chbu not exku NOTE.—In most present day dialects, the plosive assumes a fricative —sometimes a voiced—value after a vowel also, except in the case of t: which retains its normal unaspirated, unvoiced value even after a vowel. 2. The. value of this auxiliary phoneme,, which must always be followed by a hard consonant, was variable during the time of Tholkappiam; it. acquired a phonetic value identical with that of the following hard consonant, vide 1 (c) above, e.g., st.'.g became ehhu Later its value became fixed as h, irrespective of the following consonant. Note, (i) With a view to keep down transliteration to the minimu n it is suggested that, in the case of Tamil words which are already in free use in English (eg, Tamil = Thamil), or where it is unnecessary to indicate the exact pronun¬ ciation, accurate transliteration need not be resorted to. In the case of proper names etc., which occur more than once in the same article, the transliteration need be shown only once in brackets side by side with a free English adaptation, the latter alone being used subse¬ quently, except of course in cases where such a procedure will lead to ambiguity, ,, e.g., = Vengadam (Ve; ngkat: am). (ii) Reference may be made to Tamil Culture, Vol. IV, No. 1 (January 1955 issue) pp. 58-73 for fuller details. THE TAMO. SCRIPT MEMBERS OF THE GOVERNING COUNCIL FOR I9S7-SJ. Rev. S. Arulsamy, S.J., Loyola College Mr. S. Arumuga Mudaliar. Rev. P. Ceyrac, S.J^ Loyola College Mr. S. Chellaswamy. Dr. A. Chidambaranatha Chettiar, Annamalai University .Isaiarasu M. M. Dandapani Desigar. Dr. V. A. Devasenapathi, University ot Madras. Mr. K. Ganesh. „ M. M. Ghani, Divisional Inspector of Schools. Madurai „ S. Maharaja PiUai Dr S G. Manavala Ramanujam Mr. T. P. Mecnakshisundaram PiUai, Presidency College O. RM. M. SP SV M. Meyappa Chettiar „ C. A. Mohamed Ibrahim „ A. M. M. Murugappa Chettiar „ M. Ct. Muthiah „ T. M. Narayanasamy PiUai, M.L.C. Vice-Chancellor, Annamalai University. Dr. B. Natarajan Mrs. Ratna Navaratnam Mr. S. M. Palaniappa Chettiar „ A. C. Paul Nadar Dr. K. K. PiUai, University of Madras Mr P. T. Rajan „ A. Ramanatha PiUai, Thiagarajar CoUege, Madurai. ,. K. V AL. M. Ramanathan Chettiar „ R. Ramanathan Chettiar „ S Ramasami Konar „ V Seshasayee ,. T K Shanmugam ,. V. Subbiah Pillai P M Sundaram, Osmania Uni¬ versity. ,. Puthoncri R. Subramanian Mr. Justice V Subramaniam Mr. V. Sundaramurthi Mudaliar Rev. Dr. Xavier S. Than! Nayagam, University of Ceylon Mr. A. N. Sattanathan Dr. M. Varadarajan Mr. N. K. Vinayakam TAMIL CULTURE Subscriptions, advertisements, and remittances should be addressed to ; The Manager, Tamil Culture, 5-B Aiyavu Naidu Street, Madras-30. Subscriptions are best remitted in the form of crossed Postal orders or deques or Bank drafts payable in India drawn in favour of Tomil Culture. Cheques not drawn on a Bank in Madras should include the Bank's collecting commission of 50 naye paises.. V. P. P. charges are extra. Subscriptions and remittances may also be remitted to : CEYLON : Kalaivani Book Centre, 130, Trincomalie Street, Kandy. MALAYA : Manager, Tamil Mvrasn, 71, Selegie Road, Singapore 7. Rates of Subscription (effective from 1956) : India, Ceylon. Burma, Malaya Annual Sh. 12/6 U. S. A. & other countries U. S. $ 2 00 1 or Its equivalent Single Copy Rs. 2 Sh. 4 U. S. $ 0-75. As back numbers are usually sold out quickly, we are unable to guarantee supply of back numbers to subscribers who send ' their subscriptions for any year after one or more Issues for that ■year are out. In such cases we can only supply subsequent issues of the year at single copy rates. Subscribers are therefore requested to send their subscriptions, renewal or fresh, to reach us bjrSlst December. Literary communications. Exchange, atid Books for review should be addressed to the -Chief Editor, Tamil Culture, 5-B, Aiyavu Naidu Street, Madras-30. To secure their retuin, if not accepted, the Mss. offered for publication should be accompanied by a stamped addressed envelope. The Editor docs not take any responsibility for Mss. that may be lost. Mss. should be typewritten and sent in duplicate tp facilitate printing. • The expression of individual views by -contributors or reviewers does not imply editorial endorsement. Published by Dr. M. Varadarajan for Academy of Tamil Culture, 5-B, Aiyavu Naidu Street, Madras-SO and printed by K. S. S. Rajan at The Jupiter Press Private Ltd.. lOB-C. Mount Road. Madras.lR Vol. VII -1958 iniucoi I*/;.'!': A ^ International Institute of TamH Studies 'W / OUR CONTRIBUTORS Rev. Dr. Xavier S. Thani Nayagain is founder and Chief Editor of this Journal. He is a member of the Department of Education, University of Ceylon. Mr. T. P. Meenakshisimdaram is the Chief Professor of Tamil, Presidency College, Madras. Dr. A. Jeyaratnam Wilson is Lecturer in Political Science, University of Ceylon. Mr. K. Kodandapani Pillai, retired Controller of Emigration, Madras is a scholar who has made a critical study of Sangam works. He has written and published literary criticism of some of the poems of the Sangam period. Mr. S. J. Gunasegaram, Member, Tamil Cultural Society, Ceylon. ' Dr. A Chidambaranatha Chettiar is Professor and Head of the Department of Tamil, Annamalai University. The Philosophic stage of development in Sangam Literature XAVIER S. THANI NAYAGAM The social settino The influence of the poet-educator tradition , is contained not only in the Sangam anthologies but is also implied in numerous references and legends conserved In post-Sangam literature. ^ One of the most persistent of these centres around the Sangams or Poetic Academies, which existed from very ancient times, and which admit¬ ted to membership Tamil poets of distinction and set the stamp of collective approval on literary works. The earliest detailed account of three successive Academies functioning over long eras, and each academic period including several generations of poets, occurs in a work compiled about the tenth century B.C., * and the antiquity, duration and number of poets attributed to each Academic period seem so fanciful and so reminiscent of the Jain passion for numbers that the veracity of the details of the tradition and the tradition itself has been questioned by scholars.® That there were regular assemblies of poets during the poetic period, that their compositions oral or written were in circulation, and that they were known by their compositions and fame even when not known by per¬ sonal acquaintance, and that the poets met at royal courts is clear from the poems.®* The Academy tradition, which Culture, op. cit., Vol. II. PP- 577 tt. years, the second for 3.700 years and ‘he thlM for 1.850 years. The Third Academy would have ended circa ZTO a.u. 3(a) Puram., 39, 8, 68, 9, 288, 8-9. 2 TAMIL CULTURE is SO persistent in later Tamil literature, is an indication of a core of historical truth around which has grown a mass of legendary embellishment. The Academy tradition in Tamil is one of the earliest references to a normative liter¬ ary body among a people. The transition from the period in which the poet is the prominent educator of society to the period in which the philosopher becomes the prominent educator is gradual. It is hardly necessary to remind the reader that these stages overlap and are named after the most prominent and distinctive educator-type of a certain period, and that the prominence of one type during a specific period does not exclude the functional activities of tfie rest during the same period. The shaman, the bard, the poet and the phi¬ losopher are always present in society, but the fourth stage of development, which is portrayed in this article, brings to the fore the philosopher, both religious and secular. * The bard and much more the poet, by the metaphysi¬ cal abstractions involved in ideals such as arete, puhal, mdnam (glory, honour), rta, dharma and aram (cosmic and moral order, righteousness), and by constant refer¬ ences to moral and ethical problems of justice and honesty and exhortations to bravery, kindness and generosity have initiated the steps leading to formal philosophy. The intui¬ tive insight of the poet now gives place to the organising wisdom of the philosopher, the humanist philosopher who believes in his self-sufficiency, and the religious philoso¬ pher who elaborates on a doctrine he claims to have been revealed, or which has been handed down by a tradition to which he gives the reverence that another gives to a reve- ^tion. For even revelation, which has orig inated with the Th. 0 / MoraU, Essay on determinate stage or Phase“of ^Itu^e Sl?a'=wh:le* DEVELOPMENT IN SANGAM LITERATURE 3 shaman and his priestly-prophetic role, undergoes a philo¬ sophic “processing” and rendering at a certain stage of religious development. * The social configuration within which the philosopher emerges is the City, and often in island and peninsular countries like the Taunil kingdoms a harbour-city or a king’s capital. It is so in the urban milieu traced in the Jain and Buddhist sources; it is equally verified in the Athens and the Corinth of the Greek phUosophic move¬ ment, and in the Kaverippattinam, KQdal (Madurai), Vanci and Kanci of the “ epic period ” as the Silappati- kdram-Manimekalai epoch is commonly known in the history of Tamil literature. The descriptions of a chess¬ board development of a city-plan and of the quartieres occupied by various trades and professions, the day mar¬ ket-place and the night market-place, the multi-lingual residences of foreign merchants, the quays heaped wit exports and imports stamped with the Custon^ seal, the multitude of ships riding at anchor, the well-lit roads at night, the various temples, monasteries and rostra of a multi-religious population and the assembly haUs are common features of any large city in which cul¬ ture-contacts resulting from a plural society occasion the creativity and the stir of the spirit. • .. As to f.stlv,U .,«.her, » people ™ony“ - left their own countries Uve here m harmony . 0 CHRISTOPHERDAWSONjTeHolon^on^^ "The continuity hi«her developments of philosophic tion and *Greek phUosophy with Empedocles thought is to be seen mention the daemon of Socrates — :nd m*tro^ffim“"r&ns the connection Is still closer and more WACHS. The Sociologv of Religion, op. cit. « snap.. V. 7-58; Moni. XXVHI. 29-68. • (a) pattinappalai 214-217. 4 TAMIL CULTURE The monarch and his subjects are conscious of a “ sense of empire ”, sometimes territorial, often commercial ,' and the new exigencies of statecraft and citizenship demand not panegyrics with incidental moralising, but specialised trea¬ tises on social and individual problems cast in the mould of cryptic, condensed verse to be easily memorised and thus become common property, or personified and hyposta- tised in the dramatic characters of literary and polemical epics so as to be presented as types for imitation or rejection. • y Lewis Mumford’s lyrical description of city life is valid fpr any city of antiquity : “Through its complex orchestration of time and space, no less than through the social division of labour, life in the city takes on the character of a symphony : specialised human aptitudes, specialised instruments, give rise to sonorous results which, neither in volume nor in quality, could be achieved by any single piece The Tamil poet who, probably because of an earlier tradi¬ tion, retained a fascination for a city-culture thought him- seW as paying the highest compliment to woman when he called her literally “ cultured as a city ” meaning that she was as abundant, as resourceful and as symphonic in being a source of a total enrichment of personality, For in the city were found the means and measures of intellectual and emotional development, the philosopher disputing in the market place, the preacher in his rostrum, the ritual in the temple, music and dance in the public hall by virtuosi, and other fair sights and sounds. Occupational specialisation ^as been so developed as a result of the new urban conomy that ther e are more occupational groups in one B part of SiUtp. ---- • Cuter? 5 Buom. The exnlana*'^^’ f*”^**^* Town Planning, Oxford 1953 “ “P-. V , Patdnappalol. 155 « ; Man!., i. DEVELOPMENT IN SANGAM LITERATURE 5 single city than might have been found in an entire king¬ dom served by a simple agrarian economy. ^ There is a considerable foreign element in the city besides those whose interests are mercantile and naval; foreign soldiers from the Roman Empire keep guard in the city and the palace, the war camp and the city defences, and “ skilled artisans from Magadha, mechanics from Maratam, smiths from Avanti and Yavana carpenters ” contribute to the foreign architectural and other artistic influences which are among the imports due to foreign trade and conquests. The culture of the city guarantees the democratisation of Education and the Arts and shifts the scene of culture and art from the palace to the houses of merchant princes, the temples and monasteries and the forum and the market place. It creates men of culture and taste even among non-professionals. Kovalan, the hero in the Silappaii- fcdraTH is a merchant prince, but his accomplishments are more than mercantile; he is a composer of impromptu lyrics of great beauty and a skilful player on the lute who flnds music a solace to him at a time of distress. *■* Music and dance are no more the exclusive property of the bard and his troupe. The entertainment which is at a popular level in the village becomes formal and highly technicalised in the city. Music and dance are cultivated by profes¬ sionals and they have become subjects of formal scientific study. Matavi, the professional danseuse, begins learning her art at the age of five under a consummate master skill¬ ed in dance and poetry and drama. Her first public appearance after a seven-year course of intense training is on a stage which conforms to long established norms, and professional musicians, each a master in his own instru¬ ment, are the members of her accompanying orchestra. Modern scholars are unable to explain the highly technical data and musical learning incidentally furnished about « Silap., V. 19 Mani., XIX, J07-109 ; Silop., V, 99-110. l« illop., XIII, 102-114. M soap., m. 6 Tamil culture Tamil dance and music in the " epic-period One critic has asserted that Equal Temperament, said to be found by Hayden in the eighteenth century, was no secret to the Tamil musicians of the Silappatikdram epoch. “ The pro¬ fessional danseuse, who now belongs to a courtesan class, and the professional musician acquire by no means a repu¬ tation for moral behaviour. **■ The democratisation is apparent not only in the Fine Arts but even more so in the teaching of religion and phi¬ losophy. The different secular and religious philosophies at this epoch appear as full and well-developed systems in the local cultural and language matrix. The twenty- seventh canto of Manimekalai contains the exposition of all the Indian systems of philosophy and religion, those originating in the Vedas and those originating outside of it. ” These systems are propagated by philosopher teach¬ ers not only in esoteric gatherings but also in the market place and the public square after the fashion of the Agora, the forum and Hyde Park Corner. Each philosophic school has its own banner which it flies above the booth of its representatives. “ They hold disputations in the mar¬ ket place and these disputations, expositions and Puranic and bardic recitations are special attractions at the time of the great annual festivals. In the Coja capital, Puhar, the annual festival in honour of Indra which lasted a month was held to be an occasion for such religious and philoso¬ phical exposition. The herald in Manimekalai when announcing Indra’s festival includes : “ Let those who teach philosophy, politics, logic and religion not leave the city-Let those well-versed in ethical lore take their place under awnings or in cano- See's; ABRAHAMIpaNDITHAH, Karunamrtoiaoaraw, Madrai BuWhUnc Sn.die, Pattinappoloi, 170 tl ; Cl. MadunUkanci. 370 It. DEVELOPMENT IN SANGAM LITERATURE 7 pied halls. Let those well>versed in religious lore assemble in the halls of learning set apart for dis¬ cussions These philosopher-teachers, especially the religious philo¬ sophers, are found visiting important cities of the Tamil country like Kanci, Uraiyur, Madurai and Vanci, and are also found preaching or on pilgrimage outside the Tamil country in oversea territory. Aravai?a Adigal, the Bud¬ dhist philosopher, is found at Kaverippattinam, Kanci and Vanci, at Manipallavam and in Northern India.*” Kavunti Adikal, the Jain ascetic, accompanies Kdvalan and Kaijnaki from Kaverippat'finam to Madurai ii? order to listen to the teachings of the great ascetics.” In the Jain and the Bud¬ dhist Tamil books, the preachers of the Dharma (Dharma- Caranas) course through the heavens and land on earth at will to impart instruction. Manimekalai, the Buddhist heroine, and other preachers are thus granted the boon of space-travel and thus they are able to impart their teach¬ ings in different cities of the Tamil country and in other countries which they visit.** The Manimekalai gives grounds to the inference that strong religious contacts were established between Tamil India on the one hand and Ceylon, Java and other lands and islands bordering the Bay of Bengal just as the Silappatikaram mentions com¬ mercial contacts. This inference is confirmed by the simi¬ larity of the cave inscriptions in Ceylon and South India, and by the history of the Dhammarucci sect at the Abhaya- giri monastery, and the relations between the Buddhist monks of the Cola country and the Buddhist monks of Anuradhapura. ** It is during this epoch that Kavenp- pattinam, Uraiyur, Madurai, Kanci and Vanci become strong centres of the religions which originated in Northern l» Mani.. I, 10-14., 58-64. ao E.g.. Afonl xrv, 95 ft. tl snap., X, 56-5T. 31 See references to ^“^Eg'^Mahavamso, XXXVI. Ill ft. SeeWALPOLA RAHULA. HUtorv of Buddhitm In Cevlon, op. clt., p. 84 ff. Dharmacaranas ; Silap, X. 162; Mani, 8 TAMIL CULTURE India. Kanci (Conjeevaram) especially, is important in the history of the spread of Tamil Buddhism in foreign countries. ** The Humanist Codex The secular humanism which was the characteristic note of the poetic period finds in the philosophic period a developed and codified, though cryptic, expression in the gnomic poetry of the Tirukkural. It is a work of one thousand three hundred and thirty couplets of gnomic verse, and not all the verses or the distribution of the verses into parts, chapter^ and appendices is to be attributed to the chief author. It is likely that it is not an anthology, but it is equally likely that it has been edited and inter¬ polated in order to make it more conformable to patterns of asramas (stages of life), renunciation and asceticism introduced by religions originating in Northern India. In its substance and in its distinctive ideals and patterns of thought it may be taken to contain the quintessence of the Tamil secular, humanistic thought which developed out of the poetic period. Every non-Tamil who has been introduced to this book of maxims has attributed to it a unique place in world literature. The earliest record of a non-Indian use of this classic is to be found in Fernao de Queyroz’s Conquest of Ceylon in which the Franciscan missionary, Fra Joam de Vila Conde, in a religious debate at the court of Bhuva- naika Bahu of Kotte, Ceylon, (1521-1551) cites the Tiruk¬ kural in support of the doctrines which he preaches. The Italian litera ry genius and Jesuit missionary, Guiseppe ** CH^^LES ELIOT, Hinduism ond Buddhism, op. cit., Vol. ni o S S 5?' ®‘.y®®^AUASAMY, BuddhUm and Tamil, op. cit, p! 25 ’ff Brahmi Jrucriptiont of South India N.I.A.. Vol., I, (1838-39) pp, 362-376. ’ QUEYROI; The Temporal and Spiritual Conquett of ^ Government Press, 1930. Book U, p. 241 - books you have, which you have malicloiialv Mellpur‘*and”“'coS Trt^fJr t' There you will Hnd the union ol the y. e Incamstion of the Son, the Redemption of Man. the DEVELOPMENT IN SANGAM LITEHATUHE 9 Costanzio Beschi (d. 1742), translated a major portion of the Tamil classic into Latin and compared it to the maxims of Senecca. After Beschi, it has been translated in whole or in part into the chief European languages. “ Dr. Albert Schweitzer is perhaps the best-known among those who have invited the attention of scholars to this work, of which he says : “ There hardly exists in the literature of the world a collection of maxims in which we find such lofty wisdom Dr. Pope had said earlier of the work : “ Something of the same kind is found in Greek epigrams, in Martial and Latin elegiac verse. There is a beauty in the periodic character of the verses that re¬ minds the reader of the happiest efforts of Propertius ”.*» The Tirukkural has been compared with other books of gnomic verse but not always with justification. It has been compared with the DhuinTnapido, but the comparison is valid only for those verses which treat of asceticism and renunciation and certain ethical norms. The Dha/m/ma.- padu's central themes are the monastic way of life, the ex¬ tinction of desire and the realisation of Nirvana, but the Tirukkural is primarily a codex of social ethics and wisdom for a married man in the world. Its portions dealing with statecraft have been compared with Kautilya, and the re¬ semblances are more due to the identity, of topics which are cause of his fall, the remedy for his faults and miseries and finally because of its misslolofitcal interest and *8 Sec^Dr.^G. U. POpIf^ThrSocred Rural, Oxford University Press, G.^E^BRRIGUE DE FOINTENAU. Le Livre de L’Amour de Tirou- kTj^L^’gRAUL Kural des Tiruvalluoar, Leipzig, 1856 (Latin and German translations). *W H DHEW THb ICuT 0«r(5i_/ni) “ Venkatattai vitom vitom ; Kumariyaik kotom, kotom” are powerful slogans which do not appear, ex¬ cept when closely analysed, to be a live fire of alliteration. He has himself popularised the cries of his audience— ai(ry>«, /fi}ud> (Sufisa^, .flm/fiJaRdF and works which means, “The minute scale of Music’’ or “The 5 ho^ui?ha of Music ’’ by its very name indicates that it should have dealt with the science of music or the minute ANCIfiMT TAMIL MUSIC 35 and precise divisions of the musical scale. (Sufl«n9- and evidently dealt with, as their names suggest, the great modes in music and the lesser modes. As these worfe are lost, the only source to which we can look for information is the classical works which are generally des¬ cribed as the Literature of the Sangam period. Tholkappiam and Music Among the works of this period Tolkappiam, the grand old grammar of the Tamil language, stands foremost. That this is the most ancient of all the classical works is not dis¬ puted even by the hostile critic. This great work occupies an unique place as a grammar of a high order and also as a mine of information regarding ancient Tamil civilization and culture. The author of this work was known by the name of this work as Tholkappiar and his real name is not known. The life of the early Tamilians extending, pro¬ bably, even to the remote period of their tribal life, the customs and manners of those ancient days, the social and political conditions, the physical and geographical particu¬ lars could all be gathered from this work. A chapter deal¬ ing with these subjects, forms an integral part of this work and is called Qu/r 0 srr^ » (Q^rA., 5 ) and about the classification he states that scholars have stated that they (O^aw., * e/>A*u, ui( 3 ^iS Omiu/iQumr OrrMiu QfMifitJffi uQQio. —0;«r*., Our©*., 9. AKCIENT TAMIL MUSIC 37 The term used here to denote music is Yal, lurryf, which in old Tamil meant either the music or the stringed instrument which was used to produce that music Yal, the instrument is now understood to have been some¬ what similar to a harp or a lyre. The music or the mode in use in each of these regions was named after the land in which it arose and was generally used, as Mullai (ifiASsu, Kurinchi Marutham Loa^^ih, Neythal or Palai uirSsu as the case may be. A harp with a few strings of certain length and arranged in a certain order could produce only a certain type of melody. To produce different types of melodies or modes, harps with strings of different lengths arranged in differ¬ ent order have to be used. These regions had thus five different harps each tuned to that kind of melody or mode which was peculiar to each region. Contrivances to pro¬ duce any number of melodies on one and the same instru¬ ment like the frets in the modern vina were not then in vogue. Thus these five musical modes were in use from the earliest times. Arising from the national folk songs, this is, evidently, the first stage in which music was given a definite mode and a name to denote it. Sufficient mate¬ rials do not exist in the Sangam literature available now* to fix exactly what the musical scales of these modes were. Naming the modes after the land in which they arise and where they are mostly used, occurs in the infancy of a musical culture. Naming them adter the principal note or group of notes in the melody or giving them mathematical, geometrical, religious or mythological names occurs later apcording to the atmosphere in which the music lives and thrives. A parallel to this method of naming the melodies is found in the ancient Greek music of the early times. It is • There are however materials in the literature ol the period Inunedlataly following the Sangam period to fix at least one of these Diodes and these will be discussed later. 36 Tamil culturb a strange coincidence that the early Greeks had also five ancient modes called the Dorain, Lydian, Phrygian, Aeolian and Ionian, named after the lands in which they were invented and mostly used. The following quotation from Dr Charles Bruney will confirm this. “ Pliny tells us that the three first and original modes were the Phrygian, Dorian and Lydian, so named after the several countries • in which they were invented and chiefly used, though Heraclides of Pontus asserts that the Aeolian, Dorian and Ionian were of the most ancient and were in general use among the first inhabitants of Greece. How¬ ever, it seems probable that the five modes mentioned by these two authors were in use long before the rest.”' Here also a similar dispute arises that the four modes relating to the four regions of Tholkappiar were the earliest and that uirSsu Palai was only a later mode. IVe may conclude with Dr. Bruney that it is probable that all the five modes mentioned were in use long before the rest. This will be explained further when the musical scales are examined. These five modes as already pointed out mark the initial stage of the musical development and this relates probably to a time far anterior to the time of Tholkappiar, whatever that may be. There are two references to music in Tholkappiam which go to show that the music during the time of the author was far more developed than those ancient modes mentioned above. In the chapter relating to the alphabets the author points out that the vowels and consonants exceed the limit of sound pointed out by him m his grammar and that scholars say that the particulars regarding these are in the “Book of secrets of the strings each 1935 Editto”*”' liirtory of MxiMe by Dr. Ch«rle» Bruaey, Vol. I. Page S4. ANCIENT TAMIL MUSIC 39 tuned to the music * Whether the word used here, u>GO>jD “ Marai ”, refers to a book of secrets er the secrets in- possession of music experts, the description is indeed artistic and quite significant. This indicates that at the time of the author music has overcome the limitations of an infant who has naturally, no secrets to hide from any one near or dear. It has definitely passed beyond the stage of plain country modes, the common possessions of hill tribes, pastoral shepherds, ploughing farmers or the canoe¬ ing fishermen and entered into the intricacies of a musical scale known only to the initiated few. At another place Tholkappiar uses a simile from the musical practice. He states that an original literary work is likely to be spoiled in its translation, adaptation epitomi- sation or expansion as a good original melody is likely to be spoiled by an incompetent accompaniment. * The accom¬ paniment in music is here denoted by the term ojirtru) (varam punarthal) a term which has become obsolete. The modern reader will understand this better if it is put in the modern garb as tS«5r uiril® (Pin Pattu) or u.*«suir^;giULbt, (Pakkavathiam or side music). _ ®^stri5pti m^arOtusar Qunr^^u, ^«n#<3iur® ffaimfim jiffil>LSsiru>en/pitJ frAiatg)*’ — QfiirA., 33. *u^iuriiS^ii iuitulSspi^ aJ&UcUircSr L/eerjrr «//rjriiOu»'«rO^. O^/rA., u>ifLj , 108. iOfu/r/rti erdru/s^jr suiririi ftmu.gi trAlLarr Qfr&Airmtr. ' su/Tfii urQii Ofijrifiiu —fitcih., 14—15S. aiiriiiSuj •Jirr^.gi tuir(ifA£)sii> V&Siu glmfaitr dailu. flaju., 3, 60 61. ni-iSApiJi^- (JtLlQurrf a,tS iOAjbi, 11 To understand the slroUe one should have some idea of a music concert or a Snce or a drama in the South Indian style.-An essenUal comp^ent of any one of these is the accompaniment in music either instXSeStal or vocal or both, in addiUon to the accompaniment, of 40 TAMIL CULTURE The role of an accompanying songster or musician who should pick up the melody of the chief and follow him up in musical concert, drama or dance is an important one. His job is also not an easy one. He has to get into the mood and emotions of the chief artist if his accompaniment should well harmonise with the original. He has to pick up the subtleties and the artistic turns of the principal in an instant to be in a line with him, or else his accompaniment will be of a different pattern. He should be able to adjust his abilities to suit the chief, to raise them if necessary to catch up with him or lower them to be in tune with him. If he overdoes his part the principal falls into shade and he gets all the applause. If he is not on a par the chief loses the support he needs and his song loses its lustre. If he is bad the entire performance loses its beauty, charm and aesthetic pleasure it is expected to afford. How apt is the simile when it is applied to the translation etc., of an origi- nal literary production ! It is really surprising how mod¬ ern is the concept of this simile and how far-reaching its import! This IS not the only surprise Tholkappiar has for the modem reader. Though it may be digressing, let me quote here one more of these surprises which Dr. Sankaran of the Deccan College, Poona, has expressed regarding the Pho the m^ern theory. Dr. Sankaran says “An insight into the olderTTmn f by Thoifcappiam, ot Ph„n,l. erammar from which a modern student of Phonemics can easily rediscover many a concent that is coming into vogue today We are ^ ^ 1 this olH Ta>nr.:i ^ ye are lost in wonder that in this old Tamil grammar we rediscover as it were manv of our modern ideas TViic a i many oi -r__■ ^his may not, perhaps, be altogether mS; airs SSUfS™; reduced to the*]owcst minimi^ **** ground in music concerts however sUU CoUege Monc^r/phs — ^ Sankaran. M A., In Deccan ANCIENT TAMIL MUSIC 41 irrelevant in the context of music. Phonetics, phonemics and music belong to the sphere of sound. A people profi¬ cient in one of these branches may naturally be expected to be equally proficient in the other branches especially when they are almost basically allied or interrelated. To revert to the simile, its bearing on the music of the period has to be considered now. To coin a simile from the musical practice and to use it to illustrate a truth in litera¬ ture shows how popular music was with the people of those times. They were evidently so well acquainted with the music as to understand through a musical analogy a truth in literature which was perhaps not so well known m the same level as music. Or this may indicate that music and literary art were so advanced among the people that one proved to be of great assistance in understanding the other or of service to the other when any difficulty was experi¬ enced in comprehension or elucidation. Both are fine arts which have many things in common. At any rate this marks not an elementary stage in music and literature^ Music has far outgrown its infancy. It has passed even stage of a truant boyhood setting at naught the discipline and control of the home or the school. It seems to have reached its adolescence well disciplined for a stage co - cert seeking discriminate companionship in the selection a harmonious accompaniment to en ance is . dowed with aesthetic comprehension of unity in diver^y and artistic perfection in presenting a combined perform¬ ance so as to delight the audience. In addition to the two direct musical practice Tholkappiam refers ^ f or professional singers who forme ^ m 8 then social order. They were called Koothar, men social oroe j Panar uirawrf, musicians the dancers and dramatists, Fan , vocal or instrumental, Porunar, Ooraer. ‘ho» sing or play on inatrumenta. martial music and Vir.li, 6 42 TAMIL CULTURE «5i/D*9, the lady musicians, dancers and dramatists.” These formed the main classes of these bards at the time of Tholkappiar ; but subsequently the ‘ Panar ’ among them was further divided into ‘ Chiru Panar ’ S^^uirtmg- those who played on harps with minimum number of strings and small in size, and Perumbanar Ou 0 U)Ufr«Rjr j those who played on harps with greater number of strings and larger in size than the other. Probably harps of different kinds were necessary to suit the different kinds of melodies which each class of these bards specialised in. This subdivision is noticed in the works which arose after Tholkappiam. The Pathu Pattu, u^g/uu/rtl® the Ten Idylls men¬ tions these different kinds of harps in detail and a few other poems of the Sangam period refer to them also. This sub¬ division arose evidently as a result of the development in music which took place during the period that intervened between Tholkappiar and the subsequent works, which necessitated the use of two kinds of instruments. As observed previously in those ancient days different kinds of musical modes required different kinds of harps to set them to music. These bards composed their own songs and put them to music either vocally or on instruments and some of them were called Panuval Panar, u@uaja)u/rsrorir,>‘ literary bards. They went about meeting the patrons of music all over the country. Rulers and chieftalhs coveted their music and the public delighted in their performances. They were welcome guests in peasant homes and palaces of kings. They were treated almost as guests of honour wherever they stepped in. Kings and chieftains arranged QurQmqfii Ou^jD Ouc3«;erii Q*mja uajQarfit Lirmar^, uujAQ/tf! toufii urmr. —Q^rA., Our®., jg. — f/b^latr, too. — m/b/Saaa, 167. ANCIENT TAMIL MUSIC 43 banquets and feasts for them and revelled in their music. The meeting of the two sets of these bards in their itenar- ary, one imparting to the other, information about the patrons of music, the treatment accorded, the honours con¬ ferred and the gifts and presents made, formed a good sub¬ ject for poetry in those ancient days and Tholkappiar included these as materials found in the literature of his period in his chapter on ‘ Porul ’, the material. ** Sangam literature furnishes good many instances of these meetings. Of Ten Idylls, the meeting of these bards forms the subject matter of four of them. The poetic conception of these pieces differ according to the attain¬ ments of the authors concerned. The description of the country through which these bards passed, the receptions and banquets arranged for them also differ. But all these four poems are one in singing the chorus of the honour and dignity bestowed on these bards by their patrons. It will be useful to gather some particulars about these banquets and the treatment accorded to these bards as they serve to illustrate the meetings of the bards referred to by Tholkappiar. Of the four Idylls dealing with the meeting of these bards Porunar Artupadai, the meeting of the musicians of the martial modes deals with the reception given by the great monarch Karikalan of the Chola country. The fol¬ lowing is the description of this reception : “ The bards enter the Palace undetained by the guards. The monarch received them in audience and asks them to take their seats quite close to him. His loveable speech and endearing looks made even the bones of these bards melt with emotion. Beautiful, sweet smiling, well adorned ladies of the palace serve them with drinks (wines) in cups of gold, full to the Qutesar., **• jfCjumi-, Quaiiiturab Ouresmt 44 TAMIL CULTURE brim, as often as they are emptied. The bards drink full and forget the fatigue of their long journey. They are asked to stay In a part of the palace itself " A banquet for the bards is arranged in the meantime and a joyous feast awaits them. “ The heralds are ordered to fetch the bards in and the king himself leads them to the banquet. Exquisite soup in which haunches of pure fed sheep had been cooked tender is served and the bards are coaxed to a sumptuous repast. Roasts of fat meat are served hot in plenty even to surfeit. This is followed by delicious sweets of tempting varieties in numerous shapes, which the bards partake and prolong the lunch.* Dancing accompanied by the music of the harp and the rhythm of the drum (ipipof succeed the banquet. mi Ou(i}«uirii 9 A Qtnrdiuirar Lfi(g Oaimrir wraSi Qaiilui •axatHfimirmt aeir^aiifi SjfQCi 0»rg«0u)/r® UHS&i u>a^tiu o/aruJor fldrarajs iLmaf* OuriSu QuraAmuii, AtBfltuCj u&mri Hi^*-**® OurQ# Ourta 0(5*SanJ(3mruSi atop^Ae 'M^OumrA mmfAji wihQuumAm. m tjrr«/ Omimtmi u^QmmA atAu. aC.i_ (3mr^ •"IfiA tmtfim miruQmuj, •Jl»i trmDQm ; mm Of a Qusqiis ^ppiiuait. 90 101 lOa ANCIENT TAMU. MUSIC 45 Feasting and revelry go on for many days in the palace ”* “ In * Chirupanartupadai ’ the chieftain stands near the bards entertained by him attends to them individually and personally helps them to their dishes. He delights in the ‘ honeyed melodies pouring out ambrosial essence' played to a perfect scale on their harps. The chieftains in the other two Idylls treat the bards with the same honour and dignity. They enjoy the ravishing melodies of their flute or the sweet strains of their harp or the moving tunes of their vocal songs. The honour and dignity bestowed upon these bards by the highest authorities and the greatest dignitaries of the land almost equal those bestowed on the bards of ancient Greece. Almost in the same manner described in the Tamil classics, the bards of Greece were guests of honour in the palaces of kings and had a distinguished place in the king’s table. The lines in which Homer describes the treat¬ ment accorded to these bards are so similar that it becomes necessary to quote a few of them. On the arrival of Telemachus, the King Menalaus of Sparta arranges a banquet in his palace and Homer des¬ cribes it thus*: “ While this gay friendly troop the king surround With festival and mirth the roofs resound The bard amid the joyous circle sings High airs attemper’d to vocal strings.” >• Odyssey Book iv Verse 21. , iSutmmvmui dfiifisSir utnmrmut uA iireir QiJ(r0iiiT 4^ji)4piuui»u • A free translation of these Unes is given above to convey the main to QMiiOuiu^ 91S ^)Asdliuii c$yA 46 TAMIL CVLTVBE Similarly resoiond the palaces of kings and chieftains of the Tamil country. Here is another description of a banquet by Ulysses to the bard. “ For him the goblet flows with wine unniixt ” “ The bard a herald guides : The gazing throng Pay obeisance as he moves along : Beneath the sculptured arch he sits enthroned The peers encircling form an awful round There from the chine, Ulysses carves with art Delicious food an honorary part; This, let the master of the lyre receive, A pledge of love ! 'tis all a wretch can give Lives there a man beneath the spacious skies Who, sacred honours to the bard denies ”. Odyssey Book vili The Tamil country never denied the sacred honours to their bards. What a remarkable similarity exists in the musical customs of these two ancient peoples ! This is evi¬ dently a natural outcome of the great fascination which music had for these people and the high esteem in which music was held in both these countries. The respect and reprd shown to these bards in these feasts and banquets relate, undoubtedly, to the music and not to the individuals who especially in the Tamil country were traditionally and ill-dressed. The Ten Idylls which des- cnbe these banquets belonged no doubt to a period later than that of Tholkappiam but they definitely relate to a tradition which Tholkappiam makes specific mention of in In T ‘ which was already referred o and which has, evidently, come down from a period far anterior to that of Tholkappiam itself. preaiirj^ gao gu g4S ANCIENT TAMIL MUSIC 47 Tholkappiam further deals with rhythm, #j, form or colour, tuetysroKTU), which are common both to poetry and music. It also deals with compositions which are used in common in literature, dance, drama, or music such as kali, oitB, paripadal ufimruA, and pannathi, usxreear^^. These will be referred to and dealt with later on, in appropriate context. Various instruments of percussion or rhythm re¬ ferred to in Tholkappiam will be dealt with in a separate section, under the caption * Musical instruments Dance and dancers were referred to briefly before. They will be examined at some length under a separate heading later. r From what has been discussed above we see that music and rhythm formed an integral part of the culture of the Tamilians from time immemorial. Music attained definite forms and shapes as five ancient modes and were given five different names. In addition to these five ancient modes, Tholkappiam definitely refers to a musical scale which was not known to many. Concerts and dances went on with suitable accompaniments vocal or instrumental. Kings and nobles held music and dance in high esteem. There was a class of people called Panar or bards who specialised in these arts and whose main occupation was music and dance. There was thus a fertile soil and a congenial climate in which the twin arts of music and dance flourished and attained their full growth. (To continue') The Historicity of Agathiar S. J. GUNASEGARAM. There has been a strong and persistent tradition through many centuries that Agathiar, an Aryan Brahmin, was the founder of the Tamil language and the author of its first grammar. This grammar of Agathiar, however, has not come down to posterity, nor has any subsequent grammarian or scholar used it as an authority or given a single quotation from the supposed work of Agathiar. Tholkappiam, the oldest extant grammar of the Tamil Language, written in or about the fourth century B.C., makes no mention of Agathiar, although the same tradition refers to Tholkappiar, the author of Tholka/ppiam, as having been Agathiar’s disciple. It is curious that even Panam- paranar, who wrote the preface to Tholkappiam has made no reference whatever to Agathiar. If the belief in the authorship of a Tamil grammar written by Agathiar had existed in his time, it is very unlikely that Panamparanar too would have failed to record it. It is equally striking that the Third Sangam works, the earliest extant literature in Tamil, make no mention of Agathiar. A single reference to Jhe name is found in Irayanar’s Agapporul which gives the story of the Tamil Sangams but the Agathiar in this instance refers to a constellation and not to a person. (Paripadal 11th poem— P. T. S. Iyengar has pointed out in his History of the Tamils,—p. 224—, that for nearly one thousand years after Christ there is no mention of Agathiar having learnt Tamil from God nor that he was the founder of Tamil. The stories THE HISTORICITY OF ACATHIAR 49 assigning to Siva the origin of Tamil and to Agathiar, the authorship of the first Tamil grammar, appear to have ori¬ ginated nearly a thousand years after Christ. Dr. L. D. Barnett was of opinion that the myth of an Aryan Muni called Agathiar who lived at Pothia Hills and composed the earliest Tamil grammar, was cultivated after the North Indian Brahmin had planted his influence firm¬ ly in the South (“ Cambridge History of India ”, Vol. I p. 596). The story appears to have originated actually in the 8th or 9th century a.d. Though in Manimekalai (2 a.d.) reference is made to an Agathiar, he is not associated either with the Tamil language or its grammar, (/b. ^^>ai>pbiu!r iSerr&rr— Srinivasa Iyengar (Tamil Studies, Appendix II) wrote long ago that, Tholkappiar ‘ has not said anywhere in his grammar one word about Agastya, his reputed teacher . It has been at least the Tamil custom for an author to begin his work with a salutation for his teacher or Acharya. In this case the teacher was a divine Rishi and the supposi¬ tious writer of the first Tamil grammar. Both of them flourished at the same period. It is not understood why Tholkappiar should have taken so much trouble to observe the usages, to study the Tamil authors and to deduce from them the grammatical rules, or why he should have recited, his work for the approval and edification of the Academy before a fellow student — Athanagottasan, while Agastya was its president... But all these throw serious doubts as to whether Agastya had really written a Tamil grammar and whether Tholkappiar was ever his disciple... No man has ever seen Agastya’s grammar... What I am inclined to believe is that every myth and tradition connected with Agastya with the Tamil language, should have come into existence subsequent to the seventh or eighth century A.D. The same author has pointed out elsewhere in the same treatise that ‘ in the early centuries of the Christian 7 50 TAMIL CULTURE era the Tamils seem to have held that Tamil was an inde¬ pendent language’ and that ‘it had nothing to do with Sanskrit Tholkappiar himself states in his work that he had consulted earlier grammars and poetical works. Tamil at this period obviously had already a written language and a body of literature. Besides, as Sirinivasa Iyengar has shown ‘ Sanskrit words in Tamil must have been so few in those days Tholkappiar quotes from Tamil works prior to his time and states clearly that special rules were not required to deal with foreign words in Tamil — an indication that at this period the influence of Sanskrit on Tamil was negligible. Sirinivasa Iyengar adds, " It was when they (the Tamils) came under Sanskrit culture (that was subsequent to the seventh or eighth century A.D.) the views of Tamil Scholars began to change. Most of them were acquainted with Tamil and Sanskrit. It was because Sanskrit was used as a vehicle of religious thought during this period, ‘ a partiality or rather a senti¬ ment connected with religion induced them to trace Tamil from Sanskrit, just as the early European divines tried to trace the Western languages from Hebrew ”. This is no doubt a charitable explanation, but whether or not. It was, at the same time, a planned cultural conspi¬ racy on the part of the Aryanised Brahmins to give priority A^v Sanskrit, the language of the civilising Ai^yans, and to establish an Aryo-Brahmin dominion over rnn changed into Aryavarta has to be domltr^f' Interference has not been confined to the domain of religion and to that of the courts where Brah¬ men advisers, but extended mountains ^"^‘'"tisation of place names, rivers and culture, has been THE mSTOMCITY OF ACATHIAR 51 “ It is an acknowledged fact,” says Hewitt in his Notes on the Early History of Northern India, p. 216, “ that at times the Aryans when naming Dravidian tribes distorted original Dravidian names so as to give an Aryan meaning Marshall in his book A Phrenologist among the Todas states, “ The low state of culture of the Aryans before their incursion into India might have contributed a great deal to their final acceptance of an easy amalgamation with the culture of the Dravidians. It has been suggested long ago that prior to their immigration into India, the Aryans of that era were probably of a similar stage of culture to the Todas Tamil gods like Muruga, Tirumal (Mai) were given Aryan names like Subramania and Vishnu. Dravidian names of rivers, and places had been Aryanised. Even the word ‘ Pandai ’ (uawTsmi—), ‘ old ’ in Tamil from which the Pandyans derive their name had been changed into Pandavas. {jB. a5iL; ^[TtriLid^ uiusor ^(j^iurr srGortj) ^lu^ib (jp&rrdSfo^. SeoLiu^^PTijih Qj'gbsujasrfisdr ewnr^asodseoiu ^luihqSjD^, CTeorGoi, •^^Ssurd 04 iLddserr an’uiSliuQLDGGreoirixifr 6 T 6 ar@iLb giudb (S^rreoT^dlfD^. (ip^sufrafl ^sua^iuii ^Sfeusu^/ GiDsirLDddserr ^eodStuii) sreor^ 6h.[D^Lb s^areinb ^€m(BSiL^. GdHTSiJeOSGT 656W 600T S S06U0li} Q^^svojd (^uf.u5l6or^t «6Wi6wr^ii3fidr Qo^d^susuiri^sSleir Qjsir&GriLiLb ^ojdr Qu/bG^^ 137 ^eouu0STfrih (e^ msssk srCnSojuair ? O^^Qj(pLDii)urrLlfio>L_iqii) SsmuSarr ^iq.^dry “^/ras^OT jiaQifirQ tsirsisir l.^Q^(B (SufrajS^ Lfs^LDeirgfiui L/a/r(fjSctp^nr(6i5Lb Qu0LD656or ^Ssoewsu^^ 5>0^«jfl^^u uitl-A : 81 - 34 ) STGOT^ SlsmijQsT (SsiTsueoSssr Q3=-iiS60>/DQaj(ip^^63r • U6TOf?6ULb—QQJS33r063)L. r3lirQ^QfiPp(Spir^ ULC}.Quj(jfip^sar.’’ (u)/E/aeo smr^^siu uiru-A : 46-47) (Sdirrsuevear 5^« «/rtl®^®ir. Qff^euaj^^CSeu ^ojjassfr ^dsir^fi QupjSsmj 138 TAMIL CULTURE “ L//Dj5^0e_t2> Qu(i^^^eaijr aiirifiasiasii^u) t_«UQj(g)« ®6rrnij(5anr u6O)L_«d90(r. iDfr^sfluSa? ufisr LDfr8su60)Uj «f^ 0 < 5 r «0 «uir/w@iL G«/rQj 6 ue 5 i Q<5‘0«6O)«5Biqu), 5 >({^«ti5l6or “ eSQ^A ^{SltufT 63 Sl 0 ui 3 fijr 65 r ^uSIojrear Qj(BjSiii^ SpuiSear^m ii) 8 soruj«Lb iDpjsQ^sar.^^ {^jrAQspjpi sirasifi i 174'176) ereoT^ SlsrriEjQdsir p-^^uufTupiD U6rojr««n-(r Si%rT 0 (r< 50 ^ ;bi1m eSfirojfiSA ojiriu^^A ^lueuq. Q<^Aqj (5«nr€ij6u@)j« 0iL ^(Siufrjr jsilq oJTiu^^^. urremirtrdiQfLb U|r^^7/r«€Jjii) eSIsniij^ear^ cresruan^, /' ©Q’^Aiiruju uir6VBrQ(rir® na^ru utr^jsQjrir® ^(8^0 ifiiriSljb Sairojconr (ouirso ^siflojiriLi QJ6wru).Q(g) i^wreaflOT SajajflQsujr® tDcuiL/ ir3/r0^Lb ^(8^0 ilqiSA ” a9^g^O/r(54;S sirsn^ : 200-203) eresT^ ^0fr/w(p«fr ^Lp0 /seuii afi.^^0(r. ueuarsairir^ ewwyjaSIfiu (SewSfeuuj/rLlasfr ^L_LbQij^6w/r j«356rr. Q^^oj ®&T00)6OT (SaireusoQ^ih ejojeumlaefr l/ 60)L_ @y) sriit^ih ^/reor. LD/r^fiSaDiu eSIi—CBu iSIfltLiLh QuT(^^Lb cSlojsir cjoisufrar^ 0«F6or/D^/r«sB« sirtl(BS^^, exQieoireir Qsiraiso^^irsar (ou/r6OT‘i5?ajra>r j ** (^rearA suiS) LDir^eSliqi^eii ojiry^fi^ (Suir^ib asjoflanaujj ua)(r tjsucu/rafrjr/riu ®0^^«jrjr. ^eouu^STirii u>ir ? 139 O^euQia 0U).u iSjOjb^ /5W60)a ^ojsrGPsrSs^ ^GDeu Q^iuuji sn’^^(^^(S^rr0' uso^* Q^wqj^ Q^(yj60iLDujrrd} rStsudg^^^ ojiriu^^ a^irj^iu^ usof* (giq.(ip^/D<9r/D/D(ipLb (^rbf&&rr(S(Uir(r^ ^Lq.Siutr^' ufTfE/^ii) *^(Li(tpu) ^Qj(^dS(gff cStQJOT Q^Acu^ Q^^UlS)^^, cSfU). usoof)/^^ usoofliurr/D/Du L5)fiar6Qr60>L_uj6^^&u. UD/r^oSlerouju QJ0Lh (pjr^fi sirsnfi I 65-66) CT6or(o/D ^6!rfhi(Sa!r uasurAstriTF l.QurA Searu/B^iu^^ffi «l«) jgjrfrtli4Qj/ii) ^&T;5^;5/rf: 168 - 170 } ®0iB^ ®6or65fl6o>a^ ^eoruLo LDnrjB^ajrj ersar^ «i.^(Bi«fr gyiL Q^&)6uA Q<9=^0<5«J>(SB(pIU ^6mij(SdSir dSTll(SS(^f, usoor^sirii S&ir^flgor dsiriii(SQJL.60)6s «Sfajj656if)6^ Qo^tS)Qj^9!)0 QjOTLDfrear eurryjeSljDi^ (ip^D^uMOT6rflii3Ll®a5l®Qj^(r« (tfi^SOITsS ^SoASiULD dh.^LO. ^OJoUItQiD SsVUU^6iirir(yiLD (Sdstrsueu g)/60>i_iij ^irinQ^LlffSia ^ojsir (^(Sun Q!r «j./6l65r. ** ^6ULbL/6!J3r(f Oa/TOTODdSi^ ff^6O0Qiuir L.rriif.A 06u/5^0 aifr6OTQL/ir0LL ^sor/piij Q^rr&o^^ ^suLDLf/r® ^0Qu565r {*®/k^p(ymir^ls sirmfii 69-71) 140 TAMIL CULTURE CT 6 or^ ««OT«03r^«@« (Sa/roieosar Qi 0 jB^iu^n’« Serr/iyGa/r cSljgeoriSfidr ^ojeoireir fisoTiff, >Sl^0iPj em^iuLD Sl^jDJ&^ Qa606uij Oujr0 «6wr60oriLi <5l60>^^^ iSlir3aj/r® SliraJfra tD^sroira^iJ q/DijuL.L.^nr« ^eiriiiSsir Oi-^Sarjif. afrcuasifleu QairuqGrriiiadr Ou0(S Q/bitojiS «6Wjr5ror jB^Geoirf ej-^^ib Guioefluj fi ; 84'88) cresr^ 8h.i&^ (Sa/reajeusor Qj 0 j 5 ^uj^/r« ^«rr»Ej(2«fr airil® «S(33!f. iS/d^^, Qawsu^^Gso ^Ssrr^^, ®6ir60>u) a5)2brriij»rtl(p(5«6rrnr6b 06 o; 5^0 6Uir6arQuir(i]^il(^sirpih Q^/r&ouj Qj^eojLDuSI^ Qj/rq. Gij^fwa G/ 5 iPl 1 l_(o^ ereor/D Ga/rtwsusafJejr 0 (ip/D&o SisnfhiGarr ^iP0 ^bcwld G^iriu^ ^tlqqsfrsrrfrij-. iSeir Qj^60)LDu5)6or tSqeroiu eflCpaSlaaa CSa/rewsusor (ipiLiearjD ^iraeijiij «6^6wrL.iLif, 0/DGuj, a_yj€ijj (ip^eSiu s-smipuufrstf^ssaflear 6 U(rjpa 6 a>a Ssol-uSIstoi—Cpuj GaireueoeSr ^sfhisssrS a50>^GF(Ltrr(^ i36aT6aruLJ^«fl/D^. 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Hints Regarding the Origin of the Present Tense Sufl&x ‘kinr’ in Tamil M. ANDRONOV , Three suffixes of the present tense, namely anim, kinr and kir, are given in the medieval Tamil grammar Nannul.^ Morphological heterogeneity of the first suffix is obvious. Forms like ceyyaninran “ he does ” na^a- vaninran “ he walks ” consist of verbal participles (vinai-y-eccam) in= a and past tense forms of the verb nil = “ to stand, to stop, to stay ”, i.e., ceyyaninran < ceyya “ doing ” + nim^ “ he stayed ”, natav^inran < na^ava “ walking ” + ninran “ he stayed ”, etc. This structure of the “ suffix ” anii^ is proved by the fact that the verb nil =, which is a part of it, can itself vary in tenses and sometimes is put in the future tense, e.g., tami], nulaciriyar -kuranirpar “ Tamil authors state..^ Two other suffixes kinr and kir are definitely two forms bf one suffix.® As Dr. R. Caldwell notes, it is Dr. K. Graul who has suggested first^ that the suffix kinr consists of the aorist-future suffix ku and the word inru “ to-day, now ” which specifies an indefinite form in ku. This suggestion was supported afterwards by R. Caldwell and H. Gundert.® Later the same view was expressed by 1 ‘ aninru kinru kirumu vitattin aimpa nikalpolu taraivinai yitainilai’ (Nan. 143) 2V. G. Suryanarayana Sastriyar, History of the Tamil Language, Madma, 1953, pp. 61-62. According to V. G. Suryanarayana Sastriyar, the verb nil =, when used in this way, can be put in the past, in the present, or in the future tense: ceyya ninran, ceyya nirkiran ceyya nirpan (cf. ibid., p. 75). » SR. Caldwell, A Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian or Soutlu Indian Family of Languages, 3d ed., London, 1913, p. 494. 4K. Graul, Outline of Tamil Grammar, Leipzig, 1865. SR. CaldweU, ibid. 146 TAMIL CULTURE A. M. Mervart in his Tamil Grammar published in Rus¬ sian : “ That which is new in these forms (cey-k-inr-en, cey-k-iren. — M.A.), — he writes, — is an element which has a shape of inr or ir. The former phonetic complex is obviously the word inru “now, to-day”. By suffixation of this word inru the time of action is fixed exactly, and instead of cey-k-en which means “ doing is mine ”, i.e. “ I do ” -or “ I shall do ”, we get cev-k-inr-en ( < ceyku- inru-en) which thus acquires a definite meaning of “ doing is mine now ”, i.e. “ I am doing now ” ; iru is denasalised ijiru (cf. inru “to-day” but iirai “to-day’s, of to¬ day”).”® At present derivation of the suffix kinr from the word inru “ to-day ” looks unprobable. J. Bloch after comparing present tense forms in Brahui and in Southern Dravidian languages comes to the conclusion that the present tense suffixes in Telugu (unn) and Tamil (kir) are actually roots of auxiliary verbs which are not employed independ¬ ently and attach personal terminations in the present tense directly to the root: this is characteristic of the present tense Brahui as well as of some auxiliary verbs in Telugu (kal —“to be”, gal —“can”, pad —“to suffer”) and in Kuruldi (arg —“not to have”).’ However, there are some groimds to believe that the derivation of the present tense suffix kir cannot be abso¬ lutely completed with postulating a root *kir that first was independent and then turned into a suffix. As shown by E. H. Tuttle, Tamil r is a derivative of 1, n, or r in contact with a voiceless sound.® 6 A. M. Mervart, Grammatika Tamiljskogo Razgovomogo Jazyka A Criticism of such treatment of finite forms by A. M. Mervart see in K, Zvelebil, A Note on Tamil Verbal Morphology Archiv Orientalni ”, 1955, XXUI, pp. 479-80. ^ J. Bloch, Structure Gnammaticale des Langues Dravidiennes Paris 1946, p. 59. » * I of K. Ramakrishnaiah's ‘•Studies in Dravidian Phtltolopy , JAOS, vol. 57, p. 115 ; The History of Tamil R, ibid., pp. ORIGIN OF THE PRESENT TENSE SUFFIX ‘ KtNR ’ 147 Therefore kir and especially kinr cannot be original forms and must be traced to some other root, e.g., *kil * If J. Bloch and E. Tuttle are right a question must arise about the second element concealed in the last sound of the suffix kir (< kinr). Comparison of the present tense suffixes aninr ( < S-nil+t) and kinr makes us believe that in kinr also we mity probably have a past tense base of some root, i.e. a root to which the past tense suffix t is attached : kinr < kil+t. This explains why personal terminations are suffix¬ ed directly to ki(n)r: verbal roots in Tamil do not gene¬ rally take any personal terminations. In fact ki(n)r is not a root but a past tense base, and personal terminations are suffixed to it in complete conformity with grammar (cf. ninr-en, ninr-ay, nim;-an, etc.). At any rate, it is obvious that if at a certain period of history of Tamil there was no special suffix to denote the present tense,then in a later period, when it became necessary to delimit clearly present tense forms from those of the past and future, the language should have to resort to lexical means of expressing this notion on the basis of resources already available in it at that time. In case of a-ninr it was peri¬ phrasis of the verbal participle in -a and past forms of nil-. The suffix kinr ( < kir), irresolvable now, could arise in an analogous way. ' Distribution of k: kk in the suffix (klkinr is not caused by any phonological reasons, but it is connected with the classification of verbs into weak and strong (cf. 9 In this connection it is possible to note a verbal root kil,- “ to be able ” which can be sufRxed to some other verb to indicate ability (see Tamil Lexicon). 10 The suffix ki(n)r is not to be found in the oldest Tamil texts. (Ilf.: R. Caldwell, ibid.; K. Zvelebil. Tentative Periodization of Tamil “ Tamil Culture ”, 1957. vol. VI, No. I, pp. 50-52. Before the suffix kinr arises, K. Zvelebil writes, “ the verb has two tenses (aorist-future and preterite) which seem to be rather aspects (momentaneous-durative, perfective-imperfective) than tenses” (ibid., p. 51). For the first time kinr appears in Late Middle Tamil (ibid., p. 54). 148 TAMIL CULTURE marailonren and maraikkinren, tarukinren and iruk- kinren). This fact stands in favour of Dr. K. Graul’s suggestion that (k)k in (k)kim: is a suffix of the aorist- future. Therefore it seems impossible to consider (k)inr an indivisible suffix. Our suggestion is that (k)kinr consists of (k)k, a suffix attached to the root of the main verb, and irm, the past tense base (= root +1) of another verb. Once independent, it was used (like ninr, the past tense base of nil- “ to stand, to stay ”) to express the meaning of the present tense and later, after merging with ('k)k, turned into an indivisible suffix of the present tense : /'k)kinr < (k)ku + inr < (k)ku + il + t.” What is the nature of the root il- which is, as we can see it now, a basis of the present tense suffix kinr ? In what relation does it stand to the negative root il- ? There are two negative roots in Tamil, il- and al- “ not to be ”. Different opinions have been expressed about the original meaning of these roots. Dr. R. Caldwell thinks, for instance, that such words like anru “ it is not ”, anmai “notness, negation”, alku- “to become less”, al “dark¬ ness ”, alvali “ absence of inflexion ”, inru “ it is not ”, imnai “ non-existence ”, ili “ one who has nothing ”, etc., show that the negative meaning lies in the root itself.** H. Gundert,** F. Kittel,*^ and G. U. Pope,*® on the contrary, contend that the negative meaning should be connected with the form of words, while the very roots il- and al- have nothing to do with it. “ Illai (really ille) and alia, G. U. Pope writes, are negative forms of two old positive roots, il = ir = be, and al = ar = befit.” *« root (U-) could not look like • ir- since xhe roots in -r have -nt- in the past tense and undergo no morphophonemic changes; in- Is a variant of il- (cf. inmai < il-mai). 12 R. Caldwell, Ibid,, pp. 476-77 «Cf. ibid. p 160*' ^ Grammar of the Kannada Language, Mangalore, 1903, 15 G. U. Pope, A Handbook of the Language, Oxford, 1904, p. 96. i« Ibid. Ordinary Dialect of the Tamil ORIGIN OF THE PRESENT TENSE SUFFIX ‘ ICINR ’ 149 Such negative forms of the verb iru- “to be ” as iratu “ it is not, it will be not ”, irar “ they are not, they will be not ”, etc., show, however, that negative forms of this verb are construed not by the interchange r : 1 but by suffixa- tion of the negative a ( < a) ” to the root. At the same time, there is at least one positive form in Modern Tamil derived from the roots il- and al-, namely infinitives, as in illave illai, allave alia “not in the least, not at all ” (cf.: mattave matten “ I w ^ not ”, teriyave teriyate “ it is absolutely unknown ”, kan, /e kanom “ no trace is visible ”, ventave, venta “ absoli '•.ely unneces¬ sary ”, etc.). This testifies to the fact that i - and al- are two independent roots from which both positi 'e and nega¬ tive forms can be derived. It is difficult to determine the primary meaning of the roots il- and al-. Most probably they could not originally have such an abstract negative meaning as they have now but should have denoted some specific action or condition.^* In the course of time that specific meaning grew weaker and weaker, and the word gradually came to express abstract negation. The same process is developing now in the instance of the verb mattu- “ to attach, to fix ” where negative forms are used in the sense of negative verbs “ shall not, will not ” : ceyya matten “ I shall not do ”, “ I will not do ”, “ I am not inclined to do ”, “ I am not going to do ”. Dr. R. Caldwell’s examples, which he quotes as a proof of primary negativeness of these roots, ought to be the result of later development. • To conclude, the verbs il- and al- could not have been originally only negative in their meaning. Like the verb n Cf. V. I. Subramaniam, Negatives, “ Tamil Culture ”, 1959, vol, VIII. No. I. ■ 1* S. Gnana Prakasar thinks, for example, that the root il- originally had the meaning “ to slip away ” and the root al- meant “ to knit together” (S. Gnana Prakasar. An Etymological and Comparative Lexicon of the Tamil Language, vol. I, Chunnakam, 1938. p. IV). How¬ ever, this etymology cannot be considered final. 7 150 TAMIL CULTURE mattu- “ to attach, to fix ”, they had had specific lexical meaning and a full paradigm in the positive and negative forms. Gradually their lexical meaning grew more and more abstract and then completely died away. Positive forms of these verbs got out of use, and negative forms came to denote abstract negation. Since there was no opposition of positive forms, the negative meaning ceased to be connected with a form — negative form— of these verbs and was associated with the very roots. This gave an opportunity to arise to such forms which expressed negation only by their roots. The only positive forms of il- and al- to be found now are infinitives which are widely used till the present day. Positive forms of the past tense of the verb il- can be traced in medieval and modern forms of the present tense in (k)kinr (cf. arikinran “ he knows ” ariku + inran and arikilan “ he doesn’t know ” < ariku + ilan, the corresponding negative form of il-).^® 19 It seems quite probable that in varukirpatu (Tirunavukkaracar, Tevaram, Cennai, 1957, p. 525) we have a form ol the future tense of il-: varukirpatu varuku -f irpatu (cf. the use of the future tense of nil with verbal participles in -a to give the meaning of the present tense). Tamil Lexicon cites this word as an example of the sufiix kil expressing ability. ' * The Tamil Book of Proverbs REV. H. S. DAVID Introduction and Plan of this and of the next Article 1. Its peculiar diction, compared with the earliest Tamil classics, especially the Kuruhtokai and its parallel anthologies. 2. The internal evidence of certain stanzas in this work. 3. The common structure of the 399 stanzas of this book. 4. The arrangement of these stanzas according to topics, with some comparisons with the Nalati, herein referred to as Nal. 5. The proverbs proper; a few selections, besides those mentioned under 1 and 2. 6. How we should appreciate this work: its place, considering the above points, (a) in time and (b) in merit and importance among the 18 minor classics: THE INTRODUCTION Two years ago, in Vol. VII, No. 4 of Tamil Culture I published my critical appreciation of one of our ancient 18 major classics : (SiDpaemra^ namely, the Kuruntokai. Now I shall do the same for one of our ancient 18 minor classics, the Palamoli. This book is not so well- known as some of its companion-works, like the Tirukkural and the Nalati. It is my contention that it is well worth our study as thoroughly representative of Late Classical times, confining the word “ Classical ” to connote what are generally called “ Sangham ” works. For obvious reasons I avoid this latter word in all my theses and articles. 152 TAMIL CULTURE I-A. The peculiar diction of the Tamil Book of Pro¬ verbs COMPARED WITH THAT OF THE EARLIEST CLASSICAL WORKS, AS AN INDEX TO THE TIME AND PLACE OF ITS COMPOSITION. As I have already introduced the readers of Tamil Culture to the Kuruntokai anthology (Vol. VII, No. 4, Oct., 1958) I shall cite mainly therefrom and from its parallel anthologies, like Aka Na. (AN.) and Pura Na (PN.). 1. ampuli = the moon, cantiran, C. This word does not occur in the earliest classics, like the Kurun.*^ To every Tamilian child, however, it is familiar from the nursery rhyme, LDirintr, Qa^-rraair _To this PaJ. 264c alludes : i3dr&iTa&rr ^iriu^QuirA (Slow. 2. aP = distress, Com. tunpam PaJ. 273a. This monosyllabic word is evidently shorter and earlier than the ordinary word from this base, allal, u^ ^ld c 3 /^«s 5 rra) 0*®^^ G^irmdserr* 6 . anaittu: This is one of the best words we possess in Tamil for gauging the relative time of any poem in this language. It corresponds to the Telugu word anta, which has two meanings : — (A) that, as much as, as far as, so much e.g., goranfa v’u^te ko^d-anta cestadu = he makes a mountain out of a molehill. (B) whole. The final “ a ” is lengthened in talk: desam-antd = the whole land. These two meanings are to be found for the Tam. word anaittu: but in the earliest classics only the first meaning is found, in the later classics the second. Thus (A) at Kurun. 217:4 c^nuSojirear ari.^(u .... the Com. reads : jufreor Q^FireSrear Cf. Kurun. p. 457. This is clearly the first meaning. This trisyllabic word “ anaittu ” has, as one should expect, a dissyllabic base already in the Kurun., as the following instances testify. “ anai ” = so much, avva- lavu. Com. as at Kurun. 99 : 6 r^dsaruQu(^rij dstruiih From this meaning it is just a step more in semantic change for “ anai ” to obtain the connotation of “ being like that ”, as at Kurun. 315 : 3 ( 0 fru 5 I^ = my lover is like the sun. »> 315 : 4 Oj50(0<^ ^dsarujsrecT Ou0Lbu2feaar^ (S^rGsir „ 52: 2 c9J&jr60)uj. 2nd Pers. sing, (spoken to a girl).* „ 164: 6 ^SfeorGujLbss: ^^^eSrGUiiDGtuihy C. 1 st Pers. plural. „ 309 : 6 Qjsiu^ Olj 0 ld, 154 TAMIL CULTURE In the whole of Kurun. you will never find this word in its second meaning. B. But in the PaJ. stanzas it is the second meaning that we come across 3a-b: ^err^iJQeir^ Com. sQsirdSSear ^eareoiLD (ipQgfDiDiifib c^j/riLijS^. Likewise at Pal. 262 b ceykai anaittinum = in every action ; Com. ceykaiyinkan elldm. Pa}. 277a : ^flstrpgiui Qatluirg^u), The Com. reads: crcbflDirtb Qu>6Biu ujir^eoiredr = idem 196 : 8 «9t8nT^^ireE)ttJir SisafI eT&ar^^uj ! G. «j>LD^^ ^(5 9b = may this now become of that nature! Optative. Thus the Pur Na., like the Kurun., has the word only in its first meaning: the Pa}, employs it only in its second meaning. The Paripatal, which many literary critics state to be the last (in point of time) of the Eight Anthologies (stC(S 0 Q^fr 60 )«), has the word in both senses. Thus at 1 : 31 ^earear LojiSsir ^StjrGujiriu = thou art of that tradition. THE TAMIL BOOK OF PROVERBS 155 3 : 44 cSiajcu =s c. fSt^euaro^ih «5(a36u = not so much. In these instances we easily detect the first meaning. But at Paripatal 3 : 68 $; ^ 8 sir^^g);Ll [OLf»r 0 (g 5 ii> $ = thou art all ! and thou art the reality in everything / This is the second meaning evidently, occurring twice in the same foot of this hymn in praise of Visnu or Tirumal. Thus we can safely state that the Pal. is slightly posterior to the Paripatal and is nearer to the time of the Paripatal than to that of the Kurun. or Pura Na. from this and other instances. 7. ikal = battle, as twice in stanza 293 of Pa}, a and b (first and second) lines : GusSiuiranir ffrefrafl srsifluj/rir The Com. on “ ikal ” is “ por ” = battle. This noun is never seen in the Kurim.; but the cor¬ responding verb occurs once, at 257: 6 , in the sense of “ opposing ” : ®«giij5{3^fr40f6»w «fru)^^u uanasGuj. The nominal form occurs at least twice in the Paripa., at 6 : 28 = a fight, at 9 : 36 = “ pulavi ” i.e. amatorial strifes between husband and wife; in the almost contemporary work, Tiru Muruk. 131-2, in the sense of “enmity”, in several other instances in the Pal. itself, as at 21b and 263b ; at Nal. 137b ikal ilar ; at Patiir. 14 : 13 ikal kollum ; 43 : 29 ikal vinai; and at Tolkap. Por. 68 : 9 ikal matil. I have given a pretty exhaustive study of a few words, especially of “ anaittu ”, above. Clearly it is impossible to continue this for the remaining 60 to 70 words, unless this article is to assume unmanageable proportions. Hence I shall mete out a more summary treatment to the remain¬ ing words. 156 TAMIL CULTURE 8 . awiyam = deceit, fraud, vancakam. Pal. 264b. The words “ avviyamum ceyvar ” in this stanza are explained thus in the Com. “ Qp^eStuesr Q^(u^(Swir(B Qurrtu Qj(Q^^fitru5I^Lb ’’ The Kura}, at 169a “ avviya nehcattan ” has this word in its earlier meaning of perversity or envy. C. has meari (5«/rilL-Lb, G)u/r 06 oiLD, This word, as well as the opportunity for it, do not arise in the Karuntokai. 9. aj = small, ciru. Pal. 297d. This is a peculiar mean¬ ing, not even mentioned in M.L. when it deals with this word on page 166. The words “ al illam ” in our book are explained as “ ciriya illam ” in the Com. on Pal. 297d. 10. ar = to obtain, atai, C. at Pal. 282d. The M.L. gives nine meanings for this word on page 239, but this sense is left out there. The proverb runs : ej-ih ^irrrf- (5«/rn5jCp«/6)(g)!f. The Com. on this line, Pal. 282d, reads (p«SBfrr^« LD!r^^6OT lS^ urr^streuBs^) c9f605L_u.jfrj. 11. antiu = there. Pal. 27b. This word is peculiar to the ancient classics and occurs seldom in later works. It occurs four times in the Kurun., at 54 : 5 r 184 : 4; 218 : 7 and 275 : 8 ; likewise at Pura Na. 78 : 9 ; Paripa. 17 : 29 (twice) ; Muruk. 249 ; Kur. 363b, 1098a ; Nal. 35b, 91d, 27Id ; Tolka. Por. 562 ; 566 ; 571; 580 ; 634. The slightly later word to express this idea is ahku = there, as at Kur. 333b, 487a ; Nal. 28c ; or ankan = there, as at Civ. 1559c, and still later anku or ahke, with the radical or first syllable of ahku shortened, as also for ihku, uhku, yahku, about 700 A.D. But all the alternate forms are used for a long time later, at least occasionally. 12. ama = wild cow, bos gaveus, kattuppacu. Com. M.L. p. 235. This word occurs at Pal, 282c and Nal. 377a. An earlier form aman, in the identical sense, occurs at Kurun. 322 : I; Narr. 165 : I; Malaipatu. 500 ; Kurihc- 253; Civ. 1902c, aman inam. Thus while the earlier form THE TAMIL BOOK OF PROVERBS 157 leaches out at least to the 9th century A.D., the later lorm, produced by the not unusual dropping of the final nasal, occurs at least as early as Pura Na. 117 : 5 ^i£>ir 13. ilaitu = that which is young, tender, weak, not fully developed, as at Pal. 277d jSl&rrgi ereSr^ uiriiLi Qi/rp’ ; so also at Pal. 286 a-b jiglSkrr^ .#• «&TuS)e5r, (ip0f}-n(S ^; at Kur. 879a (tpamruiirtht OafTsu®... This word is not to be found in the Kurun., but the earlier and basic word “ ilai ” = weak, tender, young, is frequently met with. Cf. Sinhalese “ lamaya ” = idem. 14. irai = king, Pal. 243b. The word irai occurs 13 times in the Kurun. but always in one of the following connotations ; ®/dul/, CtpeorsD)®. It is never employed in the sense of king or ruler therein. In the Kural, however, irai is used in th»s sense, as at 547a snoiiuaLb ercusu/rii). Before this, at Tolka. Por. 256a this word is employed in the sense of superior, uyarnton, Com., and at Paripa. 11 : 8 in the sense of an elder brother. I suspect that this noun is intimately connected with the verb “irai Kan. eragu = to bend, bow before; to worship. Cf. “ iraincu Kurun. 198 : 4 : Tv. 1 : 21 (Tv = Tiruvacakam). 15. (ul < ) un = to take in, has 9 significations acc. to M.L., p. 402. But Pal. 297d employs the verb “ uij ” in the quite unusual sense of contracting ” a debt, which M.Tj. does not mention. The Com. reads konta katanai. 16. “ unti ” (Nal. la; 363c') and “ unavu ” (Pura. 18 : 20 and 21 ; Mani. 10 : 90) are the usual words for “ food ”. The Kurun. employs “ unti ” alone, as at 156 : 4. The Pal. employs instead the alternate form “ und ”, as at 4d, 85d, 295d, as does Mankuti Kilar at Pura. 335 : 6. There is an ancient alternance between -avu and -a as the final syllables of nouns, as is evident from such words as kan-a (Pal. 130d) and kanavu ; pura and puravu, ara (Kurun. 43:4) and aravu (Kurun. 119: 1), ira (= night, Kurun. twice) and iravii (- id. Kurun. 10 times). 8 158 TAMIL CULTURE 17. urai, acc. to M.L., has several senses : cf. p. 451 there. Here I take only one of the homonyms and trace its semantic changes : — (1) urai, as a verb, “to speak, utter”. 6 times in Kurun.; Paripa. 2 : 35; 18 : 22 ; Tolka. El. 224d and Pal. 130c. (2) urai, as a noun, “ a speech, word ”. 3 times in Kurun. ; Paripa. 2 : 35 ; Tol. El. 34b, 210g, 224c. (3) urai, as a verb, “ to speak harshly, to rebuke, scold,” Pal. 75d and 295a. (4) urai, as a noun, “ a harsh word or reply ”, Pal. 75d, which is an old proverb : s-6a>(rQuQi^ 18. ul = inside, is now employed as a locative post¬ position. But at Pal. 75b, “ ul unra ”, this word occurs in its ancient connotation as a full-blooded noun. The Com. reads Lofiorii) s^&rriLjLbuLq. = to pain the mind. Cf. Kurun. 376 : 6 ul akam, and Nal. 289c u} arru. The ordinary noun from this base, employed from Early Classical times to this day, is ullam = the mind or the heart, as the seat of the emotions. Cf. Kurun. 102 : 1 ^efrafl ^n h (Sqjld, In the venpa stanza to Sarasvati, as the goddess of speech and wisdom, that starts with the words ^in as&oaerr in the third foot (<=5^4) we come across the words ffreor e_6fr(g6rr. Herein “ ullam ” is the noun, while “uUe” is the locative casal affix or postposition. These two must be clearly distinguished. 19. enku = a bear, Pal. 292d, Manim. 16 : 68. 20. The particle evan ”, not in the modern sense of “ who ? ” but in its old signification of “ how ? ” Com. enfianam, eppati. The Kurun. employs this word in this sense or in the analogous sense of “ what ? ” as often as 19 times, sometimes alone, sometimes with kol or 6, the particles of interrogation, added. The Kur. too employs THE TAMIL BOOK OF FROVERBS 159 the last two particles along with “ evan ” in this sense. The Pal. at 282b does the same : 6Wfr(Lb) LD/rror ssmueu^ 6TQj6arQa(r(o€0ir 7 How can one bear hatred towards kings with chariots and spirited steeds ? This usage diminishes in early mediaeval literature onwards : there evan = who ? 21. evvam = distress, tunpurutal, Pal. 267c; Pura. 393 : 11 and Kurun. 289 : 2 (evva noy) and five other times. 22. etam = affliction, innal. Com. Pa}. 293b. This word does not occur in the earliest stratum of Tamil, as in Kurun. and Pura Na. which employ “ evvam ” instead. In the Kura}, however, it occurs nine times, at 136b, 164b, 275b, 432b, 464b, 831a, 884b, 885b and 1006a. Likewise, at Maiii. 5 : 71; 27 : 6 ; 29 : 48 ; .at Civ. 1097d, 2498d ; at Tiruvac. 19 : 5 ; 20 : 20 ; 26 : 6 ; 30 : 22 ; at Tol. Por. 270 : 2 ; 458 : 1. Sometimes in the above mentioned instances the meaning changes to “ fault ”, kurram ; “ obstacle ” 4aiyuru. The employment of “etam” puts Pa}, in a later stratum of literature than Kumn. or Pura Na. It seems absurd that the M.L. is unable to find even one instance from Tamil literature for this word on page 558 and feels obliged to cite lexicographers and nighantus like “Tiva”. (Tivaka- ram) for the first two meanings of this word. On com¬ paring “ etam ” with “ et - il ” = faultless, at Tiruvac. 43 : 31, one suspects “ etu ” to be the real base and “-am ” to be a cariyai, as in several other words. 23. “em ” = defence, shelter, protection, Pa}. 282d. The Com. here gives “patukaval”. At limes the word takes on the affix (cariyai) “ -am ”, and often the meaning changes to the “ pleasure and delight ”, consequent on the protection afforded. The adjectival or correlative form is “ema ”, as at Kurun. 107 : 7 ema in tuyil = the sheltered pleasant sleep beside her beloved one. In this sense “em ” 160 TAMIL CULTURE or “ emam ” occurs 6 times in Kurun.; afPura. 1: 11; Aka Na. four times ; Patirr. 15 ; 38 ; Cirupaii. 76 ; Maturaik. 686; Malaip. 306 ; Muruk. 97 em ura ; Civ. five times at least; Tol. Por. 37 : 1; 50 : 2 ; 72 : 8 ; 79 : 5 ; 111: 34 ; 146 : 9 ; 147 : 19 ; 192 : 2. 24. “ katal ”, in the M.L., page 660 and in Tamil litera¬ ture generally, always means “ the sea ”. Such is its signi¬ fication at Pal. 78c and d; 269d etc. but at Pal. 197d it obtains the quite unusual connotation of “ a far land over the ocean ”. The pertinent words are : 6BL.§^6rr<^Lb airsttar u(Jq] The Com. explains ” katal ” here as Q&^esTjj) 25. “kaij” has several senses, including “the eye”. In the early Tam. literature it also meant “a place”. Later, however, it ceased to be a noun in this sqtisb and became a locative casal affix. Hence its occurrence as a full-blooded noun in this sense helps to fix the relevant work as to its time, as at Kurun. 355 : 1; 366 : 4; 379 ; 3; 380 : 1; Aka. 8 : 9 etc., PN. 35 : 23 ; Nal. 151a ; Kur. 1058a and at PaJ. 39a, 72a and c, 229a, 261c, 277c, 281c, 289a, c, 299d, atleast 10 times. 26. “kaiiakku”. The M.L., p. 701 gives it fifteen senses, of which I take the twelfth. When the classification of the earliest Tamil poetry took place, this was divided into two parts, with the word “kanakku” appended to both : merka 2 ?akku and kijkkariakku. Here* this word is not used in the modern sense of “ reckoning ” (t “ number ”, but in the 6th to 7th century (A.D.) sense of^* literature ”! Now the Pal. employs the word in this very’ sense, iri stanza 5 : (tfijDjDu a/D/Dci). Likewise at Pal. 92c kaijakku means “.letters”. 27. ‘ kantu ”. The M.L. on p. 719 gives 14 meanings to this word, both as noun and verb, of which 12 are nomi¬ nal. The Kura} at 507a, employs it to mean “ a staff, crutch, THE TAMIL BOOK OF PROVERBS 161 support ” ; it is in this identical sense that PaJ. too employs it, as at 292a » ^fSliUires>ii>eaiiuu (Sairuiroi, 28. “ Kal^ M.L. on p. 781 gives it four meanings, but all centred round the idea of “ fighting in rage ”, as at Pura Na. 69 : 11, Maijim. 1: 63; Civ. 620d (competition, marupatu) ; also at PaJ. 111a, 112b, 302c (fighting). But at Pal 78c it obtains an unusual connotation. The words are the following :—(guibaRu u){_Q6ufr(g qilaeoiTth, The Com. runs: <,Quir(j^^^uj LDi_d)aua6fr eSIireurrjSledrp. Evidently qwr + asu/rib becomes qilaeoirih. But why “ kalam ? This is the meaning, not of kalam ”, which is a noun acc. to M.L., but of “ kalavu ”, the verb, acc. to M.L. and Kurincip. 48. Possibly kalavum has been shortened into “ kalam ” owing to metrical exigencies. “ Ku^ampai ” (= a bird's nest) employed here is peculiar : it occurs also at Kurun. 301 : 2 and Kural 338a (nest with eggs), but is not the normal classical word for this. With kalavum < kalam, compare vavum < v^, under Nos. 20 and 70 here. 29. kanaiTU = to enrage, inflame, causative of “ kanal, kanalu ”. The causative verb occurs at Pura Na. 384: 12 in the physical sense of “ heating up ”. Nal. 291c has the simple verb “ kanalume ”, in the moral sense. Kalit. 148: 13 and Pal. 295c employ the causative “ kanarru ” in the moral sense, applying it to the passions of carnal love and anger respectively. 30. katam = anger, Pura Na. 33 : 1 and Pal. 49c. In both instances this ‘‘anger” is attributed to dogs and the Com. renders it as “ cinam ”. The respective words are these : kata nay and katam pattu nay kavvin. 31. katu = to overpower. Pal. 11 Id. This is a peculiar word, seldom met with in the early Tamil texts. It is employed here to describe the fatal results experienced by an untrained rider, who tries to mount and ride a mettle- 162 TAAIIL CULTURE some steed and lashes it with his whip to bring it under his control. But he is thrown down headlong instead. The significant lines are : /SI&uiuQpnua (3Qi4Wi4U g6a>L.^^o>L_uj qew Qp^eStuOeu^eotTUi says the Com. With this one should compare “ kilakku ”, which always connotes “ below ” in the earliest texts, never “east” as now. Some modern scholars, and even a Lecturer in Tamil at the University of London in my time, have not grasped this. Thus “ kijakku ” means “ below ”, at Kurun. 337 : 2 ; Patirr. 36 : 10 ; KuraJ 448b ; Por. of Tolka. 280. 33. “ kuru ”, as a noun, is given 28 senses in M.L. on page 1013 : of these, the signification of “ boil, sore, swel¬ ling ” must be given to “ kuru ” at PaJ. 283d «i.6or(Su)«u ( 2)0 = “ a boil on a hunch-back ”, a very graphic description indeed. 34. “ kuru ” means “ short ” and occurs about 60 times in the Kurun^-in this sense, although M.L. on p. 1051 ignores this word. This word occurs often in Pal., espe¬ cially in the picturesque proverb @^to«<5B6fr jBi-d), PaJ. 120d. Small children uproot one another’s trees and shrubs when planting a grove, as is my own experience 45 years ago. " 35. From the above, kuru, was formed the verb kurai = to make short, thence to cut down, as at Pal. 280c (a THE TAMIL BOOK OF PROVERBS 163 palmyra tree) ; 104c (the honey-flowing jack-fruit tree) ; 346d (the branch on which one is sitting) ; or to cut off (one’s own hand, as the Paij^iya King did), 76c. 36. kai = action. M. L. gives 28 meanings to “ kai ”, on p. 1098; the nearest to our meaning that it gets to is No. 18, “ that which is fit to be done But at Pal. 109a, 242a, 248b, 280b, “ kai ” means “ action ”, ceyal, Com. Kurun. has this usage nine times, Tol. Por. eleven times. Narr. and Aka. very often. Cf. Kan. key = to do and Tam. kai = the hand, the pre-eminent “ do-er ”. 37. Kottu = to clap, strike with the palms, Pal. 29ld. An old word in Dravidian. Cf. kottu in Tel. and Mai. in the identical sense. 38. Kommai. This word connotes at the same time circularity or rotundity, largeness and a slight elevation : it is therefore the aptest epithet for the swelling breasts of a young woman. This, as a matter of fact, is its most frequent use in Tamil literature from its earliest times, as at Kurun. 159 ; 4 and AN. 65 : 18, both kommai vari mulai; Paripa. 22 : 30 var ani kommai; Civ. 347a kommai vem mulai: Civ. 236a and c,2790c. But the basic idea is th^ck rotundity, tira^ci, C. as at Kurun. 281 ;2. Hence “kommai kottal ” came to denote the clapping of hands held in a conical manner, as at Pa]. 291d Lf/oiEjOamheauL 0 ^ , 43. tarru = \;innnowing, sifting, kolittal. Com., PaJ. 16b, a very unusual word. M.L. skives both the verbal and the nominal forms of this\word dt the bottom of p. 1857, but is unable to give a single text as authority for cither. Hence it sadly ’ annotates Loc. (twice) and Yal akarati (once) : the Jaffna Lexfcon is alluded to here. 44. tarn = id. acc. to the Com. on Pal. 69c tarrappa^- tatu. Cf. 43 above. M.L on p. 1858 gives 9 significations for this word, but not the sense in Pal. 69c ; this is another instance of M.L. ignoring Pal. 45. tdyam ” first means a fall of the dice ; as this may be luckv or unlucky for any person who gambles therewith, the sense shifts to either a ‘»ood opportunity. M.L. p. 1840, Na 8, or affliction, ibid. No. 9. THE TAMIL BOOK OP PROVERBS 165 At Pa]. 302d this last is the meaning: the time of old age and weakness. 46. tukir = coral, pavalam, Pal. 259d. A very old* word, as the Kan. Tel. and Tul. equivalents testify. Cf. M.L. p. 1954. When we compare PN. 218:1 Oufreorg^ijB Itukirum) with Perunkatai, IV, 17:15 uai{p(^ib ueribOufTeBT LD/r 60 ><^jqib (pavalamum), we see that “ tukir ” has gone out of use in the later work and has been replaced by pavalam, later pavalam. Except for the (later) Panegyric on God, line 2 pavala, Kurun. had no need to use either “ tukir ” or “ pavalam ”, PN. (already cited) and Patirr. employ the former word alone, as at 30:7 of the latter work :— ajir&gidln' sr(Ba(sih. Cilap. employs the former at 7:18 tucum tukirum aramum akilum; but there are two references therein to pavalam and three to pavalam. The later words are gain¬ ing ground. Paripa. has forgotten “ tukir ”, but employs “pavalam” at 19:87 and “pavalam” at 11:101. In the .same boat are Mani. which employs “ pavalam ” once and “ pavalam ” eleven times and Civ, which employs the former 13 times and the latter 9 times : there is no reference in either work to “ tukir ”. “ Ceteris paribus ”, i.e. other things being equal, we should therefore give an earlier date to Pal. 259 than to Perunk. Paripa. Mani or Civ. on this ground alone. But conviction comes only by the study of 0 mass of words. On the other hand, it will be unwise to overload the canvas or overcrowd the painting. Hence I shall list below the words I have studied, but give the refe¬ rences generally from Pal. alone. 47. tehku = the cocoanut, 34b, 216d (in'both bases the fruit). 48. terul = to become clear, later teli, C., 284b. 49. tecu = a praiseworthy or glorious deed, 285b, 6srr(r«Qoru>rr^((j 9 166 TAMIL CULTURE 50. narayam = a type of arrow, called “ naray£«iam ”, Com. Pal. 50d. 51. ^ = abundant, 247c (Com. mikunta), 251a (mikka nii poruntiya). 52. payir ^ (noun) = a fault, kuiram C., 259b. 53 payir^ (verb) = to call (alaikkum. Com.), 260c, 54. patu = (1) eminence, strength, perumai,' 71d and at 303d valimai. Commentary. (2) state, condition, takaimai. Com., 300a,b,c. 55. payiram = a promise of assistance for help render¬ ed, 249c : very unusual. 56. paru or par = to spread rays, vicu. Com. 229a. Cf. Nal. 151a. In this connexion must be noted the exact identity of the first five cir (out of the 15 in any venpa stanza) in Nal. 151a-b and Pal. 229a-b. Both run thus : — eSI&rLbiSsir rSI<3sd}jS6omj uirfldi^Lb 0iijT6U6Ufr6U/D60)/D 6 ir @(ir(g) Q^{rd). The Com. too reads : (tprirCsw ^ 0 Lb, iSeffrCSsur like learn¬ ing acc. to N.N.V. 3a. May we not rather see in Pa}. 263d the original phrase, which the later works, like Inna Nar¬ patu and Iniyavai Narpatu have borrowed and modified in in meaning, just as Nal. 294d (Nal. = Nalati) mtrsjrub £«. 5 roi_uj/r/r reappears fully at Iniyavai Narp. 5d ? The* latter also reads : Loirmih e_ 6 ®L_tL!fr/r I-C Still more important for our purpose is the GRAMMATICAL PATTERN DISPLAYED BY THE PaL. We TAKE A FEW INSTANCES *.— 1. “kal” as the pluralising particle. Tolka. Col. 169 prescribes this for “ ahrinai ” (Tam. neuter) nouns in these words :—^kaljotu civaj?um avviyal peyare. At the same time Col. 7 ignores it in connexion with “ uyartiijai ” nouns. On the other hand, Nannul 278 prescribes “ kal ” for both types of nouns. So do all later grammars. From this it is evi¬ dent that it was only gradually that this pluralising particle spread from the neuter to the other type of nouns. In fact, in the earliest texts it is not employed even for the neuter nouns : the plural of nouns is sensed from the context, or from the form of the verb or predicate, or by the use of other particles, like “ ir ”. We note that on the whole the Pal. follows the earlier pattern, as at .7d uiriiq rSii^tLiih uirihiS&jT arreb = snakes (neuter in Tamil) alone recognise the legs of (other) snakes. Here not once is the pluralising particle “ka}” employed. Likewise at 78c pul = birds, C. u/D6o>fiJ656rr. There are cases, however, THE TAMIL BOOK OF PROVERBS 171 where the PaJ. employs this particle, as at 197a karuman- kal = actions, Com. ceyalkaj, a neuter noun, and even for uyartinai nouns, at least once, namely piUaikal = children, at 264c. But it may be claimed that in several languages, where men ” are masculine, “ child ” is neuter, as in German, which employs “ der Mann ” but “ das Kind It was only in the Tam. Kavyas of the 6 th to 9 th centuries a.d. that “ kal ” began to be employed on a large scale for uyartinai nouns too, as “yahkal” at Cilap. 11 : 171; Qv, 1793b. 2. “el ” for “ayil In several languages (a or) a+i = e. Thus in Sanskrit maha + indra = mahendra etc. In Tam. too we notice the same phenomenon. Thus at Pal. lib err - el = ettanmaittu ayil, Com. = of what type, it may be i.e. were I to state it. This was the origin of those prohibitions learnt by Tamilian children, like iyalvatu karav-el, ivatu vilakkel, which were at first conditional clauses, followed by nanru = “ it would be good ” in word, intonation or gesture. The second maxim here quoted meant at first: “ if you do not prevent others from doing charity, that would be good ”. Next it came to mean ; “ do not prevent others from doing charity ”. This development into the Neg. Imperative of “ el ” is later than its employ¬ ment as a “conditional particle”, as it is used in Pal. e.g. 11 b. 3. ayinal = accordingly, at Pal. 4c: this is a peculiar usage. 4. ayinum < enum, exactly as ayil < §1, in 2 above. We come across ayinum at Pal. 37c, 75c, 177c, 245c, and enum, ibidem, 85a. Still another peculiar formation, employed in the same sense, is “anum”, explained as ayinum in the Com. at Pal. 11a, i.e. in the line previous to the one cited in 2 above : < 55 fD®@JLb ai. Readers of Telugu are familiar with the phenomenon that where Tam. employs the particle “ ay ”, 172 TAMIL CULTURE Tel. employs “ ai ” A similar altemance obtains bet¬ ween Mod. Tam. and Old Tam. Thus Kurun. 342 : 7 pau- pinai (O. Tam.) = iyalputaiy — ay, Com. (Mod. Tam.) ; Pura Na. 46 : 2 marukan-ai (O. Tam.) = marapil ujl-ay (Com. Mod. Tam.). Consider this line : — OjBi4iu^ ^ OjB0(p<5^! Thus at Pal. 46a, we find both forms, side by side, in the same line, as above. • 6. The suffix “ ika ” at Pal. 245c is quite peculiar. These are the relevant words:— Qsird}^&o(Stu 0«fr«wri»L«. The Com. renders the last word “ kont-ika ” as “ kolka ” = “ take ”, as the polite imperative, some¬ times termed the Tam. optative, which generally employs the particle ” -a ” to form this mood. The unexplained part of this word is therefore the middle, “iku”. Fortunately we possess at Aka. Na. 124: 3 this very particle:— O&^eir^Qasaru. The Com. explains ceimika as cepru arulka, thus equating “ika” to “arulka” = bestow, grant. But in actual fact, the auxiliary verb “ ika ”, suffixed to the main verb “ cenru ”, has lost its full significance of “ bestowing ”, or granting, in the AN. instance. In the Pal. instance cited above arid at Kural 1268a venrika ventan = let the king win victories, “ ika ” has lost this signification absolutely. This is signi¬ ficant fdr the age of the three works concerned, namely Aka Na (AN.), KuraJ and Palamoli. 7. The negative imperative ending in “ -al ” is the origin of (and therefore much earlier than) the optative (2nd pers.) which ends in “ -arka” (= al + ku + a). It is the latter form that we meet with constantly in PaJ., as at 64b moliyarka; at 273b uraiyarka. These words mean: do not say ; do not utter. * Tel. aina _ Tam. ayina ; Tel, -ayinavi = Tam, -ayinavai. THE TAMIL BOOK OP PROVERBS 173 8. turn, as the sufRx of the 1st Pers. pi. of the Present tense, as at PaJ. 229b kaij^um = kaiikinrom = we see. The first line of this stanza is in lA, 56. ” 9. turn, as the suffix of the 1st pers. pi. of the Indefinite tense, as aritum, Pa}. 74b = we come to know; ventutum, Pal. 273b = we desired and desire. Cf. atutum, Nal. 332b ; veruutum, Kalit. 17: 2 = we shall bathe ; we fear, respec¬ tively. 10. “kirp” — This is a very ancient cariyai, found already at Kurun. 22 : 2 pirikiip-avar = piripavar. Com.; at Kalit. 39 : 38 pa^ar-kirp-ir = natappir, Com.; at Kalit. 39 : 40 karak-kiip-en = maraippen, Com. This particle is found likewise at Pal. 218b potikirpar = karattalaicceyvar = they will hide, and at Pal. 294a venru atuki^arai = tammaikkolla vallavarka}ai = those capable of over¬ powering and oppressing them. From the above ins¬ tances it is clear that this particle denotes the further- aorist tense in ancient Tamil. Slightly later in time we come across the analogous particle, “ -kirk ”, as at Nal. 62d mu^i-kirk-um, 352d ter-kirk-um. 11. Intimately connected with “-kirp”- is the particle “pu”, which in Old Tam. converted the verbal root into the vinai eccam of the past tense, in preference to the Mod. Tam. particle tu ”. The forms modelled on “ ceypu ” are more frequently employed than those modelled on “ ceytii ” or “ ceykh ” and cover more than half the instances of the past absolutive or vinai eccam in the Eight Anthologies. Therefrom was formed the 3rd Pers. pi. aorist, modelled on “ ceypa ”, according to Tolka. Col. 206, which prescribes the personal affixes: j uwCpsofrj U3(j5rfii^/D This then is the origin of the particle “ pa ” in such words as the following :— 10 174 TAMIL CULTUBE (a) enpa, KurUn. 39 : 3 ; 74 : 5 ; 76 : 2 ; 87 : 2 ; 136 : 1; 204 : 1; 213 : 6 ; 228 : 4 ; 246 : 4 ; Aka Na. 36 : 12 ; 76 : 6 j 96 : 10 ; 116 : 10 ; 124 : 3 ; 186 : 14 ; 195 : 5 ; 216 : 6 ; 246 : 7 ; 266 : 9 ; 336 : 12 ; Pura Na. 71: 3 ; Aink. 67 : 3 ; 152 : 4; 369 : 3 ; 467 : 4 ; Kalit 46 : 19. Tolka. El. employs “ enpa in its text 18 times; >» Col. ,, „ „ 35 ,, f ff Por. ,, „ 85 f) f the Kural 24 times. Nal, however, has “ enpa ” only once, at 250c and employs the later form “ enpar ” instead, at 282a. It employs “ kaipa ” at 135c = they learn or study. (b) molipa = they say, 20 times in the Kurun.; at NaiT. 290 : 9 etc.. Aka Na. 216 : 6 etc.; at Tolka. El. 20 times. Col. 7 times, Por. 57 times. (c) On a minor scale this usage persisted even to the time of the Nannul, which has “nerpa” at 386d. We now note that this ancient usage is pretty common — in Pal. as (d) kanpa, at 197d = kanparka|. Com = they will see. (e) Ceypa, at 249c = ceyyum. Com. = they will do. (f) polpa, at 8d = pilappar. Com. = men will split, cleave. (g) marupa, at 77c = vittu nihkuvarkal = they will desert it. But it is not so widespread in Pal. as in Kurun. AN and Tol. 12. “-min”. It occurs at Pal. 108b ceymmin = cey- yunkaj, C = do ye. This particle and its origin have been the subject\of controversy. According to Tolka. Col. 224, Nannul 145c and 337, this “ rain ” is an affix denoting the 2nd Pers. pi. impv. But it seems more scientific to regard this as' the wedging together of the two particles “ um ” and “ in ”. Let us first take the former particle “ um ”. Compare in-ummo at Pura Na. 130 : 2 with in-maro at Pura Na. 74: 7; en-um, at Tol. El. 25a, 61a, 62b, 73, 322b, THE TAMIL BOOK OF PROVERBS 175 352 and ennumo at Narr. 176 : 4 with ermo at Kurun. 392 : 6 ; pol-iun at Kumn. 222 : 4; 389 : 5 etc. with ponm, Aka Na. 248 : 9; 332 : 15 ; Pura Na. 19 : 6 ; uraiyimar at Kurun. 65 : 4 with urainar at Kurun. 145 : 4; Aka Na. 67: 18; pujjar-um-ar at Nair. 304 : 5 with punarmar at Netunal. 67 ; Paripa. 11: 67. In each of the pairs compared, both words have the identical meaning. In the first, how¬ ever, there is the particle “ um ” : this is replaced in the second by “ m This is known as the syncope of “ um ” into “ m ” and appears in more than a thousand instances in the Eight Anthologies and in Tolka. in such words as enmanar, El. 6b etc.; ceymman, El. 210c ; Col. 222c ; Pura Na. 150 : 13 ; ceymme, PN. 46 : 8 ; kenmo. Civ. 1597a; konmo ; Kurun. 114 : 3 ; Aihk, 78 : 4 ; Cer^e, Nair. 395 : 10 ; AN. 176 : 26 ; 396 : 19 ; PN. 133 : 7 ; cenmo, Kurxm. 238 : 5 ,• 275 : 2 ; Narr. 358 : 7 ; 365 : 5 ; AN. 32 : 17 ; PN. 381 : 5 ; the above words are from en, cey, kel, kol, cel, respectively. ♦Nillum - e < ninme, Narr, 300 : 12 ; *n5-um < nom, Kurun. 4 : 1, 4; puraime, Kalit. 54 : 20 ; mutime. Col. 433, .438, 270b from mutiyume; similarly mojime, Kurun. 51 : 6; molimo, Kurun. 2:2; and *varumo < ■^varmo < vammo, by assimilation, PN. 180 : 9; 221: 10; 281: 7. The same word occurs at AN. 312 : 8; 323 : 7 and elsewhere. Now a comparison of this word with vammin, kalit. 104: 63; Civ. 2988c; and of konm-6 above with konm-in, Porul. of Tolka. 425 : 2, would readily suggest the identity of the verbal base in each instance. Hence the existence of the syncope is assured. We must regard “ um ” as the affix, which, like “ ir ” and “ ir ”, denotes the 2nd Pers. pi. impv. The “ in ”, which is wedged thereto, is the old particle, which connotes “ now ”, “ at once ”, as at Kurun. 287 : 2 ; Mullaip. 16 ; Netunal. 155 ; Nal. 55a, 29b (twice) ; in each instance the Com. explains “ in ” as “ ippolutu ” = just now. \ % A close study of Nal. 6c “valankumin” (contrast “ nalai ” = tomorrow) and of Nal. 7c “ akumin ” ; 36c oruvumin ” ; 36d “ maruvumin ” will confirm this view. 176 TAMIL CULTURE With the fusion of the Tam. particle, “ ifl ” meaning “ now ” with the previous imperative, compare the fusion of the Hebrew word “ na ” = " now ” with the previous impera¬ tive, “hoshea ” = save (us). The two words were soon wedged together into “ Hosheana ”, at first a joyful prayer, then a jubilant shout, like the Saivite “ Harohara In the Vulgate, the Hebrew word was transformed into “ Hosanna ”, the form in which it is most familiar to the European and Asian. Coming to a language closer to Tamil than Hebrew, namely, Telugu, we note the fusion of the honorific affix, andi = sir, to the impv. e.g. ko^^- an(Ji = strike. In the instance cited above from Pa}. 108b, namely “ ceymmin ”, we note also the doubling of “ m ” as compensation for the syncope of “ ceyum ” (= do ye) into “ ceym The fact that in Tamil writing the conso¬ nant and the following vowel are written as one letter, e.g. not as two letters, as in English e.g. “ mi ”, facili¬ tates the wrong or false divisions that later grammarians made, such as “min, mo, mati, mar”. In each of these cases, “m” goes with the previous syllable, resulting in the particles : “ in, o, ati; ^ respectively. The incidence of this “in” in the manner aforesaid is most frequent in the early Tamil texts down to about 900 a.d. II. The internal evidence of certain stanzas : persons MENTIONED. 1. Pari and Pekan. At Pura Na. 158 Peruncittiranar eulogizes “the Seven” Vajlals or paragons of generosity indirectly and Kumanan directly: at line 17 6 T(ip 6 wp' LLtriu^^ dleoTOifD he shows clearly that Kumaijan lived shortly after “ the Seven ”, including ujDihtSjb Gdsrrunrar ufrfi(l. 4) and Ou 0 fw« 6 u j^fTL-fior (Suaesr (1. 12). The reader should read the whole poem. At Pa}. 74, however, its author speaks of these two “ Va}}al ” as having lived gene¬ rations earlier and of his having come to hear of their generous deeds through ear-borne tradition :• this is very significant for our purpose. *rHE TAMIL BOOK OF PROVERBS 1*77 * (?^0Lb udiQq^A^^u CSufr^fiOMUtqLD Q^ribflsi) fiirmiri ^0&^GaTrD^(Q)d} .’ A still earlier anecdote is mentioned at 239a-c. The poet alludes to the childhood of Karikalan, son of Paran- taka, to his leg “ being singed ” at the hands of the usurper, to his escape from the burning home owing to the help of his maternal uncle, the poet, Irum Pitarttalai, and his regaining his sceptre with the poet’s assistance ; the author of Pal. seems to be an ardent admirer of this earlier poet and still more of that poet’s nephew, Karikalan : ^•siuuuiKB aL_u51iia_iu/5^ Q^iryiegr LD«@/Lb i5lL,g-^^3svu (Suirirdscfru Qu/p^a— Q<3=s5^a5l^65r...* , The rest of this article will form its Part 2, in the next year’s issue. CONCLUSION I shall conclude with the following succinct remarks : (1) The edition of the Palamoh (Pal.) that I.have used here is the first edition (Nov. 1948), published by the South India Saiva Siddhanta Society, Qajstfld® 475, (2) The system of transliteration arid signs is that utilised by the Madras Lexicon (M.L.), Vol. VI, Appendix, page 68, except that I use h instead of k to express the Tamil aytam. THE TAMIL BOOK OF PROVERBS 179 (3) The abbreviations I employ are either those em¬ ployed by the M.L. Vol. VI, Appendix, pages 61-63, 69-96, or those that I have explained in the course of my disserta¬ tion, like AN. for Aka Na., PN. or Pura. for Pure Na. etc., except for ibidem = “ in the same work (4) Any one who has carefully read through Tamil Culture, Vol. VIT, No. 4, page 336, must have been struck by the citation at the bottom of that page, starting with the words It has nothing to do with the subject under discussion, which is Nalati, stanza 39. In fact, the printer begins his citation with its first line in English transliteration. Then suddenly he brings in stanza 39 of the Kurun. complete, in Tamil, possibly because the article in question is about the Kumntokai anthology. jOn the next page, at the top, he gives the remaining three lines of Nal. 39, likewise in English trans¬ literation. To forestall such mistakes on the part of the printer, I have, in my present article, given the general meaning of a verse in English but written out the line, verse or stanza in Tamil, sometimes additionally in English. (5) The Kurun., Paripa., Mani(mekalai), Civ(akacin- tamani) and to some extent PN. are the only classics so far edited somewhat critically by native Tamil scholars; the Kural, Nal(ati) and Tiruvac (akam) by European ones. The edition of Pal. that I use has no index whatever. In the remaining works the index, where there is one, is woefully inadequate. Only the more difficult words are given therein. Even here, the page alone is cited, not the line. As a page consists mostly of 42 lines and each line of 8 to 9 words, there is considerable loss of time and unnecessary hardship in tracing out any word therein. There is a further complication. Even Dr. U. V. Sami- nathaiyar does not, in his index to his editions, distinguish between the word and its meaning. In his index to the Kurun. and in that to the PN. he has listed 4 and 17 words respectively with “ ca-” as the initial syllable and attri- 180 TAMIL CULTURE buted 6 incidences to the former work and 47 incidences to the latter. After a minute investigation of every one of these 53 instances, sometimes through many lines of the poem concerned, often through all, I found that the vast majority of these references are not to the word in ques> tion but to other Tamil words with thait meaning. At the end I obtained a much shorter list, wherein Kurun. had only one word, “ caka^am ”, which occurred only once; PN. had only three words, with a total of 12 references to such words in the actual text. The remaining 40 were references to the Commentaries (C or Com.). All my references to Pal. and to the other works are to the actual texts, unless I expressly state otherwise. Such a research is dry indeed ; I have accordingly tried to make its results palatable by adopting, a golden mean between excess and defect. Thus for instance, I have before me every single reference to “ enpa ” and “ molipa ” in Tol (kappiyani) ; as they would cover two to three pages, I have given only the total number of such references in its El(uttu),’ Col, and Porul. So for the rest. One Hundred Years of Dravidian Comparative Philology KAMIL ZVELEBIL It is now just one hundred years since the unique work, called A Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian or South Indian Family of Languages^' was published by Bishop Robert Caldwell in 1856.' By this outstanding work he created a new branch of Oriental philology, the compara¬ tive philology of the Dravidian languages. Now, after a hundred years, notwithstanding the fact that, in compari¬ son to other branches of Oriental linguistics (o.g. classical Indology or Semitistics), the Dravidian philology is “still in its infancy its evolution, nevertheless, has reached such forms and such significance that it is necessary to con¬ sider the past developments and to reflect on its future. 1 The time before Caldwell may be characterized as the period of pioneer work. It is important to notice that the Europeans got acquainted with Tamil sooner than with Sanskrit; that fact is, however, natural, since Tamil was a living language and also because the Portuguese came to South India sooner than the other colonisers to Northern India. It is, however, equally important that the new¬ comers started soon to cultivate their practical knowledge of Tamil, the main and the most cultured representative of the Dravidian languages, and to dedicate their attention to this language also from the philological point of view. ' Caldwell, A Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian or South. Indian Family of Languages, London 1856, 2nd ed. 1875. 3rd ed. 1913. * Cf. Wote on Dravidian Morphology in Acta Orientalia XX by F B J Kuiper, p. 252. ' * 11 182 TAMIL CULTURE If we overlook, on the whole, at the prehistory of these interests which was characterized by the first books print¬ ed in Tamil in the years 1577 ^ and 1579 (by Father Anrique Anriquez, a member of the Jesuit order),^ we must, how¬ ever, consider the year 1672 as an outstanding year, because, at the time, Philip Baldaeus published a brief Tamil gram¬ mar in his “ Truthful and Detailed Description of the Celeb¬ rated East Indian Coasts of Malabar and Coromandel ” in Amsterdam.® This work is followed by several others, written by various Catholic missionaries : the first dictio¬ nary of Tamil and Portuguese (by Antem da Proenca in 1679), a further grammar by Baltazar da Costa (1680), and, finally, the most significant work from the pen of a Protestant missionary, Bartholomaeus Ziegenbalg, “ Gram.’- matica Damulica Halae Saxonum, 1716.® This is also the first Tamil book printed in Europe. To this period belong also the unique works of the greatest of these pioneers, Constant Joseph Beschi S.J., who knew Tamil to such a point of perfection that he wrote-apart from other works (as an epic masterpiece called Tempdvani) -still perhaps the best grammar of High Tamil, based on a profound kn6wledge of the then accessible texts and of native Tamil grammars.’ 3 Cf. M. C. Venkatacami, Kiristavamum Tamilum, Madras 1938, p. 24 : into nulukku kiristuva vetopatecam (Flos Sanctorum) enpatu peyar ” Also Tamil Lexicon, I, p. XXXV f. . 4 DoctTina, ChTistiana (KiTistava Vcmakka/tn ), a maneira de dialoco mla em Portugal pello P. Mascos Jorge, da Companhia da Jesu / ^a^ladada em lingua Malavar ou Tamul pello P. Anrique Anriquez Cochm 1579. ® Philip Baldaeus, Naa.uwkcuTigB BBSchryvinge vein Molnbcir Bn Choro- "iMndBl, ,.. Amsterdam 1672. MalabarschB Spraak-konst, Cf. Buitenen— Ganeshsjmdaram, A 17th Century Dutch Grammar of Tamil, BDCRI. 14. 3. pn. 168—182 ® Ziegenbalg, Grammatica Damulica quae per varia paradigmata. * Jiecessarium vocabulorum apparatum. viam brevissimani monstrat. qua Lingua Damulica seu Malabarica. quae inter Indos orlen- wit! hucusque in Europe incognita fuit, facille disci possit. naiae baxonum, Literis & impensis Orphanostropei MDCCXVI, ’ Cf. especially the following works of Father Beschi: humoniorum littBrarum subUmioris TamuUci idiematis. MS. cca 1730, ed, Tranquebar 1876. bRAViDlAN COMPARATIVE PHILOLoGV l83 Among the first, who worked on the Tamil language, we have found also a Czech, Carolus Przikryl of the Society of Jesuits, in whose works the great Czech linguist Dob- rovsky has taken a large interest. Przikryl lived in India from 1748 till 1762. Dr. P. Poucha from the Oriental Insti¬ tute, Prague, found in Przikryl’s manuscript of Konkani grammar also several pages of imfinished Tamil grammar. The roots of Czech Tamilian studies thus ranged up to the middle of the eighteenth century.® Should we reflect over these first scholars and should we consider when Europe became acquainted with the Dravidian languages and with old Tamil literature, we are justified in asking in astonishment what were the motives which resulted afterwards in the Dravidian languages being neglected for such a long time on the verge of linguistic science and why even the most professed Indologists have not shown interest in them. Apart from the interior blocking factor, which is due to the fact that the Dravidian languages are not easy, that four of them have vast, rich and ancient literatures whereas the others are languages spoken by “ primitives ” and badly reported, there are also further causes for this indifference, more objective and of various external reasons: 1. It was assumed that the Sanskrit-speaking invaders of Northwest India were people of a high and virile culture who found in India only culturally feeble barbarians. At (2) Grammatica Latino-Tamulica ubi de elegantiori linguae Tamuli. cae dialecto centamil dicta, cui adduntui* Tamulicae poeseos rudiments ad usum missionarium Societatis Jesu, Ms. cca 1130. Ed. Trichinonoly 1917. Engl, translation 1882. (3) A Grammar of the Common Dialect of the Tamul Language. Transl. by G. W. Mahon, Madras 1848. Latin orig. Tranquebar 1728. /• f fragment comprises list of Tamil characters-, pronunciation (unfinished), and a paragraph on the declination of nouns It is based most probably upon the study of some older Tamil grammar, probably Beschi. C. Przikryl S.J., born in Bohemia 1718, in Goa from ms—g to 1762, died in Bohemia 1785. Cf. also K. Zvelebd A Czech Missionary of the I8fh Century as Author of a Tamil Grammar, T amil Culture, IV, 4, October 1955. 184 TAMIL CULTURE that time, without the benefit of spectacular archaeological discoveries and other, e.g. epigraphic, sources, the earliest speakers of the Indo-Aryan languages were described as classical Greeks or Romans, prosperous bearers of a high civilization. In fact they were nomadic and barbarous looters and cattle-reivers, disrupting older civilizations and, on the other hand, being civilized by them. 2. The other cause of this deplorable attitude to the old inhabitants of India was the “ romantic ” strand which led to Sanskrit being regarded as, to use Majnrhofer’s phrase, “ die ur-ste aller Ur-sprachen ” ; in short, the Indo-Euro¬ pean savages were the noblest of all savages. 3. This assumption led to the methodological tendency to find Indo-European etymologies for the greatest possible portion of the vocabularies of the Indo-European languages. The suggestion that the noble, not to say divine, Sanskrit, an example of purity and integrity could have some bor¬ rowings from Dravidian was unthinkable. In spite of this, we know now about five hundred important borrowings from Dravidian into Sanskrit, more or less securely proven, among them even several words from the Rigveda.® Nowadays, the aspects are different, the general con¬ ception of Indian linguistics changes. On account of these changes, also, the Dravidian comparative philology has achieved important results. Now to return to the history of our branch of linguistic science. I shall not expound upon every work and every scho¬ lar in the study of the Dravidian languages from the time before Caldwell. I want only to sketch a short characteris¬ tic of this work, of its meaning and importance for the future investigator. It is the work, done mostly under difficult conditions by Catholic and Protestant missionaries. »This passage according to M. B. Emeneau, Linguistic PreJMstory oj India, Proceedings ol the American Philosophic^ Society, 08-4, pp, 282-82. bRAVIbiAN eOMRARATiVtt PHILOLOGY 185 especially these of the Society of Jesuits and also of Danish, German and Swedish missions. And to them our thanks are due. In the first half of the 19th Century there were publish¬ ed several dictionaries, more grammars, important fust editions of texts and translations from old literature of the great Dravidian languages, the first smaller monographic studies in magazines ; and, at the same time, there began to be seen a slight interest in the so called non literary Dravidian languages.^^ The chief merit of Tamil studies of that time is due to Johann Philip Fabricius (in 1799 he published the outstanding “Tranquebar Dictionary”), Charles Theofil Edward Rhenius and Dr. GraulJ^ Graul had published an excellent grammar and in 1856, just a hundred years ago, the first great translation from Tamil into a European language was printed in Leipzig, Graul’s German translation of the famous Tirukkural. Graul also intended to found a Bibliotheca Tamulica in Germany, but his premature death prevented him to realize his ambition. 10 Cf. the bibliography in J. Vinson, Manuel de la Langue Tamoule, Paris, 1903, p. 231 tt. 11 Frye’s grammar of Kni in 1851, Letchmajee’s Introduction to Kui in 1853, Leech's Epitome of the Grammar of Brahui in 1838, Lassens’s article about Brahui in 1844, Elliott’s and Manger’s articles about Gond in 1847, a short grammar of Gond by Driberg and Harrison in 1849 etc.. The bibliography in this and the following foot-notes is far from being exhaustive. It gives only the more important, or very ■ characteristic works for the*respective epoch or problem. A complete bibliography see in Linguistic Survey of India, IV, Calcutta, 1906. Cf. also Constantin Rogamey, Bibliographic analytique des travaux relatifs aux elements anaryens dans la civilisation et des langues de I'lnde ; Bull, de L'scoie Francaise d’Extreme Orient, XXXTV, 2, 1935, pp. 429—666, 12 Johann Philip Fabricius, A Malabar and English Dictionary, Tran¬ quebar, 1799, reprinted in 1809 etc. Best edition of the Tamil Grammar by Rhenius is the fourth Madras 1888. Karl Graul, Outline of Tamil Grammar, Leipzig, 1855. Most important Tamil grammars of more recent times: G. U. Pope, A Larger Grammar of the Tamil Language, Madras 1858, Vinson’s quoted Manuel, Paris 1903, J. Lazarus, A Tamil Grammar for use in colleges, Madras 1878, A. M. Mervart, Grammatika Razgovor- nogo Tamil'-skogo Jazyka, Moskva-Leningrad 1929, A. H, Arden, A Pro. gressive Grammar of Common Tamil 4th ed. by A. C. Clayton, Madras 1934, H. Beythan, Praktische Grammatik der Tamilsprache, Leipzig 1943. K. Graul, Der Rural des Tiruvalluver, Leipzig-London, 1856. 186 "TAM it CULTURE The Kannada language had been studied by Kittel, and Malayalam by Gundert}^ The works of all these Caldwell’s predecessors and contemporaries have several common features ; to begin with, they follow the traditions of ancient native Tamil and Kannada grammarians; or they base their studies on Latin and rj^eek models, eventually (later), on English grammar. Secondly : separate lan¬ guages are studied and described mostly individually, also more for practical reasons.^* Finally, the attention of these scholars is mostly dedicated to the great literary languages, especially to Tamil and Kannada, and the so called non¬ literary languages of Central and North-Eastern India are nearly ignored. On the other hand, in some works, especially in short articles published mostly in ZDMG and in JA (also in lA), the beginnings of comparative investigation may be observ¬ ed. Later, there have appeared also more or less brief descriptions of the non-liter ary languages (Kui, Gond). The comparison of different languages has been, however, performed upon a purely synchronic level—a defect, which it was not nevertheless possible in that phase to obliterate. There has been actually made no important attempt to study the history, the development of any Dravidian lan¬ guage, until some two decades ago. Thus, the comparative treatment has been isolated from the investigation of the development of different languages. As already stated, it was quite natural: ancient texts, were edited only insufficiently to the needs, the oldest Tamil and Kannada texts and inscriptions were inaccessible; the third great literary language, Telugu, was almost ignored. 13 Cf. Kittel’s articles in lA I, II. Ill, Gundert’s article about the Dravidian element in Sanskrit in ZDMG 1869, pp. 517—30. Also H. Gun- dert, A Malayalam and English. Dictionary, Mangalore 1872. 14 With these more or less practical purposes cf. the words of Cald¬ well in the Preface (II. ed. p. vii) : "to promote a more systematic and scientific study of the Dravidian languages themselves—^for their own sake—...." DRAYIDIAN COMPARATIVE PHILOLOGY 187 2 Considering the state of evolution reached,.about 1850, in the study of Indo-European and especially Indian lan¬ guages, and the phase reached by the comparative and his¬ torical method in those years, we think of Caldwell’s work as of a truly outstanding achievement; let us take into consideration that the historical and comparative method was only just born, hand in hand with the progress in Indo- European philology, and that the true great partisan and real founder of this method, Franz Bopp, was publishing the fost edition of his Comparative Grammar during the period 1833—52 (the second, improved edition was published in 1857—61 !) : the significance of Caldwell’s^® comparative experiment appears to be unique. He united in a mighty stream tiny rivulets and rivers of scattered and split re¬ search. He laid the foundations, by his daring and singulai act, to an entirely new branch of Oriental philology and opened the ways for future scholars. In the preface to the second edition of his work Cald¬ well wrote that he worked '' con amore And he proceeds to say: “■ I have endeavoured to be accurate and thorough throughout, and to leave no difficulty unsolved, or at least uninvestigated ; and yet ... I am conscious of many defi¬ ciencies, and feel sure that I must have fallen into many errors.”/ These certainly are rare words. Pages VI and VII of the Preface show us also the reasons why Caldwell has written his work, and the chief object of it: “ It is now more than thirty-seven years since I commenced the study of Tamil, and I had not proceeded far in the study before I came to the conclusion that much light might be thrown on Tamil by comparing it with Telugu, Canarese, and the 15 Robert Caldwell, bom in Ireland in 1814, after studies in London came Madras in 1838, 1841 became a clergyman of the Church of England, devoted his activities to missionary work in the Tirunelveli district, 1877 became the bishop of Tinnevelly, died 28th August, 1891, 188 TAMIL CULTURE other sister idioms ... It has been my chief object through¬ out this work to promote a more systematic and scientific study of the Dravidian languages themselves—^for their own sake, irrespective of theories respecting their rela¬ tionship to other languages—^by means of a careful inter¬ comparison of their grammars.” This aim he fully reached by his work, and more : in the preface he succeeded in laying out several theses, valid till now and of fundamen¬ tal importance. 1. Dravidian languages are not only local dialects of one language, but absolutely independent though related languages, originating from a common hypothetic source (now being called the Proto-Dravidian). 2. Dravidian languages have not developed from Sanskrit. 3. Dravidian languages have an important share in the development of North Indian or Indo-Aryan languages. 4. Tamil has, generally said, preserved the best picture of the original state. Caldwell, however, stressed that this fact had not to be overvalued and that it was necessary to reach conclusions by studying all Dravidian languages. Even now, after a hundred years, it is possible essen¬ tially to agree with these basic theses as well as with Cald¬ well’s description of the fundamental structure of Dravi¬ dian grammar. Caldwell’s work does not lack the wise, generalizing view. Caldwell knew how to discover the truth under whole groups of individual and explanation-resisting phe¬ nomena. This quality of his resulted in a rare foresight based on careful observation of reality, and many a small perception and idea of his gained in significance and was confirmed by future investigation.^® 16 An example; p. 339 of 2nd ed, " There is reason to suspeet, also, that originally it (i.e, the Dravidian verb) had no present tense, but only a future and a past/’ The investigation of old Tamil texts has DRAVIDIAN COMPARATIVE PHILOLOGY 189 There is one more of Caldwell’s theses—^though not yet absolutely confirmed, it seems nevertheless to be more than probable, ^t concerns his so called Scythian theory :* upon the basis of grammatical analysis and comparisons Cald¬ well believed the Dravidian languages to be akin to Finno- Ugrian, though they have certain features in common with Indo-European. ^Caldwell, it is true, was not the first to formulate this thesis (Rask touched upon it somewhat ge¬ nerally). Caldwell however has reached his conclusions independently from Rask, and supported this thesis with fairly probable and detailed comments. Later this concep¬ tion was again brought to life by O. Schrader ,and recently it has been supported convincingly by Prof. Burrow upon the basis of striking lexical parallels.J Caldwell has drawn from this thesis-(and from some other points, too) the con¬ clusion that the Dravidians came to India from the North- West. In the present time, however, some important attempts may be observed to show that the Dravidians came either from the South or from the South-West by the sea-route (cf. especially the inferences of Fuerer-Haimeri- dqrf).^^ In a very interesting connection the problem of thesis is right; the. old Tamil verb had, In Uralisch, Zeitschrift fiir Indologie Further, W, von Hevesy. Finnisch- aiis I^ten, Wien, 1932, A. F. Thyagaraju. Clossarial Affinities between Finnish CTid Dravidian. QJMS, XXI, 1930, pp. 125—28 E. H Tuttle, Finnic and Dravidian, New Haven, 12 pp ' rv, BSOS. XI/2, 1944, pp. 328-56 TOT Vralaltaisch, Uralaltalsche Jahrbilcher' AAV, 1953, pp. 161—173, ’ CulturT^U ' Fuerer-Haimendorf (cf. The Indo.Asian ’-S’ 238—47), though very general, seems to be pretty sound. *^0 problems arise, however, instantly, as soon as we accent his correlation Iron-age megalith-builders = Dravidian-speakers and }Ss affinities in items between Dravidian f^^®,‘5|fference between the terms affinity and relationship problems connecting wth the Indus Valley seals and their language and its eventual (though not much probable) affinity to Proto-Dravidian. I believe it is hardlv possible also to agree with the author’s conception of Dravidian languaees ^Ing so •‘closely akin” that they “appear rather as the brSfS large?*?omplex organic growth than the remnants of a once 190 TAMIL CULTURE the coming of the Dravidians has been mentioned by the Soviet archaeologist S. P. Tolstov in his book “ Po Sledam Drevnechorezmijskoj Civilizacii ”, Moskva-Leningrad 1948^20 • Caldwell’s work was not only tremendously important for Dravidian philology : it has inspired Beames to start with the publishing of his “ Comparative Grammar of the Modern Aryan Languages of Ind. ” in 1872. /(Passim: the very term Dravidian has been coined first by Caldwell; he formed it according to the Sanskrit dndhra-drdvida- bhdsyd found in Kumdrila Bhatta, 7th—8th cent. A.D.). As has been perhaps already said, Caldwell’s work is not void of errors. It could hardly be otherwise. I wish only to point out in general two basic defects in his work.. He based his comparison mainly upon Tamil and the other great languages (but chiefly upon Tamil), using relatively slender material. Secondly, his comparison is actually mostly limited to synchronic comparison, his method being thus not historical and comparative, but only the latter. As has been already stressed, these defects are conditioned icall^ . it was actually impossible for Caldwell to work otherwise since only the careful investigation and description of all non-literary languages enables, in our days, the scholars to base their comparative studies truly widely, and only the editions of the most ancient texts enable a solid investigation of the development of different languages. Both these factors could be fulfilled only half a century later. 20 Cf, also Tolstov, Drevnij Chorezm, Moskva, 1948, pp. 65 and 350 21 J. Beames, A Comparative Grammar of the Modem Aryan Lan¬ guages of India, 3 vol., London, 1872—1879. says (2nd ed., p. 130) that “the Kural ol generally regarded not only the best but the oldest sny extent which is now in existence. I thinly we should not be warranted in placing the date of fhe Kural later than wnrcent^ A.B," As seen also from some other pages of his f-f ^earded the 10th Century A.D. as the period of the origin Sf literature It is natural, since it has been impossible for him splendid literature of the ancient Tamil epigraphic old Kannada and old Malayalam material has been inaccessible at his time. bRAVIDIAN COMPARATIVE PHILOLOGY 191 3 There was a second and third edition of Caldwell’s work in 1875 and 1913 respectively. In the second half and mainly towards the end of* the last century and at the beginning of the 20th cen. there arose a situation, favour¬ able to awakening strong national feeling among South Indian people, on account of socio-economic factors and political conditions, a situation which led to a vigorous cultural and literary rinascimento in South India. Under the influence of this rinascimento modern national prose and poetry arose, connected with such names as S. Bharathi in Tamil literature, with the unique figxire of Veeresalin- gam among the Telugus, with the birth of the journal Vap- hhushana and the foundation of the Kannada Literary Academy in Karnatak, and with the first works of the Malayalam national poet Vallathol. More interesting for us is the reaction to this renaissance in the world of learn¬ ing. The brilliant figure of Dr. 17. V. Swaminathaiyar shines out on the horizon of the Tamil renaissance move¬ ment immortal in his merits for critical editions of volumi¬ nous texts of ancient literary periods. In the Kannada sphere, the Epigrafia Camatica started and the publication of Kavya Kalanidhi. At the same time, the unique Kan- nada-English dictionary of Kittel was published. Further monographic studies by Kittel, Vinson, Pope and Konow are published ; these and some other works show also inte¬ rest in problems connected with the relation of Dravidian and Sanskrit. By the Sanskritists themselves, by the “ classical ” Indologists and Indo-Europeanists they are, however, sadly ignored. Simultaneously, the description of non-literary lan¬ guages does not lag behind : Hahn published the grammar of Kurukh (1900), Williamson and Haid investigated Gond“ etc. Small comparative studies of course often took 23 Hahn, Kurukh Grammar, Calcutta 1900; Kurukh (Orao)—English Dictionary, Calcutta, 1903, Wiliiamson, Crondi Grammar and Vocabulary, London, 1890, Haig, A Comparative Vocabulary of the Condi and Koldmi Languages, JAS, Being. LXVI, I, 1897. 192 TAMIL CULTURE byways and there was a lot of doubt and meandering. Thus Pope, who otherwise deserved great merit for his outstanding work in Tamil language and literature, delved into phantastic comparison, (in Indian Antiquary, 8) when connecting e.g. Tamil kulam and Engl, clan, Tam. rruit^i and Engl, mansion, Tam. ndkku and Latin lingua. All these and similar works result in a new attempt of synthesis, this time by an Indian author, Subayya (1909, 1911), in Indian Antiquary. In spite of the fact that Subayya’s articles brought much that was new and that they have had their important place in the evolution of Dravidian comparative philology, they did not contribute a fundamental and decisive share in the formation of a new conception of the system of Dravidian languages as a whole. Unfortunately, Subayya’s work has remained a torso. However, a few years before there appeared in Cal¬ cutta (in 1906) the monumental work of Indian linguistics, the Linguistic Survey of India. Its fourth volume, com¬ piled by Sten Konow, is dedicated mainly to Dravidian languages. The results which had been reached have been resumed in this magnificent work; different languages have been described with the utmost thoroughness then possible, texts have been appended as well as a complete bibliography to every section. Nevertheless, what has been said of Subayya’s works, holds also for LSI. Though a corner-stone of Dravidian philology, it did not change the views and conceptions and put a new, bold theory answer¬ ing the most difficult questions. With this work and with Subayya’s synthetic articles the second period of evolution of Dravidian comparative philology, characterized by further attempts at a more pro¬ found analysis and a wider synthesis, has been closed. 4 The next, modern period may be characterized by the demand expressed in 1929 by the Nestor of contemporary ■ bRAVIDIAN COMPARATIVE PHILOLOGY 1^ Indian linguistics, Suniti Kumar Chatterji:' “ What we want is a series of rigorously scientific grammars of all important Dravidian languages ... A series of historical and comparative grammars of Tamil, Telugu and Kan¬ nada. . .with analogous forms from the other Dravidian languages would be ideal.” Conditions for such work may have been considered as ripe during that period. Significant ancient material, both literary and epigraphic, has been published or is being published with considerable zeal. This enables the scholars to penetrate into* the past of the languages. New, detailed and safe grammars of the non-literary languages enable the linguists to apply the comparative method with a fair amount of success.** Typical for this period is the entry of Indian scholars upon the tilt-yard of science. Let us remember only two outstanding research-workers, Prof. L. V. Ramaswami Aiyar and Suhr. Sostri.*® Thus, slowly but safely, a true , 00 . 1 ^ Brahtii Language, 1, Calcutta 1909, H—m, Delhi ,1 Grignard, A Grammar of the Oraon Language and Oraon- English Dictionary, Calcutta, 1924. Ch. Trench, Grammar of Gondi as spoken tn the Betul district, Madras, 1919—21—A. N. Mitdiell. A Gram- rMr of Marta Gondi, Jagdalpur, 1942—W. W. Winfield, A Grammar of the Kut language, Calcutta, 1928. id., A Vocabulary of the Kui Language, C'diCUiid* 1829* As far as the works of L. V. R. Aiyar are concerned, it would be Meful to compUe a complete bibliography of these works, scattered In different magazines and journals. I wish to contribute with the follow, ing list: 1929 Notes on Dravidian I—IV, IHQ, 1929. Austria and Dravidian, Q.M.S., Oct. 1929. Plosives of Dravidian, 1929. 1930 Dravidic Etymologies, JAHRS, 1930, 1_ 2. Prossemy and Ecsemy in Dravidian, JBORS XVI 1. Kui Words and Dravidian Origins. JOR rv,*2. Dravidic Perspectives, QJMS, Oct. 1930. World-Parallels bctioeen Orovidian ond other Language-Families Eduo. Review, Jan. 1930. * Problems of Dravidian Linguistics. I. Etymological Studies ib.. May 1930. 1931 Notes on Dravidian, IHQ, VII, 1931. Dravidic Forms for Betel Leaf. JOR V. 1. Dravidian Names Denoting Peacock and Bat, JBORS XVI 3—4. Dravidic Names for Palms, JBORS, XVII. ’ * Dravidic Word-Studies, JAHRS, VI, 1. Some Dravidic Plant-names, JOR 1931, 156—66. 194 TAMIL CULTURE comparative Dravidian phonology originates, connected with such names as L. V. R. Aiyar, the American scholar Tuttle and others. The scholars are deeply interested chiefly in the problems of etymology and substratum.^ A new conception of the development of Indian languages may be observed, mainly in the sphere of the “ linguistic prehistory of India ”: the Dravidian languages had an important share in the evolution of Indo-Aryan since the times of the Vedic dialect itself, just as the Dravidian com¬ ponent in the complicated pattern of Indian culture and society and religion is being stressed.' The University of Madras has published in 1926—36 the monumental Tamil Lexicon, comprising 104-405 items. Prof. L. V. R. Aiyar has published some works which represent the beginnings of true historical investigation of Tamil and Malayalam. In 1941 the Indian scholar Narasimhia published the gram¬ mar of the oldest Kanarese inscriptions, in 1937 a history of the Telugu language (unfortunately in Telugu) was 1932 A Problem of Dravidic Phonology, JOR, V, p. 1. Tulit Prose Texts in Two Dialects, BSOS, VI, pp, 897—^930. 1933 Dravidic Problems, lA, 1933, pp. 46—56. Initial Fricatives and Affricates in Dravidian, ib., 141—8. 1935 Tamil L. JOR IX, pp, 140—7, 195—210, 1936 Materials for a Sketch of Tulu Phonology, Bull. Ling. Soc. Ind. VI, 1936, pp. 385—439. The Evolution of Malayalam Morphology, Ernakulam, 1936. Dravidic “ Eating ” and " Drinking ", IHQ XII, pp. 258—69. 1937 The History of the TamiUMalayalam Alveolar Plosive, J. Madr. Univ. Vm. 1937, A Primer of Malayalam Phonology, Bull, Rama Varma Inst., 1937. 1938 The Morphology of the Old Tamil Verb, Anthropos 38, pp. 747—81. A Fifteenth Century Malayalam Prose Text, The Maharaja’s Col¬ lege Magazine, Ernakulam, 21/1, 1938. In 1925 appeared A Brief Account of Malayalam Phonetics (pp. 31), Calcutta University Press, 1925. Subrahmanya Sastri, History of Grammatical Theories in Tamil, Madras, 1934. 26 C£. also Levi—Przyluski—Bloch: Pre-Aryan and Pre-Dravidian in India, Calcutta 1929. J. Przyluski. Pre-Dravidian or Proto-Dravidian, IHQ, VI, rv “1, 1930, pp. 145—9, id. Le nom du ble, -10, 1928(30), 125—9, id. Le no’m du dieu Visnu ... ArOr, IV, 2, 1932,- 261—7, F. O. Schrader, A Curious Case of Idiomatic Sanskrit, BSOS, VI, 2, 1931, p. 481, J. Car- pentier, The Meaning and Etymology of Puja, lA, 1927, pp. 93—99, 130—136, Ch. Chakravarty, Meaning and Etymology of Puja, lA, 1928, p. 140, F. O. Schrader, Ein Syntaktisches Problem der Indischen Sprach- familien, ZII, 6, 1928, pp. 72—82. DRAVIDIAN COMPARATIVE PHILOLOGY 195 published by C. N. Rao.^ Different scholars begin to spe¬ cialize methodically. To the most important works of this period belong the articles of Prof. Burrow of Oxford and Prof. Emeneau of Berkeley. The first dedicates his atten¬ tion to important problems of Dravidian phonology and pho¬ netics, etymology and the relation between Dravidian and Sanskrit; he has also supported Caldwell’s old theory (however altered to some respects) about the affinity of Dravidian and Finno-Ugrian. /^Vn interesting Tamil grammar has been published in the USSR in 1929 (Mervart, A. M., Grammatika Razgovornogo TamiVskogo Jazyka)y which tries to explain the language from a new and different point of view, starting from Tamil itself without any preconceived theory and terminology. This period of feverish activity, the period of the origin of a whole series of new works and new methods may be considered as closed by a new attempt of synthesis, this time by Prof. Jules Bloch. In 1946 he published his Structure Grammatical des Languages Dravidiennes ”. In the introduction, he says that his work is far from being so ambitious as the work of Caldwell; his is only a " cadre preparatoir a des etudes plus approfondies ”, based mostly upon the investigation of non-literary languages (whereas Caldwell has started from Tamil). Bloch’s work, full of unique ideas and ingenious and thought-provoking sugges¬ tions, is actually a preparatory work, showing the ways and directions of further study. It cannot be considered (and neither it has been the purpose of its author) as a detailed synthesis of Dravidian comparative problems. It may seem that, in the first half of the 20th Century a lot has been done in the field of Dravidian comparative philology. Through reliable and more or less detailed des¬ cription of languages such as Kui, Brahui, Gond, Tulu, the 27 C. Narayana Rao, History of the Telugu Language, Waltair, 1937. — A. N. Narasimhia, A Grammar of the Oldest Kanarese Inscriptions, Mysore, IWl. 196 TAMIL CULTURE foundations have been laid of a solid comparative method of the future. The editions of old texts and epigraphs, Tamil, Telugu, Malayalam and Kanarese, enable solid his¬ torical investigation. On the other hand, only the founda¬ tions have been laid. That means that, at the present time, the period of small, detailed, solid work on different pro¬ blems begins, which will serve as the building-material of a future synthesis. In other words, considerable success has been attained in the descriptive work. Now it remains to solve the problems, to discover the laws and to explain them, historically and comparatively. However, even in the sphere of mere description there are serious lacunas to be found. Thus we may briefly sketch out the present state of comparative Dravidian philology. Time is ripe to create some sort of international collaboration of the scholars and research-centres; it would be ideal to have a special inter¬ national scientific journal dedicated only to the problems of Dravidian philology and linguistics^ further, to have periodical bibliographic issues and, finally, international conferences of Dravidianists from time to time. The most important tasks of the past are also being solved at present: the descriptions of the non-literary Dravidian languages on a static, synchronic level. To this group belong the most important works of the present time, Kota Texts by M. B. Emeneau and an excellent grammar Kolami by the same author, appended bv a copious etymologic vocabulary, as well as the outstanding work of Prof. Burrow and S. Bhattacharya, a descriptive grammar of Purji with texts and vocabulary.*® Through these and other Texts, University of California Publl- cations in Linguistics, vol. 1. 1944, vols. 2 and 3, 1944—46 — M. B Language. University of California T AmencM Anthropologist 40. 1938. Echo.Words in Deli^irS -Srttidv Of Toda Kinship Terms and Dual PD 158—79'Personality. Menasha, Wisconsin, PP. 158 79, Proto-Dravidlan c- : Toda t-, BSOAS 1953, XV/1, pp. 98—112, DRAVIDIAN COMPARATIVE PHILOLOGY 197 works, the universities of Berkeley in California, U. S. A. and in Oxford, England, lead in contemporary Dravidian studies, besides the third centre, Poona in India. It seems that Prof. Burrow has founded a school.^® The American and English centres are in close contact and collaboration ; besides the descriptive work on the non-literary languages these scholars deal mostly with etymological and phonetic problems, and Emeneau and Burrow promised the world a work which undoubtedly will open a new chapter in the history of Dravidian studies, viz., a large etymological, comparative dictionary of the Dravidian languages.®® The third important centre, Poona in India, is characterized by some interesting works in phonetics and phonemics,®^ and. chiefly, by two very important works dealing with the historical aspect of Dravidian philology ; Gai’s historical grammar of Old Kannada, published in 1946 and Sekhar^s work Evolution of Malayalam (1953).®® These works repre¬ sent the beginnings (they are actually purely descriptive, presentational grammars of the respective languages during a certain phase of evolution) of the realization of the most important plan conceived in Poona : the publishing of Pre-historv of India. Proceedings of the Amer, Philos. Soc. 98/4, 1954, pp. 282—92 etc, — T. Burrow — S. Bhattacharya. The Parji Language, Hertford. 1953. Also, by T. Burrow. Dravidic Studies, BSOS, IX. 1938. 711—22, X, 1940, 289—97. XT, 1943, 122—39, 595—616. XII. 1947, 132—47. 366—96 etc. 2® Under preparation, at this school, is a descriptive grammar of the verbal forms of the Sangam texts (Early Old Tamil). 30 •• Professor T. Burrow of Oxford University and I have initiated a collaboration looking towards it. and hope that ten years may see us at the end of our labours ” (M. B. Emeneau. BSOAS. 1953, XV/i, p. 99 ). 31 Cf. especially C. R. Sankaran, Phonemics of Old Tamil, Poona 1951 and a series of articles by the Professor and his pupils published in the BDRCI, With regard to phonetics and phonology, cf. J R Firth Tamil Phonetics, Appendix to A. H. Arden, A Progressive' Grammar of Common Tamil, 4th ed., Madras 1943. Also P. Meile. Svr la sOflante en UTavidien^ JA, 1934—35, pp, 73—89, M, G Venkatesaioh. The Initial-Surd- Medici Sonant Postulate in Kannada, ,T, Mythic Soc. XLrV. 1955/3 up. 135—47. svarnv—Zvelebil, Some Remarks on the Articulation of th( ** Cerebral** Consonants in Indian Languages Esveriallv in Tamil ArOr 1955, 3, pp, 374—434, A. M. Pizzagalli: L’oriolne delle linguali nell’antico indiavo e Vinflusso dravidico. Sillope linguistica dedicate alia memoria di Graziadio Isaia Ascoli, Torino. 1929. pp 152—169. 33 G. S, Gai, Historical Grammar of Old Kannada, Poona 1946 _ A. C. Sekhnr, Evolution of Malayalam, Poona 1953. 13 198 TAMIL CULTURE historical grammars of the great Dravidian languages.” The scholars of Poona have also prepared a work of out¬ standing merit in compiling a complete bibliography of works dealing with Dravidian philology.^* There are some other places in South India, which show the marks of lively activity as far as Dravidian lin¬ guistics is concerned : in this connection it is necessary to mention the University of Travancore in Trivandrum,” The Academy of Tamil Culture in Madras and its journal, the Tamil Culture ”, the University of Madras, the Anna- malai University. Often this work is marked by some devious trends and initial difficulties which are a sign of every beginning. But is also mostly characterized by the promising enthusiasm of youth. Paris, after the glorious tradition marked by the names of Vinson and Bloch, has been bereft of the brilliant intel¬ lect and wide knowledge of Jules Bloch,^^ who died'in 1953. As far as I am informed, P. Meile may be now regarded as the representant of French Dravidianists. The Dravidian problems form a considerable part of interests of Prof. F.{B. Kuiper of Leiden, Prof. M. Mayr- 33 Cf. Sekhar, Evolution of Malayalam, Preface : “ .., the plan of the Dravidian department of the Deccan College Research Institute for studying all the four principal Dravidian languages on a historical basis before attempting a comparative study of them stage by stage. ” 34 “A fairly exhaustive bibliography of Dravidian Philology re¬ cording over 800 references, has already been prepared by the present writer which will be published as soon as possible ” (the translator’s Preface to the English rendering of Bloch’s Structure by Hamkrishna Ganesh Harshe, p, XII). Ph department is led by Prof. V. I. Suhramaniam, M.A., Bloch may be found on pp. XXL XXTV of the English rendering of his " Structure ’’ which appeared in Poona under the title The Grammatical Structure Of uravidxan Languages*', 1954 . ■' 37 Cf F. B. J. Kuiper, Zur chronologic des Stimmtonverlustes im dravid^chen Anlaut, BSOS, IX, 1939, pp. 987-1001. Also, Note on DravU ^n Morp^logy Acta Orientalia, 1948, pp. 238—52 and Proto.Munda tn Sansfcnt, ^sterdam 1948, Two Rigvedic loanwords. Sprachges- chichte imd Wprtbedeutung, Festschrift A, Deb^unner 1954, 241—50, DRAVIDIAN COMPARATIVE PHILOLOGY 199 hofer^^ of Wurzburg, A, Master and L. Lisker. It remains to say a few modest and brief words about Prague. The traditions of the Prague interests in Dravi- dian languages, especially in Tamil, root in a more remote past than it may seem at the first glance. A word has been already said about Przikryl S.J., living about the middle of the 18th Cent. Professor A. Ludwig treated the Dravidian verbal flexion in an interesting article^® publish¬ ed in 1900 and in the Prague University Library his notes have been found which prove his live interest especially in Tamil and Malayalam.^^® The first who treated Dravidian problems on wider scale in Prague was Professor Otakar Pevtold.*^ Due to Rigvedic Loanwords, Studia Indologica, Festschrift W. Kirf e] 1955, 137—85. A very important work. 38 Cf. M. Mayrhofer, CurzgejaBtes Etymologisches Wortehhuch des Altindischen, Heidelberg, Die Substrattheorien und das Indische, Gemanisch-Romanische Monatsschrift 34, 233—34 and fn. 9, 1953, Arische Landnahme und Indiache Altbevolkerung im Spiegel der altindischen sprache, Saeculum, 1951, 2, 54—64, Etymologische Miszellen, ArOr XVIH, 4, 68—77, Neue Literatur zu den Substraten im Altindischen, ib. 367—371. — Among the works of further scholars, who have been mentioned only passim or not at all in the text, the following may be quoted: P. Meile, Quelques Particularites due Sondhi au Tamoul, BSL, XLV, 1949/71, pp. 135—45, A. Master, Indo-Aryan and Dravidian, BSOS XI, 1944, pp. 297—307, The Zero Negative in Dravidian, TPS, 1946, 137, H. H. FiguUa, Die Struktur des Verbums in den Dravidischen, Sprachen, Mitteilungen des Seminars fur Orientalische Sprachen an der Friedrich-Wilhelms- Univers. zu Berlin, 35, 1932, pp. 195—204, L. Lisker, Tamil Verb Classifi. cation, JAOS 71, 1951, 111—4, It is to be hoped that the bibliography, prepared in Poona by R. H. Harshe, will be as complete as possible. 3® A. Ludwig, Uber die Verbalflexion der Dravidasprachen, Prag 1900. 40 K. Zvelebil, Collectanea zur Tamil-Grammatik von der Hand des t Alfred Ludwig, ArOr XXI, 1953, 427—9. 41 Much material is to be found in his books Perla indickeho oceanu (The Pearl of the Indian Ocean), Praha 1926, pp, 941 and Jihoindicke vzpomlnky (South Indian Remembrances), Praha 1919, pp. 108. Cf, also the articles Die Ceylonische Gottin Pottini, ArOr XIII, pp. 201—^24 and Problem SinJialstiny (The Problem of Sinhalese), MNHMA, 1926, pp. 249—63. He was also the first to translate from Tamil prose into Czech. In Ms. are Prof. Pertold’s University lectures on Tamil grammar (1953). It is a maitter of great regret that it was impossible - for Prof. Pertold to publish his rich Sinhalese and Tamil phonetic material, recorded in wax-cylindres of old type during his first stay in Ceylon and India. This material, comprising more than 100 cylindres, has been destroyed owing to unfavourable climatic circmnstances and inexpert keeping. 200 TAMIL CULTlilifi circumstances of different nature he however turned his attention more to the ethnographic side of the Dravidian problem and to the questions of primitive religions. Today, we try to contribute to comparative Dravidian studies with researches, dealing with descriptive phonetics and especially with work in the earliest strata of Tamil language. Our work is directed towards a broader contri¬ bution which may be characterized as the investigation of Tamil in its diachronic, historic and synchronic static aspects." It is evident even from this incomplete enumera¬ tion of the^ most typical works ^and trends that, in the present, we may witness a new mighty development and progress in the sphere of Dravidian linguistics. Not very numerous are the scholars who are contributing to this development. They are charged with the enormity of material and with the importance and complexity of the tasks necessary to solve. This is another reason why they ought to imite in their endeavours, plan their work, have their own international journal and their meetings. The tasks which have to be solved might be—very briefly— characterized as follows: 1. As far as the synchronic description of a given stage of different Dravidian languages is concerned, it is possible to say with some exaggeration that the chief task has been achieved. Nevertheless, a lot is to be done even here : there are some languages (e.g. Badaga, Toda, the languages of the Kurumbas) which are still not described —and some of them quickly vanishing. 42 Cf Kamil Zvelebil, The Enclitic Vowels (.a -c -o) in Modem ySil’ Etymological Remarks, AiOr, iSS Zvelebil, Some Remarks ^Q^560TU iS|AaSir«wr®u> aaineTGCfru €uir(^ih e.u92r ^ 31^ mPwra % ^ For perspicacity as well as refined grace of style that does honour to the poetic beauty of the original, the fol¬ lowing may be added ; Chapter CX, Verse 1. ^ 6 iJ 6 fre_ 6 wr« 6 wr e_CTrfirr^ 3i5PI-#H snpi^ ^ ?iB 1 ; The translator’s introduction, no less than the admira¬ ble Foreword, supplies the Hindi reading public '^th the proper incentive to the appreciation and evaluation of the work. The author gives a full length critique of the life and times of the author, the social, religious and cultural background against which the inimitable world-teacher is to be understood, with proper excerpts from the criticisms bearing upon the work in the hands of savants of both East and West. He takes great pains to present the author to the Hindi public with comparisons and contrasts to the lives and thoughts of masters in Hindi like Kabir, Sur and Tulasi, and other great minds in India and abroad. He faithfully records all the traditions, legendary or otherwise about Tiruvalluvar that have accrued in the centuries in the Tamil country but he takes care to point out their flimsy nature, comparing them with the equally untenable fond traditions of other Indian poets like Kalidasa, Bhavabhuti and Kabir, The translator has an instructive and inspiring note on the universality of appeal of Tiruvalluvar in the very outset of his Introduction. 216 TAMIL CULTURE “ Great thinkers of the various languages of the world have tried to formulate through the garb of their own modes of thinking the central reality for human life.... But in all the literatures of the world we find quite a limited number of masters indeed, who have depicted the unknown through the known and who with a mind broad enough for the purpose, have risen above the limitations of space and time, and through illuminating them, have shown what is true to all countries and all periods. We can find a handful of great men in this land of Bharata, who have achieved this rare task. They have set up a glaring ideal for all humanity to follow. Among these very few we have to count Tiruvalluvar who has verily shown to our view the true form of Bharata ! Those who search for the reality of ancient Bharata will find this true thought pervading all Bharata in a latent form.” It is gratifying to note that this edition brought out by the University of Madras is the first Hindi translation of Tirukkural directly from the Tamil original. It is endowed in addition to the Introduction and Foreword, with an index of the first lines of the text and a table of the Tamil alphabets with Hindi equivalents enabling the Hindi readers to go through the very original wordings of Tiru- valluvar. The publication of this edition of Tirukkural with the Hindi translation is a step in the right direction for a proper appreciation of the Kural in India and we hope it will be followed up with similar attempts in the cause of other Tamil classics as well, undertaken by the University as well as by the Government agencies through hands as fitted to the task as that of the learned translator. K. A. BOOK RECEIVED — LDfT. ^F-ihu^^ihy ij«<55ns/«OT 240, aS&u 0. 6.00. u^uuaih, 81, eSIiiiair Qff-iLiq.0 0^0, Q^69T8ssr- IV eSIfDuSar e^fia>ui: uinfl rSI&oiuii), 59, iSlirrrCCSeUf Q^eirdsar-i, OUR CONTRIBUTORS Rev. Dr. Xavier S. Thani Nayagam is Professor of Indian Studies, University of Malaya. Mr. J. M. Somasundaram is Manager of Publications, Anna- malai University, Annamalainagar. Prof. P, B. J. Hevawasam is a Post-graduate research scholar at the University of Ceylon, Peradeniya. Dr. M. Varadarajan is Head of the Department of Tamil, University of Madras. Mr. P. Joseph has done research work under Fr. Heras and has contributed several articles on Indian History to research periodicals. Dr. Kamil Zvelebil is the Head of the Department of Dravi- dolog3r, University of Prague. Dr. V. I. Subramoniam is Professor of Tamil at Kerala Uni¬ versity, Trivandrum. Prof. P. Jotimuttu is Head of the Department of Indian Languages, American College, Madurai. Mr. S. J. Gunasegaram is Retired Education Officer, Kopay, Ceylon. Doctor R. P. Sethupillai XAVIER S. THANI NAYAGAM The passing of Dr. R. P. Sethupillai on the Twenty- fifth of April, 1961, is an event which continues to be greatly mourned by all those acquainted wi^h Tamil and Tamil scholarship. The tributes which were paid to his memory by the press and the public of South . India, Ceylon and Malaya are evidence, if evidence were necessary, of the esteem in which he was held, and the high appreciation and recognition which his scholar¬ ship has won for him wherever Tamil people read Tamil or about Tamil. The tributes dOalt pointedly with his gifts as a speaker and writer, with his pioneer work for the Tamil Renaissance, his services as Lecturer at the Annamalai University, and later as Senior Lec¬ turer and Professor at the University of Madras. They dwelt on the generous endowments he made for the Sornammal Lectures at the Annamalai University and the University of Madras, and his philanthropy in bequeathing most of his estate to the maintenance of a maternity hospital in an area which sorely needed an institution of this kind. But, above all, the tributes dealt with Doctor R. P. Sethupillai as a man, his great kindness and urbanity, his sense of humour and his humility, and the love and altruism he brought to bear in his dealings with his friends, his students and the public. It was fortunate that the Academy of Tamil Culture at a tea-party and meeting presided over by the former Chief Justice of the Madras High Court, Mr. P. V. Raja- mannar, ^'few days before Dr. Sethupillai’s demise, was able to' congratulate Dr. Sethupillai in absentia at his entering a period of retirement at the age of 65 after 218 TAMIL CULTURE such a long period of service to Tamil-speaking people and to Universities with Tamil Departments all over the world. The speakers at the function paid tributes to his work for the Academy of Tamil Culture and the interest he took in the founding and development of the Academy and of its journal. It was but a day earlier that the Vice-Chancellor of the University of Madras had recalled in the Senate Hall at a Felicitation celebration attended by representatives of all sections of the city’s, population, his tribute to the retiring Professor of Tamil. As if in anticipation and with a presentiment of what was to come, a printed volume of tributes and learned papers was presented to Dr. Sethupillai from his friends, admirers, students, and the great men of the Tamil country. In his Foreword, with characteristic felicity of expression, included Dr. Mudaliyar the memo¬ rable phrases of what might be a funeral oration and the sculptural words of an epitaph: “ Dr, R. P. Sethupillai has been an ideal Univer¬ sity Professor and perhaps no one can speak of him with more intimate knowledge than n^yself. I have heard of him when he was in the Annamalai Uni¬ versity but ever since he came over to the Madras University it has been my pleasure and privilege to have had a more intimate touch with him aiid to admire the manner in which he conducted himself as Professor, and the decency and decorum which he showed at all times and on all occasions. Dr. R. P. Sethupillai is an unique example of high scholarship, extreme modesty, simplicity of behaviour and unostentatious charitable nature. Of him it may be truly said that his right hand did not know what his left hand gave. He is retiring from the University of Madras with full of honours and full of years. His memory will be long cherished and the University is proud that his name will adorn the roll of the recipients of honorary degrees of this University 1 See R. P. Sethupillai Silver Jubilee Commemoration Volume, 1981, Palaniappa Brothers. Madras, 1961. doctor r. p. sethupillai 219 No further tribute is needed for the memory of R. P. Sethupillai, the embodiment of Tamil Culture, and the embodiment of the cherished ideals of our people which he himself expounded so clearly and so often as the ideals of the poets of old. First Beginnings Dr. R. P. Sethupillai came of a line of Tamil lovers and Tamil Patrons. Vadamalayappan Pillai of the 16th century who was the ruler of the area around Tirunel- veli is a notable figure in his ancestry.^ Sethupillai was born at Rasavallipuram in the Tirunelveli District, South India, the last of a family of twelve children, eleven of whom died before he was born. The late Professor’s bequest to a maternity hospital becomes intelligible when aware of the high rate of infantile mortality of the time of which his own family was a victim. He was educated at St. Xavier’s High School, and later did his collegiate studies at the M.D.T. Hindu College, Tirunelveli and Pachayappa’s College, Madras. He so distinguished himself in Tamil that he was invited to be an Assistant Lecturer at Pachayappa’s. A young man with such speaking and debating abilities could not resist the lure of the law, and Sethupillai qualified for the Madras Bar to practise for a few years in his home district of Tirunelveli.® R. P. Sethupillai became a member also of the local municipality. He distinguished himself so well by his speeches that his political rivals finding his eloquence devastating persuaded the late Rajah Sir Annamalai Chettiar to invite Sethupillai to accept a lecturer’s post at the Annamalai University. This is one of the rare occasions when local rivalries contributed to Tamil % scholarship. At the Annamalai seat of Tamil learning 2 Ibtd., p, 20, Article by S. Maharajan. 3 Ibid., p. 42 ff, article by N. Sanjeevi. 220 TAMIL CULTURE where he went in 1930, began Sethupillai’s career of academic contribution. The Annamalai University with its residential facilities provided the opportunity for Sethupillai to come into familiar contact with scholars of other disciplines, and the new courses opened for Tamil iii that University gave his studies direction and purpose, and the occasion to inspire many a future teacher of Tanul with enthusiasm for poetic enjoyment. His Tamil oratory was a match for the English oratory of the then Vice-Chancellor, Right Hon. Srinivasa Sastri, and won for Tamil a new recognition among under¬ graduates who imtil then generally thought of English alone as a dignified medium for University audiences and addresses. From the Annamalai University, Sethupillai became Senior Lecturer of Tamil at the University of Madras in 1936. And when provisions were available for a Chair of Tamil, at the University of Madras, thanks to the endowment made in the name of the Rev. Lazarus, R. P. Sethupillai was chosen the first occupant of the Chair of Tamil named after the Rev. Lazarus himself. Dr. R. P. Sethupillai adorned that Chair for the last twenty-five years and retired from the University “ full of years and full of glory ”. At the University of Madras, Professor R. P. Sethu¬ pillai had occasion not only to do research work him¬ self, but also guided the research work of more than forty graduates preparing theses for the M.Litt., and Ph.D., degrees. Among those who did research work under him, were M. Andronov of Moscow University, John Marr of the School of Oriental and African Studies, London, Adilakshmi Anjaneyulu, now at the University of Leningrad, Dr. Shankar Raj Naidu, Professor of Hindi at the University of Madras. And the subjects of the theses covered a whole range of Dravidian Literatures and languages. The twenty-five years at the University DOCTOR R. P. SETHUPILLAI 221 of Madras was the period when he endeared hims^elf to the public of Tamil Nad and delighted millions with his eloquence and his mellifluous prose. Tamil for the Millions A University Professor engaged in Scholarship in a state in which the majority of people had had no opportunities to appreciate the characteristics and beauties of their literature must have mental conflicts as to whether he should bury himself in research or carry the fruits of his learning to the people. Professor R. P. Sethupillai chose a middle way when faced with this dilemma and carried the University ivory tower to the public hall and the forum, and through his speeches and writings was the most important pioneer of the Renaissance which took the Tamil classics, from a coterie of exclusive scholars and delivered them in the hands of the common people. It is said that Sethupillai while a student at Tirunelveli in 1912 acted as a volunteer for a Saiva Siddhanta Conference and there heard Marai- malai Adigal make an address in Tamil. The boy was so impressed by the discourse that he resolved to make a special study of Tamil Language and Literature."* Sethupillai became a disciple of Sivagnana Desigar of Tirunelveli, and it was under him that he acquired his first orientations in Tamil Studies.® The works of R. P. Sethupillai are popular in the sense they are widely appreciated by the people, but they are not popular in the sense that they are superficial or lack profundity. R.P.S. carried his scholarship lightly and had none of the pedantry which charac¬ terised certain Tamil scholars. Any one who peruses “ Efir( 5 Lb CflU 0 Lb ” or “ <§ 1^611 f jBiuih or Words and their significance will realise how much * Marai Tirunavukkarasu, Maraimalai Adigal Varalaru p. 162. Saiva Siddhanta Publishing Works, Madras, 1959. 5R. P. S. Commemoration Volume, op. cit., p. 18. 222 TAMIL CULTURE of labour and research and thought has entered into these works. To be successful as a populariser chiefly in the domain of literature, and to maintain that popularity over a period of about fifty years, one should have learn¬ ing and profundity, and these R. P. S. possessed. Occa¬ sionally, his use of alliteration and rhyme might have sacrificed rigid accuracy and precision, but these instances are not of great moment in his works. Behind the easy, popular and dramatic style of narrative which R. P. S. developed, is the precise and thorough know¬ ledge of the Tamil classics which comes by constant enjoyment of favourite authors and favourite pieces of literature. And with sure taste .R. P. S. singled out the finest lines of Tamil poetry and introduced them to his readers so that they might become part of their heritage. Readers “ experiencing ” these quotable lines natimally go to the originals to experience them in a fuller context. Sethupillai realised as few Tamil scholars at that period had realised that the purpose of poetry is not to be didactic, not to teach morals, biography or religion, but primarily to provide poetic enjoyment. Sethupillai had a phenomenal literary memory. The mellifluous lines of the Silappatikdram, and the Kamha Ramayanam as well as the devotional language of the Periapurdnam and the Alwars and Nayanmars became by constant enjoyment and* constant repetition a part of his own language and style. The rhymes and alliterations of his prose are reminescent of his favourite piece;^ of poetry or are haunting epithets and phrases from the classical works. The prose of his other senior contemporaries like Maraimalai Adigal and Thiru Vi. Ka. is reminiscent of the style of the old commentators, but not the style of R. P. S. His sentences are never involved or complex, * but flow with a staccato rhythm. Where another writer might build up a great complex structure R. P. S. breaks' his thought into several even statements : DOCTOR R. P. SETHUPILLAI 228 c9f(r«(SB66r iLiruj^sn^ xStf&iuir^ tuiriu^ 8_6ror6o>Lo^ ^/56o>^ 6TsarQp€i^6aafi ldiuibjS ^(tfifiirerr ; 6D)6B«2bfr O/Bfi^^frerr, dsa^Bssor (Siotr^'^dr, QjS(r^ui5IA 6fl(tp^^ LDeojQuir^ euiriq.^ «r0«abrL_ir6fr; «5rn5i^(g)6tr; /B®n^’piLfLb e_6OT iflsmjDU^Lh jg«@6WT(f ersusmfTiLjLb <55fr6ror 60 )ujii2) LD6ro/Dj6^ LSIsoreorjr, «^6D)^ ^ip/S^frefr; ^/56ro^i—jB ^Tcfr; ^%06ug)fLb ^^soi^iLiih ^esrcg)^ ^6roL-jB^ U6 Q>L. ^(i^LDaSsrr ^eorClu/r® GjbitA^ ^eroa^uSJgy tSeafiju 0«^rr/D*OT/r6u, “ TaJsorojrCSiD! 8_e5rQ6ar^(5(r <^/d©i (ipsoT €ijj3^6U€6r e_65r ^;b®»^ ^djGosar ; ^lij^errerr ^friaOjd)eoirih LDiremiuuSId) l 5)<£ 6U6ua)a/(f j €U{rirffi«/^ ” , S. R, Subramaniapillai, Tirunelveli, 1957, p. 91 f. 224 TAMIL CULTURE Rama as portrayed in Kamban. Episodes from the Manimekalai and the Periapurdnam followed in “ iBfitl® ;BQJ(x>6OTf?«6ir **. Having presented his understand¬ ing and his enjoyment of what should be the classics shared by people whatever their religious affiliation might be, R. P.S, with a catholicity of outlook, spoke and wrote on the literary works of different religious groups within the Tamil Country so that all Tamils might become aware of the literary heritage they should share in common. He had already expounded for the benefit of the Tamil Country, the Kamba Ramayanam which was believed to be a Vaishnava work and there¬ fore not meriting the attention of a Saivaite like Sethu- pillai.’' He wrote a magnificent study and book on the Italian Catholic priest Beschi, and his work Tiruk- kdvalur Kalambagam and thereby introduced Beschi to those not of his faith. Another book appeared on the «; 5 ^M(r/r 6 OTrLb entitled “ (SojeSear Oew/D/jS) ” Once again he wrote of the contribution made by Christians, both foreigners and Tamils, and included such names as Rhenius, Vedanayagam Pillai, Krishna Pillai and Vetha- nayagam Sastri. The bakthi poetry of the Alwars and Nayanmars he cited in his essays dealing with the places and tem¬ ples associated with them. Throughout his many books but especially in «t_rDHijru3(06o Q^QfisainiLiLhy 0^L£6D)LCiL|Lb« ueayjfieojwiLfihf uetar uir(BLh eSIsrriiiaSs OBirameurru). His character is written all over his works. His choice of words and epithets were always delicate and never coarse. The language of the bakthi literature in Tamil is another factor to be counted in the study of his style. Certain words not usually common with modern writers occur over and over in Sethupillai, and these are an index to his urbanity and gentlemanliness. He reintroduced and made current in speech and writing a great many words which previous centuries had for¬ gotten, and these words occur with a morning freshness in the pages of R. P.S. He treated religious themes of other religionists with greater respect and religious sensitivity than their own critics writing on their own religious themes. In his Anthology of Tamil Poetry, with a great universality of taste and outlook, he included representative poetry from every section of Tamil poetry, from every period, and from poets belong¬ ing to different religions. The same outlook is clear also from the personages like Marco Polo, Umaru Pulavar and Caldwell, who are featured in his Apostrophes to the ocean. In his narrative style, R. P. S. was influenced by the Tamil epics. The writer has often pointed to the fol¬ lowing passage as characteristic of one aspect of Sethu- pillafls style. “«L_66)d) QjsCBjS^fJ'irLh isdirijarrm^i «s50(5LDiu QttJSWTOTofi ^ihjSA sAwrcDof^ G)u0«.fi(g)fi5r. (Spir^^jix^^ dsuuA aueSIA aud) (tpfpA S(ifiLb S}u).cipifiiia(ipLb auud) (tfiyiasQpu) sarj^^« Q&tr(B^ L_«2bnriqii), u/riuLo{rfEj«&»riL|ijb upiffAQ0 uiTtuunirLb L6I^;6^9«/r63aTir}.0««««swjri_/r6ar. ^st^soof ^^^6Tf)uU6U0)/a0<^ ^(l^LbLjLb Q^UULDfTLb 67 ear@iLb uyiQLDTffidSeoffniis urrtuLDcr^eaipu upf^ u(S^^dQ««(y)Lb ^t^CSiuireoiSFiLiLb Oufr(Lp^ ^rr^eusar ^eor^ ^urriu jS&vemiu £—0^(OT)6iar. ajDL/p6SlL^iDrr£lij ^eor iu 08sar^^!r6or, ‘^(Stutrl utglutiuI jsfreor &^u5ISirfru).(^p^ih e_6ar«0^ ^earuGo) Qa^iuG^eor. ^pp^th e_6ar«0^ ^sotuGld O^iuajuCSufrSCSpsor, u/reSUajsir qpuu(BibQu!r(^^ e_6dr6af?L-ti> ^0 Oep/reu gVLD Q^ird)soTLD€o supQpQetn’ j Slsofl e_65r3sar ereor aet^ iserrfrGeu «fr6WTGLjG(g)? e_€dr «556ofl/5^ Q^frp&^str erear . ^^siiirjj)sar0^ ^LD QLDfT^uSleU QlD/T/^QuUJ jr^^60)LD^^